Academia.edu no longer supports Internet Explorer.
To browse Academia.edu and the wider internet faster and more securely, please take a few seconds to upgrade your browser.
2013
The paper aims to answer the question why object–verb agreement is blocked in Hungarian, Tundra Nenets, Selkup, and Nganasan if the object is a first or second person pronoun. Based on Dalrymple & Nikolaeva (2011), it is argued that object–verb agreement serves (or served historically) to mark the secondary topic status of the object. The gaps in object-verb agreement can be derived from the Inverse Agreement Constraint, a formal, semantically unmotivated constraint observed by Comrie (1980) in Chukchee, Koryak and Kamchadal, forbidding object-verb agreement if the object is more ʻanimate’ than the subject: The paper claims that the Inverse Agreement Constraint is a constraint on information structure. What it requires is that a secondary topic be less topical than the primary topic. An object more topical than the primary topic can only figure as a focus. A version of the constraint can also explain why Hungarian first and second person objects have no accusative suffix, and why ac...
Acta Linguistica Hafniensia, 2012
The paper argues against the widespread view that assumes a direct correlation between object-verb agreement and object pro-drop in Hungarian. Whereas object-verb agreement has been present in Hungarian since the first written sources, and can be traced back to Proto-Ugric and even Proto-Uralic, object pro-drop will be shown to be a sporadic phenomenon in Old Hungarian, spreading in Middle Hungarian, and becoming general only in the 20th century. Recent results concerning the evolution of object-verb agreement also argue against its direct relation to object pro-drop. Object-agreement morphemes evolved from topic-doubling pronouns, and originally they encoded the topicality of the object in an SOV sentence. The present function of object-verb agreement is due to iterated exaptation. When the evolution of topic movement rendered its topic-marking role redundant, it was reanalyzed as a marker of the definiteness of the object, and when the evolution of a system of articles rendered its definiteness-marking role redundant, it assumed the function of licensing object pro-drop.
2012
The paper argues against the widespread view that assumes a direct correlation between object-verb agreement and object pro-drop in Hungarian. Whereas object-verb agreement has been present in Hungarian since the first written sources, and can be traced back to Proto-Ugric and even Proto-Uralic, object pro-drop will be shown to be a sporadic phenomenon in Old Hungarian, spreading in Middle Hungarian, and becoming general only in the twentieth century. Recent results concerning the evolution of objectverb agreement also argue against its direct relation to object prodrop. Object-agreement morphemes evolved from topic-doubling pronouns, and originally they encoded the topicality of the object in an SOV sentence. The present function of object-verb agreement is due to iterated exaptation. When the evolution of topic movement rendered its topic-marking role redundant, it was reanalysed as a marker of the definiteness of the object, and when the evolution of a system of articles rendered its definiteness-marking role redundant, it assumed the function of licensing object pro-drop.
Proceedings of LFG2018, 2018
Direct object clitics in Modern Standard Romanian display different properties depending on whether or not they double an object. We propose a dual analysis for the clitics: they function as agreement makers when they double an object and as pronouns when they do not. Furthermore, the lexical entries differ beyond the presence or absence of pronominal referential features, and this accounts for the split behavior. The analysis is placed in its historical context and extended to other varieties of Romanian. Finally, we argue that the Romanian lexical split is not an isolated phenomenon: multiple similar splits can be found in the typology of agreement marking.
Approaches to Hungarian, 2020
The paper claims that the two types of object agreement in Hungarian, definiteness agreement and the special lak-agreement form used for the combination of first person singular subject and second person object arguments, are the result of different syntactic operations. The argumentation is based on the different distribution of the two agreement types. To diagnose the nature of the conditions for agreement we use infinitival embedded clauses, at times with multiple embedded constructions. Six different patterns are discussed showing sensitivity to locality. Definiteness agreement turns out to be more restricted than lak-agreement. While the condition for definiteness agreement is the availability of a position where accusative case can be checked, we claim that no such condition holds for lak-agreement.
Mandenkan, 2022
2014
In this paper we report on a corpus study of narrative texts from different languages, aimed at testing Givón’s (1976) topicalisation-origin account of the grammaticalisation of object agreement from free pronouns. In the narrative texts investigated here, we find an exceedingly low proportion of object topicalisation constructions, which suggests that the construction is an unlikely candidate for the origin of object agreement. Moreover, the usage of both bound and unbound object pronouns is independent of object topicalisation, though it is conditioned by animacy in some languages. We conclude that topicalisation and pronominalisation are two distinct operations, with distinct functions. We further suggest that the facts from discourse provide a partial explanation for the findings from language typology, which reveal that canonical object agreement is exceedingly rare in the languages of the world, with some form of conditioned agreement being the norm for objects.
IJAL, 2017
This paper discusses objecthood in Kakataibo (Panoan, Peru) by studying three different types of non-subject arguments in the language: objects of transitive predicates, quasi-objects, and oblique objects. Quasi-objects are similar to objects because of their lack of overt case marking, but they appear with intransitive predicates. Oblique objects also appear with some intransitive predicates but differ from objects and quasi-objects by carrying an indirect locative marker. Only objects of transitive predicates can control important object-based syntactic operations, such as object agreement and object switch-reference, but objects, quasi-objects, and oblique objects can be reflexivized and recipro-calized. Adjuncts in Kakataibo cannot undergo either reflexivization or reciprocalization, and they are always morphologically marked. It is argued here that the existence of three different non-subject arguments in Kakataibo produces a continuum-like effect in the distinction between objects and adjuncts, and it reveals that objecthood in the language needs to be understood as a gradient and variable category.
2014
Cross-linguistically, implicit purposive subjects are controlled to an overwhelmingly degree by the matrix subjects (Schmidtke-Bode 2009:56). In fact, little evidence has been found of constructions in which main and dependent events are not performed by the same entity, and no evidence about constructions in which the performer of the main event does not control the realization of the dependent one (Cristofaro 2003:157). Kokama (Amazon) provides a challenge to these generalizations and so constitutes a typological novelty. The language has three positive purpose constructions formed by attaching tara, mira, or tsen to the subordinated verb. In mira constructions, the matrix absolutive controls coreference with the omitted accusative in the purpose clause. In tara constructions, the matrix absolutive controls coreference with the omitted nominative in the purpose clause. In tsen constructions, coreference is free. Overall, tara/mira constructions are syntactically more integrated than tsen constructions. Discourse data shows that syntactic integration correlates with semanticpragmatic parameters: (i) temporal integration between events, (ii) successful outcome of the purposive event, and (iii) whether the omitted argument belongs to the discourse context. [KEYWORDS: Kokama, Amazonian languages, purpose clauses, information structure, subordination]
Linguistica Uralica, 2008
The conventional wisdom is that unmarked object existed in Proto-Uralic. Of the syntactic enviroments I would only exclude the occurrence of unmarked object next to "passive" verbs from those that may have been inherited from the proto-language. For the remaining six environments inheritance from the proto-language is at least a possible alternative, in some cases the only one. Thus the efforts to derive unmarked object from the reanalysis of some other syntactic function of the nominative form are unjustified. The synchronic coexistence of the syntactic structures found in the world's languages is the depositary of a historical relation in a diachronic-typological sense, which can be interpreted in terms of a schematogony. In these terms, the most recent syntactic structure is the nominative pattern with subject and object as the typical categories. Subject typifies the nominative pattern, but object is found already in triadic languages and is thus a prenominative category in itself. More clearly prenominative is its unmarked variant, whose origins go back to the proto-transitive and proto-active stages, where the category of object had not yet emerged. Consequently, unmarked object must be a prenominative inheritance in Uralic, one of those relics that make it possible to trace the prehistory of our languages in a diachronic-typological sense back into periods that are -justifiablyexcluded from the scope of traditional comparative and historical research.
1986
This paper concentrates on the relation between Serbo-Croatian lan guage data and the sort of evidence they can provide for the treatment of the syntactic functions Subject and Object in two linguistic theories in which assignment of syntactic functions is a prominent analytical device, viz. Functional Grammar (d. Dik 1978 etc.) and Relational Gram mar (d. Perlmutter 1981 etc.). Subject and Object are conceived of as defined not only on the basis of their formal properties (including de tenmilnatiilOn ofcon:gruence) , :but als.o on Vhe Ibalsiils OIf :vheJior semalil.tJic :prop eri1li.es , aIS Illot c<:mtniibutilI1g to the defilI1iit'iolll of rhe state .of a,ffarks de signated by the predication as such, but rather to the particular way in which the state of affairs is presented (d. Dik 1980: 13). The state of affairs as such is consequently not changed by a differential syntactic function assignment. Against the background of these preltiminaries, this paper tries to sho...
Studies in Language, 1999
Northern Ostyak (Uralic) has optional object agreement. This paper analyzes the grammatical behavior of objects that trigger agreement and objects that do not, and demonstrates that while the former participate in certain syntactic processes, the latter are syntactically inert. The asymmetry cannot be explained with reference to semantics or argument status, as both objects bear an identical argument relationship to the predicate. Following the functional approach to language, under which the clause has three independent representational levels (syntax, semantics, and information structure), I suggest that the two objects differ in their information structure status. The object that does not trigger agreement bears the focus function, and systematically corresponds to the focus position. It is further argued that virtually all grammatical relations in Ostyak demonstrate reduced syntactic activity when they are in focus. This leads to a search for an information structure-driven moti...
2015
We examine pronominal objects in Old Romanian and show that the fluctuation in their position (pre-/postverbal) and in their form (clitic/strong pronoun) is the result of the Directional Asymmetry Principle (DAP), a complexity-reducing principle proposed in Di Sciullo (2011), according to which language evolution is symmetry breaking. We show that DAP is sensitive to both derivational and representational complexity. Under its effects, on grounds of derivational complexity reduction, Romanian lost the discourse-driven verb movement that yielded enclisis. On grounds of representational (sensori-motor) complexity reduction, Romanian lost the use of strong pronouns in contexts that now only allow clitics. Thus, a fluctuating phase in the evolution of pronominal objects is followed by a phase where a preponderant use is attested (i.e. proclitics in Modern Romanian). We confirm previous findings on the diachronic development of the Romanian DP under the effects of DAP, showing the role of complexity reduction in language change.
Verbal agreement is normally in person, number and gender, but Hungarian verbs agree with their objects in definiteness instead: a Hungarian verb appears in the objective conjugation when it governs a definite object. The sensitivity of the objective conjugation suffixes to the definiteness of the object has been attributed to the supposition that they function as incorporated object pronouns (Szamosi 1974; den Dikken 2006), but we argue instead that they are agreement markers registering the object’s formal, not semantic, definiteness. Evidence comes from anaphoric binding, null anaphora (pro-drop), extraction islands, and the insensitivity of the objective conjugation to any of the factors known to condition the use of affixal and clitic pronominals. We propose that the objective conjugation is triggered by a formal definiteness feature and offer a grammar that determines, for a given complement of a verb, whether it triggers the objective conjugation on the verb. Although the objective conjugation suffixes are not pronominal, they are thought to derive historically from incorporated pronouns (Hajdú 1972), and we suggest that while referentiality and ϕ-features were largely lost, an association with topicality led to a formal condition of object definiteness. The result is an agreement marker that lacks ϕ-features.
Eesti ja soome-ugri keeleteaduse ajakiri. Journal of Estonian and Finno-Ugric Linguistics
The present contribution calls attention to a marginal but interesting phenomenon of variation in grammar, namely the employment of two different accusative markings for pronominal objects encountered (i) in dialect texts from the Komi varieties of Upper Vym’ and Luza, and (ii) in varieties of Kazym-Khanty, i.e. in two different branches of Uralic (Permic and Ugric). Based on contextual observations an explanation in terms of information structure is achieved: as will be argued, in both language varieties, additional accusative forms of pronominal object expressions signal their focality resp. non-focality. The study contributes to the theory of differential object marking by establishing focality as one of its parameters
Research in Bantu languages has revealed Topicality Hierarchies (TH) for NP arguments which follow certain parameters (person, function, animacy) and which determine relative likelihood that an NP will be available for various syntactic processes. In some Bantu languages, a verb complex may take more than one prefixed Object Marker (OM). Two Bantu languages where this is possible, Shambala and Haya, are investigated to see if the order of the OM's correlates in any way with TH's. It is found for both languages that NP's with "higher TH status" will govern OM' scloser to the verb stem than those lower in the hierarchies,. In cases where different TH's are in conflict, the languages differ: Shambala simply does not permit conflicting combinations, but Haya weighs the different factors to establish relative strength of TH combinations which will govern order. A Flexibility friend and teacher, introduced me to Bantu, found financial support for my work and helped me in analyzing the data, sharing with me many ideas and suggestions. I would also like to thank Benji Wald from UCLA for telling me a lot of things he knows about Bantu languages without worrying that I might write them down in my paper, and Alexander Kimenyi for telling me about the Kinya-Rwanda pronominal system (I wish also to acknowledge here that some of the ideas presented in this paper can be found in Kimenyi's dissertation).
2019
Focusing on parallels in Hungarian infinitival clauses with subjects in nominative and dative case, the paper argues for a scope-based account of infinitives with nominative subjects complementing earlier proposals in terms of either long-distance agreement or a movement approach to control. One aim of the present paper is comparing the predictions of these two approaches in light of this more extended set of data. The empirical facts also indicate that with a systematic distinction of relationships between heads and phrases the different interpretations of the constructions in question can be explained. The resulting account makes the Hungarian restructuring data more compatible with cross-linguistic accounts of restructuring.
International Conference on Modern Greek Dialects and Linguistic Theory 9, Leonidio, Tsakonia, Greece, 4-5 June 2021 : Abstracts, 2021
Loading Preview
Sorry, preview is currently unavailable. You can download the paper by clicking the button above.