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2017, Latin American Perspectives
While Guatemala has commonly been referred to as a “postconflict” setting since the end of the armed conflict of 1960–1996, Guatemalans today experience a new violence that has been described as a symptom of the changes brought about by neoliberal reforms. Q’eqchi’ Mayas’ reports of violent evictions, murders, rapes, and threats of violence point to fissures in the government’s “postconflict” discourse. The state’s counterinsurgency violence has been transformed into a kind of state-supported violence in which government institutions act at the behest of agribusinesses and mining companies to evict Q’eqchi’ from their traditional territories. The resolution of land ownership disputes between communities, the state, and corporations is central to Q’eqchi’ political imaginaries.Guatemala suele ser catalogada como una sociedad de posconflicto desde el cese del conflicto armado de 1960-1996, pero actualmente los guatemaltecos sufren un nuevo tipo de violencia que ha sido descrita como u...
2016
My study explores how indigenous Q'eqchi' Mayas in Guatemala draw political cohesion from their cultural relationship to their ancestral territories when responding to violent dispossession by extractive mining corporations and mono-crop agriculture. Drawing upon participant observation and 39 interviews conducted in the municipalities of Panzós and El Estor in 2013 and 2014, my research considers Q'eqchi's' defense of territory (defensa del territorio) as a salient, culturally specific collective action that draws continuity from centuries of conflicts over control of land and natural resources in Guatemala. Throughout Spanish colonization, independence, entry into the world capitalist market, and 20 th century political upheavals, conflicts over land have featured consistently. In more recent history, the 36-year internal armed conflict (1960-1996) was a focal point of Q'eqchi' research contributors' testimony on their longstanding and interminable suffering for their lands. As a result of favorable conditions for international investors since the signing of the 1996 Peace Accords, the Guatemalan government has opened up the country, and indigenous lands in particular, to large-scale investment and development. Based on my findings, and building on Liza Grandia's (2012) framing of three "conquests" of Q'eqchi' lands, my study offers the term "fourth conquest" (Knowlton, 2016), a conquest by corporation, to explain the unique conjuncture of forces Q'eqchi's face today when defending their lands. Their current tactical focus on land titling and juridical certainty is a response to the renewed invasion of extractive corporations into their ancestral territories. Through applying informal and social movement learning theories, this study considers Q'eqchi's' political encounters in defense of land as moments of learning which shape them as political actors and subjects. For Q'eqchi's, land represents the confluence of cultural and iii spiritual bonds, material sustenance, and struggles to end political marginalization. A study of the labors involved in defense of territory provides valuable insights into the culturally specific learning processes that both structure and result from myriad political interventions into community, municipal, national, and international politics. Q'eqchi's are strategically forming short and long-term alliances, and adopting identity claims based on indigenous rights, human rights, Guatemalan citizenship, and their cultural ties to their ancestral territory. Chapter 1-Introduction In 2009, as a Master's student in International Education in Washington, DC, I began an internship at the Indian Law Resource Center (ILRC), a non-governmental organization (NGO) offering "legal assistance to Indian and Alaska Native nations who are working to protect their lands, resources, human rights, environment and cultural heritage" (Indian Law Resource Center, 2010). Through ILRC, I spent six weeks in 2009 in El Estor, Guatemala as a volunteer at the local NGO El Estor Association for Integral Development (Asociación Estoreña para el Desarrollo Integral, or AEPDI in Spanish). I accompanied AEPDI to community forums, training events, and other public meetings in the surrounding areas. As part of advocating for government transparency, AEPDI organizes meetings with local elected officials so communities can formulate requests for infrastructure, follow up on promises made on previous projects, and generally establish a face-to-face relationship (AEPDI, n.d.). In addition to state-organized judicial processes, AEPDI also supports traditional Q'eqchi' Mayas' practices for conflict resolution and mediation, as well as traditional decision-making processes (AEPDI, n.d.). During my six weeks in El Estor, the NGO professionals and community members I met introduced me to the Q'eqchi' culture, and to their daily concerns about regaining or maintaining control of their ancestral territories 1. 1 The Q'eqchi' people trace their ancestral roots to the highlands of Cobán, Alta Verapaz. Before Spanish colonization, Q'eqchi's mainly inhabited the present-day departments of Alta Verapaz and Baja Verapaz, in what Liza Grandia (2012) describes as "a strategic zone between the northern lowland forests, the Atlantic Ocean, and the densely populated western Guatemalan highlands" (p. 30). Q'eqchi's first inhabited the lowlands near the Polochic River during the Preclassic Era (Kahn, 2006, p. 35). 12 According to Guatemalan historian Arturo Taracena (2011), Garífunas, who live on the Caribbean coast across Central America, spanning Guatemala, Honduras, Belize, and Nicaragua, have become "invisible in the conceptualization of Guatemala's ethnic reality" (p. 98) due to the dominant binary conception of identity. Garífunas have roots in Africa and the Caribbean island of St. Vincent, and they maintain their own language and customs. The Garífuna population in Guatemala is concentrated in the municipality of Lívingston, Izabal, where they made up 10% of the population as of 2004 (Kahn, 2006, p. 19).
Critique of Anthropology, 2011
This article analyzes the efforts of organized indigenous peoples to exercise their own forms of law and justice within the context of social violence and impunity that characterizes postwar Guatemala. Through an ethnographic exploration of alternative justice practices in the region of Santa Cruz del Quiché, it aims to contribute to discussions around the 'anthropology of the state'. Specifically, the article describes some of the different phenomena or social forces that compete to exercise sovereignty in the region and reflects on what these reveal about the nature of the contemporary state in Guatemala.
R e s u m e n Abstracto: Con enfoque en El Baile de los Monos, el baile-drama más popular y duradero que se realiza en el pueblo de Momostenango en los Altos Occidentales Mayas de Guatemala, examinamos como la violencia epidémica que ha matado al líder espiritual del baile se ha combinado con la inseguridad econó mica que ahuyenta a la juventud Momosteca, quienes salen en bú squeda de un futuro econó mico, para amenazar el papel del baile como asilo cultural para los bailarines y para la comunidad. La amenaza hacia el Baile de los Monos es, en si, emblemático de la amenaza neoliberal a la cultura Maya en Guatemala; mas sin embargo la resistencia de los bailarines y su respaldo continuo en el sistema religioso tradicional entre tantas inseguridades enfrentadas paradó jicamente brinda una esperanza perdurable. Esta continuidad indica la flexibilidad y plasticidad de la cosmovisió n tradicional Maya. Pero también revela los efectos desnivelados del neoliberalismo en los Altos de Guatemala PALABRAS CLAVES: Guatemala, Violencia, Religió n, Cambio Econó mico Since the signing of the Peace Accords in 1996, ending the 30-year civil war, Guatemala has fully embraced a neoliberal economic agenda and undergone a period of economic and physical insecurity that many believe has been as traumatic as the war itself. According to the predictions of the general critique of neoliberalism, these developments are a natural outcome of the neoliberal plan, bent on the destruction of bases for collective action that could resist the individualistic ideology and elite-class oriented goals of neoliberal regimes. Focusing on theMonkeys' Dance, the most popular and enduring dance-drama performed in the town of Momostenango in the Maya dominated Western Highlands of Guatemala, this article examines how epidemic violence, which claimed the life of the dance's spiritual leader, has combined with an economic insecurity that has the youth of the town fleeing Momostenango in search of an economic future, which threatens the role of the dance as a cultural redoubt for the dancers and the community. The threat to the continuation of the Monkeys' Dance is itself emblematic of the threat to all Maya culture in neoliberal Guatemala, yet the dancers' perseverance and reliance upon their traditional religious system amidst the many insecurities they face paradoxically offers evidence of a continuing hope. This continuity points not only to the enduring flexibility and resilience of traditional Maya belief systems, but also to the uneven effects of neoliberalism in Highland Guatemala.
2009
With the signing of the Peace Accords in 1996 Guatemala's credentials of democratic governance were re-established, but as media reports and the international community have observed the killing and crimes of the civil war have continued. With thought of the apparent contradictions of continued violence in a time of peace, this article aims to characterise and identify the causes of this violence. The article proposes that whilst carrying some validity, current academic, media and political explanations largely fail to capture the extent and signifi cance of the violence in Guatemala because of their general tendency to disarticulate certain forms of violence from each other and their failure to collectively place these acts of violence in a wider socio-political context that stretches beyond Guatemala and between historical periods of peace and war. In underlining the importance of an interpretative approach to violence strong identifi cation is made in this article with anthropological ideas of a 'poetics of violence'. It is argued that study of the 'poetics' of violence -that is, its generative character -unravels existing statistics and highlights that its origins and solutions are to be found beyond the largely static limitations of dominant combative policies. Ultimately, explanations for the persisting violence in Guatemala do not lie with the presence of gangs and organised crime, or a pathological 'culture of violence' marked by war and by poverty, but in its support and sanction by the continued systemic violence of elites and contradictions of international intervention.
In response to the highly exclusionary Guatemalan state and the genocide of Mayas during the 1980s, the paradigmatic currents of the Maya Movement have been engaging the state in their struggle for rights. Some have been negotiating from within the Guatemalan government by occupying bureaucratic positions within less powerful state ministries. Other Maya actors press for more favorable socioeconomic policies using social movement tactics. While most literature focuses on the above two currents as a dichotomy, I argue that a third current of Maya politics has the most political potential. One promising example emerged in the course of the land struggle of San Jorge La Laguna (1992-1999). A sector of rural Mayas (mostly poor farmers and teachers) began to look away from the state in their quest for empowerment. They became less concerned with rights granted from a distant state, and prioritized instead practices that reach towards community self-determination and ontological autonomy. This clearly represents a third current of Maya politics grounded in the social fabric of rural Maya communities and their values, social relations, and worldview. This current, which I call Tejido Social (social fabric), is also possibly present in other spaces in Guatemala and likely had existed in prior times but did not pronounce itself publicly until this period. I use Escobar’s theorization of postliberal, postcapitalist politics of relationality to analyze the significance of this third tendency of Maya politics. This study contributes to the theorization of emerging third current / Afro-indigenous movements in the Americas through an ethnographic approach which focuses on political interventions that are lived principles embedded in socio-political practice.
Photographs front and back cover: Community mayejak, 23 May 2008, Xalab'e All photographs copyright © Lieselotte Viaene Except photographs on pages 100-101: courtesy of Bernard Dumoulin Cover design and lay-out: Pieter Demeester, Puntanderelijn
The Struggle for Memory in Latin America, 2015
The political violence in Guatemala c. 1978-1990 obtained different interpretations which two, in our view, are the hegemonic: the theory of dual violence and the idea of genocide in the context of the internal armed conflict. While there are differences regarding the role of civilian casualties, are based on a narrative structure based on two armed groups, guerrillas and the army. This article seeks to denature these interpretations showing the historical process in which these were anchored, political and social actors who were behind these, and the silences these entail.
American Quarterly, 2017
This essay traces the changing forms of indigenous dispossession in Guatemala from colonial times to the present. We show that the stealing of Maya lands is not a historical episode linked to the Spanish invasion but a defining structure of Guatemala’s modern state. Our argument is twofold. First, various logics of colonization are at play. A historical approach illuminates a combination of settler colonial logics that erase indigenous presence and the colonial logic of racialization to control indigenous peoples. Second, the stealing of Maya territories is intrinsic to modern states. We connect colonial archives with contemporary neoliberal policies of extraction to reveal the continuation of colonial logics in Guatemala. Co-authored with Juan Castro
2011
This dissertation examines the production of rural struggle in Guatemala' indigenous eastern highlands, a place where after decades of silence, 36 years of civil war and two centuries of marginalization, the seemingly unthinkable--organized resistance and alternative proposals--became palpable. In the face of crisis, attempts to turn rural producers, into neoliberal subjects of credit resurrected the historical specter of dispossession and catalyzed an unlikely alliance to oppose unjust agrarian debt that transformed into a vibrant movement for defense of Maya-Ch'orti' territory. Yet, the contours of that alliance, its limits, and possibilities, its concrete splits and expansion are deeply linked to both place-based histories and memories of racialized dispossession, specific reworkings of 1990s discourses and practices of development and peace -making, and the concrete practice of starting from common sense . I sieve a total of 26 months of participant-action research t...
This paper explores the innovative rights-realizing strategies of the Historical Memory Initiative (HMI), a group of indigenous campesinos located in the northern Guatemalan department of El Quiche, as they struggle against the incursion of national and transnational mining, oil and hydroelectric projects on their land. The paper provides a detailed historical analysis of the Guatemalan laws and policies that have had an impact on indigenous organization and community structures. It focuses on a series of geopolitical re-territorialization strategies carried out by the Guatemalan government and military that caused the re-ordering and dislocation of indigenous people, clearing the land for the construction of large-scale neoliberal development projects. The paper examines the neoliberal multicultural discourse that peace-time governments mobilize in order to distract attention away from the final phases of these strategies and their present-day impact on largely indigenous communities. The paper argues that the complex and sophisticated mechanisms that HMI members use to expose the corruption and manipulation taking place at the local and national level undermines this multicultural discourse and is constitutive of an innovative political project. By emphasizing the importance of remembering the violence and dispossession that has led to their present situation, these community members are engaged in a (re)construction of their past and present. They want to ensure that this past continues to inform the socio-political and economic analyses of present-day decision-making processes regarding development and that indigenous people must play an active role.
Debates Indígenas, 2023
Narratives and actions against Indigenous Peoples are still present in this Central American country. The Guatemalan government uses assimilation policies, decreases the budget of human rights organizations, does not comply with prior consultation, and does not respect lands rights. At the same time, the state of siege is a recurrent method to repress social protests, the so-called "pact of the corrupt" gets more and more impunity, and racism consolidates in the form of economic inequity and political marginalization. By Silvel Elías for Debates Indígenas.
Latin American Perspectives, 2018
A decade after buying up large swaths of land in Guatemala's Polochic Valley, the Chabil Utzaj sugarcane plantation was forced to cease operations because of local resistance led by indigenous Q'eqchi' campesinos. Situating the conflict within broader trajectories of agrarian and political change brought about by globalization in Guatemala shows how campesino groups have had to navigate a neoliberal political arena that disciplines their discourses and practices and limits their achievements. Campesinos' success to date has rested on partially subverting neoliberal institutions and prescribed practices, thus making new territories coveted by capital ungovernable and therefore less desirable. While most of the lands previously under sugarcane cultivation are currently occupied by organized campesino groups, their control of those lands is very precarious without property titles. The conflict is not yet over, and its long-term impact on livelihoods and trajectories of agrarian change remains uncertain.
Decolonizing Politics and Theories from the Abya Yala , 2022
In this chapter, I have shown how the imposition of a megaproject in Guatemala exacerbated historical conflicts in a given territory and reinforced the structural violence against people or social collective. However, structural violence is an analytical category that falls short of identifying the causes of the unequal opportunities of life and power. In the specific case developed in this paper, I start from the premise that structural violence cannot be understood from a modern academic and political point of view because it leaves aside domination as the primordial form of violence. While it is true that over time some authors have included oppression as a concept to identify and understand the dynamics of structural violence, it cannot explain how this type of violent dynamics can be sustained in time and space. On the other hand, domination as a concept does allow for this by connecting narratives with practices that, by endowing them with meaning, make the connection between rationality and practice evident. In the Guatemalan case, the Guatemalan State’s racist and developmental rationalities, and the systematic exclusion of the Maya Q’anjob’al people in decision-making processes and its unequal chances of life. Therefore, structural and racist violence make invisible Maya political-community dynamics. The fact that all the state institutions involved – starting with the authorisation of the licence for the construction of the hydroelectric plant and the Constitutional Court ruling recognising the violation of the right to consultation – have never considered Maya cosmogonies and rationalities in decision making and political participation was due to the lack of questioning against the Guatemalan oligarchy’s narrative, especially considering that it is the dominant foundational narrative in the country. Therefore, it was the one that sustained the symbolic and judicial criminalisation of the Maya Q’anjob’al people by demanding the right to be part of the decision-making process and to decide on their historical future. However, I recognise the historical structural violence against the Maya Q’anjob’al people, since the Spanish invasion and the continuous dispossession of their territory by the oligarchy, has resulted in the Q’anjob’al limitation of life opportunities and constriction of their needs and rights. As mentioned above, this has been possible because the Guatemalan oligarchy for 200 years has maintained control of the state institutions that are a legacy of the colony (Acemoglu and Robinson 2012). This has been achieved through a racist foundational narrative that has allowed it to monopolise resources and subjugate Maya peoples by arguing a biological difference between Criollos and Maya through the crystallisation of racist ideas in the social imaginary. This has resulted in structural violence being normalised and the processes of dispossession being considered part of state policy. The aforementioned brings me to the last point of this paper, domination as the nodal point of state action and the promotion of violent acts through direct or structural means against the Maya Q’anjob’al people. This last point is evidenced in the criminalisation process in its two branches: the racist narrative that reduced community resistance to criminal action, which made the Q’anjob’al Maya rationality invisible throughout the process of symbolic and judicial criminalisation. Besides, the normalisation within the judicial process of the criminalisation processes for opposing the imposition of the hydroelectric plant. As a result, there was never any discussion of the motivations for opposition or the systematic denial of the rights to self-determination and consultation. Nor was there any discussion of the effects on the communities of the states of alert and emergency decreed in Santa Cruz Barillas, which triggered structural violence against the Maya Q’anjob’al people. For these reasons, I affirm that, although structural violence as an analytical category allows for the identification of systematic violence against a people or a social group, if lacking domination and racism as guiding concepts, cannot explain how specific patterns of violence can be continuous in time and space. At the same time, it provides meaning to the subjective and objective actions that crystallise racism in state actions. Therefore, in order to have a comprehensive understanding of structural violence, it is imperative to understand the processes from the rationalities that motivate the imposition of ways of life that lacerate historical processes and reduce non-Western lifeworlds to criminal actions. Despite all the historical structural violence against the Q’anjob’al people, a historic triumph stopped the hydroelectric plant’s construction on their sacred Q’an B’alam River.
International Feminist Journal of Politics
Following the signing of Guatemala's 1996 Peace Accords, which brought an end to 36 years of conflict culminating in a genocide against Mayan communities, violences have persisted at alarming rates. Research has noted a high number of reports of violences against women and femicide, highlighting legal battles and challenges to address this issue. This article aims to make an empirical contribution, in that it explores the political economic dimensions of violences against women in predominantly Maya Q'eqchi' communities in Guatemala's development corridor, the Northern Transversal Strip region. Furthermore, the article emphasizes how women community leaders have linked violences against women in the contemporary context to the historical gendered violences of colonialism and armed conflict, as well the postwar extractivist development model and related ecological violences, particularly in relation to palm oil. Drawing on qualitative research and expanding on "continuum" theoretical approaches, the article concludes by suggesting that violences against women in postwar Guatemala can be understood as existing within an intersectional matrix, illustrating the dynamics of continuity and change. Violences against women are shaped by political, economic, historical, and social factors, which in turn shape how women organize to resist and address the violences against them in the Northern Transversal Strip region.
Antípoda. Revista de Antropología y Arqueología, 2020
Abstract: James C. Scott’s (1976) classic work on the Chayanovian logics of peasant economy argued that less important than the amount taken was how little might be left. A similar awareness about the paucity of the “leftovers” (li xeel, in Q’eqchi’ Mayan) has inspired a peasant federation in northern Guatemala to embrace its indigenous identity through scores of village declarations of autonomy. Albeit born from a class-based organizing repertoire, the new political trajectory of this Q’eqchi’ organization still reflects Via Campesina’s broader conceptual umbrella of peasant rights, good living, indigenous spirituality, gender equity, agroecology, and the ancient right to save seed. Drawing from a participatory mapping project, fieldnotes, letters, proposals, social media, texts, and other elusive “grey literature” from seventeen years of allied camaraderie, I describe how they are resuscitating and adapting an oppressive political structure from 16th-century colonial rule into a creative political mechanism to defend their territory from 21st-century neoliberal land grabs. Keywords: Agrarian Studies, Guatemala indigenous communities, indigenous identity, peasant, Petén. Retorno al futuro: las comunidades indígenas autónomas de Petén, Guatemala Resumen: la obra clásica de James C. Scott (1976), sobre la lógica chayanoviana de la economía campesina, argumenta que menos importante que la cantidad tomada es cuán poco puede sobrar. Una consciencia similar sobre la escasez de las “sobras” (li xeel, en maya q’eqchi’) ha inspirado a una federación campesina del norte de Guatemala a celebrar su identidad indígena, mediante decenas de declaraciones de autonomía. Si bien nació de un repertorio de organización basado en la clase, la nueva trayectoria política de esta organización q’eqchi’ aún refleja el amplio marco conceptual de Vía Campesina, que incluye derechos campesinos, buenas condiciones de vida, espiritualidad indígena, igualdad de género, agroecología y el antiguo derecho a almacenar semillas. Partiendo de un proyecto de mapeo participativo, notas de campo, cartas, propuestas, redes sociales, textos y la evasiva “literatura gris” de 17 años de alianza y camaradería, describo cómo están resucitando y adaptando una estructura política opresiva del dominio colonial del siglo XVI, para convertirla en un mecanismo político creativo que busca defender su territorio de la apropiación neoliberal de tierras del siglo XXI. Palabras clave: campesino/a, comunidades indígenas de Guatemala, estudios agrarios, identidad indígena, Petén. De volta para o futuro: as comunidades indígenas autônomas de Petén, Guatemala Resumo: a obra clássica de James C. Scott (1976), sobre a lógica chayanoviana da economia camponesa, argumenta que menos importante do que a quantidade tomada é quando pouco pode sobrar. Uma consciência similar sobre a escassez das “sobras” (li xeel, em maia q’eqchi’) tem inspirado a uma federação camponesa do norte da Guatemala a celebrar sua identidade indígena, mediante dezenas de declarações de autonomia. Embora tenha nascido de um repertório de organização baseado na classe, a nova trajetória política dessa organização q’eqchi’ ainda reflete o amplo referencial conceitual de Via Camponesa, que inclui direitos camponeses, boas condições de vida, espiritualidade indígena, igualdade de gênero, agroecologia e o antigo direito de armazenar sementes. A partir de um projeto de mapeamento participativo, notas de campo, cartas, propostas, redes sociais, textos e a evasiva “literatura cinza” de 17 anos de parceria e camaradagem, descrevo como estão ressuscitando e adaptando a estrutura política opressiva do domínio colonial do século XVI, para convertê-la em um mecanismo político criativo que busca defender seu território da apropriação neoliberal de terras do século XXI. Palavras-chave: camponês/a, comunidades indígenas da Guatemala, estudos agrários, identidade indígena, Petén.
20 years after the signing of the peace accords that ended one of Latin America‘s longest conflicts, security and material conditions in Guatemala have failed to substantially improve amongst the country‘s indigenous population. One worrying trend to emerge in this post-war period is the lynching of suspected criminals at the hands of large groups of people, concentrated within these traditional indigenous homelands. Due to the multidimensional nature of these expressions of community violence, they have attracted a wide array of responses from international actors, the Guatemalan state, and media sources. This dissertation will interrogate the narratives employed by these actors in relation to such lynchings using the available Spanish-language sources and identify key points of conflict with the lived reality and competing proposals of the impoverished, marginalised, and indigenous Guatemalans who are most vulnerable to this phenomenon. The conclusions reached by this analysis suggest that the attempts that have been made to curb this practice have not adequately addressed the concerns that underscore collective violence, and may be a contributing factor to the perpetuation of this mode of private justice. These conclusions have ramifications on the future of public policy in Guatemala, and in post-conflict societies worldwide.
2014
Professor Sherry B. Ortner, Chair This monograph documents the rise and fall of a vigilante justice movement in order to understand the conditions that enable and hinder collective action in postwar Guatemala. Collective efforts to create a more equitable Guatemala were brutally repressed during its 36 year-long civil war (1960-1996). In the aftermath of this genocidal conflict, most Guatemalans seek better futures through individual projects such as education and migration. Security represents one domain where efforts at collective organizing remain strong. Guatemala City boasts one of the highest homicide rates in the region and less than 5% of crimes are prosecuted. Communities throughout the country have responded to this security crisis by organizing extralegal security patrols. These organizations resemble the civil patrols that Maya men were forced to join during the civil war. Adult men take turns patrolling the streets, apprehending wrongdoers, holding court and meting out punishment. Unlike their wartime incarnation, control is now entirely in local hands and "gangsters" have replaced "communists" as the targets of iii disciplinary action. This study is based on a total of two years of participant observation and interviewing in Todos Santos Cuchumatán, a predominantly Mam-Maya community in rural Huehuetenango. While the influence of wartime paramilitarism is profoundly felt, I argue that efforts to make and contest security involve the creative recombination of a wide range of discourses, including human rights, capitalist commonsense, zero-tolerance policing, Marxism, and Maya conceptions of personhood. Delineating and historicizing these multiple strands is essential for understanding the proliferation of violence in postwar Guatemala. Chapter one looks at what makes lynching possible. Chapter two explores vigilante leaders' justifications for their actions. Chapter three recounts the experiences of accused gangsters. Chapter four uses the exile of one "gangster" to explore how exclusion creates community. Chapter five focuses on debates over the legality of alcohol to understand the ambiguous legal position of the rights of indigenous people. While Guatemala represents an extreme case, many of the trends on display here, including the privatization of security, the economic obsolescence of young men, the forging of communal identities through violent exclusions, and moral panics about mind-altering substances, reverberate elsewhere. iv The dissertation of Ellen Jane Sharp is approved.
An ethnographic account of the putative shift away from state-sponsored violence and the emergence of new patterns of violence in postwar Guatemala challenges liberal political and moral models that narrowly interpret violence in terms of individual suffering and/or culpability. Such models converge with a resurgence of right-wing political activity. The origins and outcomes of violence are more usefully and accurately conceived in terms of structural and societal conditions. Guatemala’s new violence (e.g., crime, gang activity, and vigilantism) is not the chaos of media accounts but a manifestation of enduring legacies of state violence and the social and economic insecurities brought on by structural adjustment policies.
Journal of Latin American Anthropology, 2010
Abstracto: Con enfoque en El Baile de los Monos, el baile-drama más popular y duradero que se realiza en el pueblo de Momostenango en los Altos Occidentales Mayas de Guatemala, examinamos como la violencia epidémica que ha matado al líder espiritual del baile se ha combinado con la inseguridad económica que ahuyenta a la juventud Momosteca, quienes salen en búsqueda de un futuro económico, para amenazar el papel del baile como asilo cultural para los bailarines y para la comunidad. La amenaza hacia el Baile de los Monos es, en si, emblemático de la amenaza neoliberal a la cultura Maya en Guatemala; mas sin embargo la resistencia de los bailarines y su respaldo continuo en el sistema religioso tradicional entre tantas inseguridades enfrentadas paradójicamente brinda una esperanza perdurable. Esta continuidad indica la flexibilidad y plasticidad de la cosmovisión tradicional Maya. Pero también revela los efectos desnivelados del neoliberalismo en los Altos de GuatemalaSince the signing of the Peace Accords in 1996, ending the 30-year civil war, Guatemala has fully embraced a neoliberal economic agenda and undergone a period of economic and physical insecurity that many believe has been as traumatic as the war itself. According to the predictions of the general critique of neoliberalism, these developments are a natural outcome of the neoliberal plan, bent on the destruction of bases for collective action that could resist the individualistic ideology and elite-class oriented goals of neoliberal regimes. Focusing on theMonkeys' Dance, the most popular and enduring dance-drama performed in the town of Momostenango in the Maya dominated Western Highlands of Guatemala, this article examines how epidemic violence, which claimed the life of the dance's spiritual leader, has combined with an economic insecurity that has the youth of the town fleeing Momostenango in search of an economic future, which threatens the role of the dance as a cultural redoubt for the dancers and the community. The threat to the continuation of the Monkeys' Dance is itself emblematic of the threat to all Maya culture in neoliberal Guatemala, yet the dancers' perseverance and reliance upon their traditional religious system amidst the many insecurities they face paradoxically offers evidence of a continuing hope. This continuity points not only to the enduring flexibility and resilience of traditional Maya belief systems, but also to the uneven effects of neoliberalism in Highland Guatemala.
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