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2019, Journal of Democracy
Across Europe, traditional parties of the left seem to be in terminal decline. In Western Europe, support for social-democratic and socialist parties sank to insignificance in the 2017 French and Dutch elections. In the 2018 German parliamentary elections, the once-mighty Social Democratic Party (SPD) received its lowest vote share since the end of the Weimar Republic, and in Scandinavia, long the redoubt of social democracy, center-left parties struggle to maintain 25 to 30 percent of the vote. The situation in Central and Eastern Europe is even grimmer. In Hungary, the Socialist Party (MSzP), initially one of the strongest posttransition parties, garnered only 12 percent of the vote in April 2018 elections for the National Assembly. In Poland, the social-democratic Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) is no longer represented in parliament, and in the Czech Republic just 7 percent of voters opted for the centerleft Social Democratic Party (CSSD) in 2017 parliamentary elections. The trend continued in May 2019 elections to the 751-member European Parliament, where the center-left Socialists and Democrats bloc lost 38 of the 191 seats that it had carried in 2014. Despite the Europe-wide nature of this trend, most explanations of the left's problems focus on idiosyncratic region-specific factors. For example, many analyses of diminishing support for leftist parties in Western Europe emphasize changing class and value structures. The decline of West European manufacturing during the late twentieth century
This study presents the apparent similarities and differences in the region through case studies and a comparison of social democratic parties in seven Central and Eastern European countries (Austria, the Czech Republic, Croatia, Hungary, Poland, Romania and Slovakia). Our study covers the leading social democratic party of each country under review. These parties define themselves as social democratic, and in the family of European political parties also align themselves with the social democrats. While in the specific case studies we will take a brief look at radical left, green and liberal rivals, these parties will not be in the focus of the study. In the first chapter we present the major trends characterizing the social democratic parties of Central and Eastern Europe. In addition to performance at the polls and government experience, we take a close look at their respective value systems, voters and political rivals. In the second half of the study, we present the achievements, declared values, electoral composition and political challengers of the major social democratic parties in the seven countries under review.
in Cronin J, Ross G. and Shoch J. (eds.), What’s Left of the Left, Democrats and Social Democrats in Challenging Times. Durham, N. C: Duke University Press, 2011, pp. 50-85.
Frontiers in Political Science
The ideological evolution of Western European social democratic parties has received considerable scholarly attention over the decades. The most widespread view concerns the alleged programmatic moderation and convergence with the mainstream right of this party family. However, recent empirical investigations based on electoral manifestos come to different conclusions, highlighting an increase over time in Western European social democratic parties' emphasis on traditional economic left goals, especially in recent years. Hence, this article analyses the evolution of the social democratic programmatic outlook with regard to traditional economic left issues. It does so by relying on Manifesto Project (MARPOR) data about such formations in 369 general elections across 20 Western European countries between 1944 and 2021, employing different indicators of economic left emphasis and time to ensure the robustness of the findings. The analysis shows how, at the aggregate level, social d...
This study explores in empirical terms whether there is anything in the recent reports of the death of social democracy. Bernhard Weßels analyses the electoral performance and voter profiles of social democratic parties in 12 European countries for the period 1990–2009. The result is – at least for adherents of the crisis scenario – surprising. There is no question of the end of social democracy. No structural crisis is discernible, either, since social democratic parties have been able to maintain their core identity and their status as national parties. The fact that, in Western Europe in particular, social democratic governments have been voted out is easily explicable in terms of the normal political cycle. However, the study should not be (mis)understood as sounding the all-clear. Elections are not won of their own accord. Social democracy in many European countries faces the task of re-establishing itself as a genuine alternative to the current governing parties. The study also emphasises the difficult voter structure faced by social democratic parties: no other party family is as poorly positioned among younger voters.
Social Democracy in the 21st Century (Comparative Social Research, Vol. 35), 2021
It is often said that we live in a time of crisis for social democracy. Many of the West European centre-left parties that seemed the natural parties of government in the second half of the twentieth century, are in decline. The most common long-term explanations centre on a shrinking working class, a widening gap between the party elite and their core voters, and the challenges from new populist parties and/or greens. Short-term policy factors include the failure to address the recent financial and refugee crises. None of these factors carry much explanatory weight for developments in Hungary, Poland, Slovakia and the Czech Republic in the three decades since the transition from communism. We find that much of the explanation for the rise and the fall of the five social democratic parties in these countries lies in the dynamics of party competition and party system change. All parties face dilemmas of policy, electoral appeal and coalition-building. The Central European cases suggest that it is how social democrats handle such challenges, and make difficult choices about strategy and tactics, that ultimately shapes their long-term fate. Centre-left parties are stronger masters of their fortunes than much of the literature on the decline of social democracy suggests. Consequently, seeking a common structural explanation for the rise and decline of social democratic parties might be a double fallacy: both empirically misleading and a poor base for policy advice.
2021
The decline of social democratic parties in Western Europe has received substantial academic attention, but there remains little consensus on how these parties might reverse their electoral fortunes. Drawing on a new study, Matt Polacko argues that in an age of rising inequality, social democrats stand to benefit from shifting to the left on the economy
transform! Yearbook 2022, Merlin Press (Walter Baier, Eric Canepa, Haris Golemis eds), 2022
2018
Only a handful of European states are currently governed by left-wing governments, and several of the traditionally largest left-wing parties, such as the Socialist Party in France, have experienced substantial drops in support. Jan Rovny argues that while many commentators have linked the left’s decline to the late-2000s financial crisis, the weakening of Europe’s left reflects deep structural and technological changes that have reshaped European society, leaving left-wing parties out in the cold.
Brave New Europe (Berlin, Germany), 2018
Europe is witnessing the disappearance of social democratic political parties (Spain being the only exception at the moment). Traditional conservative parties are heading inexorably in the same direction. Europe is going through radical changes with regard to parties. The question is if political policies will change or neo-liberalism will continue to prevail?
2015
Political science literature has extensively described social democracy’s ‘two metamorphoses’. First there was the establishment of social democratic parties as major government parties in the ‘Keynesian State’ period and then their ‘de-social-democratisation’ after the 1970s, while the renovation promoted by Tony Blair and Gerhard Schröder was associated with electoral success at the end of the 1990s. The propulsive power of this new social democratic identity was then rapidly exhausted. Until the last days before the 2014 European elections, opinion polls carried out in EU member countries allowed the social democrats to hope that they could pass the 200-seat threshold in the 751-seat European Parliament (EP) and make good the setback they had suffered five years earlier. Indeed, in 2009 only a quarter of the MEPs belonged to the EP’s S&D group, which was at an historically low level. We will first show that social democracy managed to stabilise its weight in the EP only while continuing to decline in percentage of votes. This result should be seen in the context of the historic trajectory of a political family of parties that we extensively studied in The Palgrave Handbook of Social Democracy.2We will next address the present state of this family of parties in the middle of capitalism’s structural crisis and the dilemmas it faces in the very peculiar regime of the European Union. The social democrats, because of their own history, have tied themselves up in a bundle of constraints — which are creating their present difficulties. For this reason, they will probably not be of much help in putting an end to the austerity that is devastating the European continent. This will be the last point covered by this article.
Cevipol Working Paper, 2021
In spite of the fact that a considerable number of words have been written on European Social Democracy, some angles have yet to be considered. One can witness conflicting interpretations on the current state of European Social Democracy. For some, the resilience of European socialism is a reality. For others, it is in obvious decline, and, if one follows the lifespan pointed out by Pedersen to its logical conclusion, the end is nigh. The purpose of this paper is to weigh up these differing views regarding the fate of European Social Democracy and to understand the electoral dynamics underpinning the movement over a period of 150 years. Based on an analysis of 692 elections hold in 32 European States between 1870 and 2019, four major stages in the electoral history of Social Democracy are isolated : a) a gradual emergence at the end of the 19th century and a first flight at the start of the 20th, b) the establishment of the parties in the European political landscape at the close of WWI and an electoral peak more or less reached from the 1930’s in established democracies, c) a stabilisation of this performance over half a century and d) a downturn which started in the 1980’s, leading to a very marked decline in the 2010’s. The European family of socialists suffered a catastrophic decline between 2010 and 2019. The electoral history of European Social Democracy is put into perspective with that of the whole socio-economic left, which makes it possible to point out not only the marked fall in the contemporary period but also the loss of influence of Social Democracy within the left spectrum.
Government and Opposition, 2015
Social Democracy in Europe, 2005
Has not all been already written, explained or examined on the various golden ages or stages of the (unavoidable) decline of Social Democracy? Without a doubt, Social Democracy is the political family that has engendered the greatest amount of research on its different facets, especially in terms of progress and decline in its political influence, existence or political action.
2015
The article presents Polish and Hungarian main left -wing parties in the period of political transformation. There are a few sections in the article that develop the research prob‐ lem: the genesis and development of the parties from 1989 to 2014, a comparative analysis of the two parties based on quantitative indices. One can say there are some similarities between SLD and MSzP. The parties were trans‐ formed from communist hegemon formations, then participated in free parliamentary elections with some successes, created several governments and both have recently faced considerable loss of support. SLD and MSzP belong to the parties that influenced Polish and Hungarian transformation greatly.
2004
Socialist and Social Democratic parties leave few political observers and citizens indifferent. For several years, a certain number of actors on the political scene have presented it as a political family in crisis, lacking in imagination and dynamism, incapable of renewal and doomed to fade into insignificance. Others, on the contrary, describe it as a grouping with a promising, even brilliant future. This book does not set out to confirm either of those two visions. Its aim is to analyse in-depth the transformations which are affecting, at the current time, the different aspects of Social Democracy: new organisational models, changes in political and electoral performance, changing relations with the trade unions and civil society associations, reactions to the emergence of new political rivais and new values, new ideological trends and political programmes, etc. For the first time, the analysis does not concern exclusively Western Europe, but also deals with the Social Democratic parties of the consolidated democracies and the organisations that claim to be part of democratic socialism in Central and Eastern Europe, and highlights the specific characteristics and points in common. At the dawn of the 21st century, it is therefore the challenges and the different responses to those challenges that are analysed by several of the leading European specialists in Social Democratic parties in Europe. "
Bonn : FES, 2010; ISBN 978-3-86872-436-3 Electronic ed.: Berlin
Georg Menz (ed.), The Resistible Corrosion of Europe`s Center Left After 2008. Routledge: Abingdon, New York, 2022
Social scientific analysis of current developments in Austrian political parties is a desideratum. This applies not least to the Social Democratic Party of Austria (SPÖ). The last substantial publications about the party date back many years and are now inevitably outdated (cf. Ucakar 2006, Müller 1996). While recent political science in Austria has produced little research on political parties, international comparative studies also usually lack relevant sections on Austria. 1 Of course, this does not mean that Austrian social democracy is not a publication topic: on the contrary, calls and appeals for political reorientation (Nowotny 2016; Scheiber 2019; Zeiler 2019), autobiographically inspired reflections from the party's internal perspective (Cap 2018), biographies of its leaders (Petritsch 2010; Misik and Kern 2017), or the presentation of the party's historical "success story" (Androsch et al. 2020) appear at regular intervals. However, most of these publications hardly claim to be critical in terms of social scientific analysis. Even the current book by political scientist Anton Pelinka (2020) is more of a polemic. The following essay first sets out some general historical lines of development and national characteristics before focusing on the last 20 years, i.e. the period since the turn of the millennium. Since the Austrian example in particular has received little attention in the literature compared to others, I will go into more detail about the historical context and peculiarities in the party history of the SPÖ. The central question concerns the reasons for the almost uninterrupted decline of the SPÖ since the 1980s, both in terms of elections and members. As in other European countries, the former core voter group of social democracy, the working class, has become considerably smaller. Moreover, for various reasons, the party ties of workers to social democracy have weakened without new voter groups being won over to any significant extent.
Party Politics, 2019
Social democratic parties are crumbling at the polls. Surprisingly, however, the causes of this demise remain largely unexplored. This article contributes to filling this gap in the research by studying the long-term impact of welfare state generosity on the vote share of social democratic parties in 16 Western European democracies. If the welfare state indeed was a key factor behind social democratic growth in the past, we ask whether the recent plight of these parties is down to a reversal of their previously dominant success factor? The article makes three principal findings. First, we show that social democratic parties primarily benefited electorally from expansive reforms at lower levels of welfare state generosity. Second, we find that this dynamic of diminishing returns also helps explain the demise of the social democratic party family in the whole of Western Europe. Lastly, our results reveal that programmatic turns to the right predict electoral losses in the least genero...
Europe-Asia Studies
The rise of populism has cast doubt on the sustainability of the marriage of liberal democracy and neoliberal capitalism. There is an urgent need to understand how neoliberal developmental bottlenecks foster populist social coalitions. This essay analyses how the combination of dependent development and various structures of dependency governance have contributed to different levels of socioeconomic disintegration, engendering different populist countermovements in Central and Eastern Europe. These processes fostered exclusionary neoliberal populism with strong illiberalism in Hungary, welfare chauvinist populism with weak illiberalism in Poland, technocratic neoliberal populism without illiberalism in the Czech Republic and entrenched neoliberal populism with contained illiberalism in Slovakia. LIBERAL DEMOCRACY IS FACING INCREASING CHALLENGES around the world. The rise of populism 1 shows that established political parties and channels of interest intermediation do not adequately allow for the expression of social conflicts. Populism has cast doubt on the
Politics and Governance
How do populists govern in crisis? We address this question by analyzing the actions of technocratic populists in power during the first wave of the novel coronavirus crisis in the Czech Republic and Slovakia. We identify three features of the populist pandemic response. First, populists bypassed established, institutionalized channels of crisis response. Second, they engaged in erratic yet responsive policy making. These two features are ubiquitous to populism. The third feature, specific to technocratic populism, is the politicization of expertise in order to gain legitimacy. Technocratic populists in the Czech Republic and in Slovakia weaponized medical expertise for political purposes.
West European Politics, 2021
Political Behavior
Survey research has revealed that post-communist citizens are skeptical towards democracy. Despite a substantial body of literature that has researched the origins and determinants of these attitudes, consensus has not yet emerged. A major challenge has been to distinguish between individual support for democracy as an ideal political regime and satisfaction with the way democracy is practiced in one’s country. Using structural equation modeling with latent variables, we improve measurement validity and account for feedback effects to better understand the relationship between these attitudes. Consistent with our performance-based theory, we find that positive assessments of political performance drive normative support for democracy. The impact of satisfaction with democracy on democratic support suggests that we should not rush to view post-communist citizens' mindset as anomalous and inherently anti-democratic. Rather, post-communist skepticism of democracy might be generaliz...
Social Indicators Research
This article argues that advanced democracies face a dual crisis of rising inequality and population aging, which jointly put pressure on welfare regime sustainability. Particularly vulnerable are young people and the elderly in the context of these structural changes. As a result, young people and senior citizens in advanced democracies are increasingly focused on economic equality, which in turn undermines their support for democracy in its current form that prioritizes liberal economic policies. Survey data collected between 2010 and 2020 support the argument. Regardless of the political issues on which they differ, young and old appear to share similar views on what constitutes an ideal democracy.
World Politics, 2021
ABSTRACTPolitical parties learn from foreign incumbents, that is, parties abroad that won office. But does the scope of this cross-national policy diffusion vary with the party family that generates those incumbents? The authors argue that party family conditions transnational policy learning when it makes information on the positions of sister parties more readily available and relevant. Both conditions apply to social democratic parties. Unlike other party families, social democrats have faced major competitive challenges since the 1970s and they exhibit exceptionally strong transnational organizations—factors, the authors contend, that uniquely facilitate cross-national policy learning from successful parties within the family. The authors analyze parties’ policy positions using spatial methods and find that social democratic parties are indeed exceptional because they emulate one another across borders more than do Christian democratic and conservative parties. These findings ha...
Socio-Economic Review
The rise of ‘new populism’ is commonly explained by two opposing approaches known as cultural backlash and economic deprivation. Their antagonism perpetuates a dichotomous understanding of economy versus identity. This article contributes to scholarly attempts to overcome this dichotomy by introducing the concept of economic identity. It suggests to bring ‘the economic’ back into culturalist explanations as a discursive motif that can be charged with identity and tradition. I argue that shared assumptions about what economic practices, institutions and conventions appear appropriate for the nation can serve the purpose of national identification. A qualitative discourse analysis of almost 400 Brexit campaign documents shows that those in favour of withdrawal and often considered ‘populist’ did not neglect economic arguments. But instead of relying on brute economic calculus, they referred to Britain’s economic traditions and images of a glorious economic past. By linking economic cr...
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