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2020, Frontiers in Psychology
In sentences with internal negation, Free Choice Inferences (FCIs) are canceled (Chierchia, 2013). The present study investigated the possibility that FCIs are negated, not canceled, by external negation. In previous research, both Mandarin-speaking children and adults were found to license FCIs in affirmative sentences with a modal verb and the disjunction word huozhe 'or' (Zhou et al., 2013). The present study contrasted internal versus external negation in sentences that contained all the ingredients needed to license FCIs. Four experiments were conducted using the Truth Value Judgment Task (Crain and Thornton, 1998). Experiment 1 tested Mandarin-speaking children and adults using sentences with internal negation, a modal verb and disjunction. As expected, children did not license FCIs; rather, they assigned a 'neither' interpretation to disjunction. Also as expected, adults analyzed disjunction as taking scope over internal negation, yielding a 'not both' interpretation (Jing et al., 2005). Experiment 1 provided the benchmarks for sentences with external negation in Experiments 2-4. Experiment 2 confirmed that English-speaking adults distinguish between internal and external negation in sentences with disjunction. In Experiment 3, external negation was conveyed by the focus adverb zhiyou 'only'. External negation eliminated the between-group differences observed in Experiment 1. Both children and adults analyzed external negation as taking scope over disjunction. Experiment 4 tested the effect of external negation on the computation of FCIs. The test sentences only differed from Experiment 1 by using external negation, rather than internal negation. Again, children and adults interpreted the test sentences in the same way. Most importantly, in contrast to Experiment 1 (with internal negation), both groups analyzed external negation as negating, rather than canceling, FCIs. The findings support the distinction between internal and external negation.
Intercultural Pragmatics, 2008
There has been a substantial amount of research that has examined how context a¤ects people's understanding of negation. Many authors argue that negation is more plausible or natural in some contexts than in others. For these authors, it is reasonable to negate a proposition only when it is presupposed. However, this assumption has been indirectly inferred from comprehension studies. None of them checked if the frequency of the spontaneous use of negation depends on the context. In this paper we present two experiments on this topic. The participants read stories where a sentence is false; and were asked to produce a sentence that could be true. In the first experiment they produced more negations from multiple than from bipolar contexts (e.g., when the false sentence was ''the car was red'' as compared to ''the car was big''). In the second experiment the context was logically dichotomized by adding disjunctions. In this case, incongruent contexts enhanced the use of negation. The results seem to support the idea that when there is a clear alternative, negation is seldom spontaneously produced even if it denies a presupposition.
This paper reports an experimental study on children's relative scope interpretation of negation and because-clauses. Conducting an experiment with a truth-value judgment task, we found that both children and adults exhibit a bias to interpret because-clauses outside of negation. This pattern contrasts with children's non-adult-like biases in negative sentences involving covert scope-shifting operations (e.g., QR, reconstruction), which have been extensively reported in the literature. Children's adult-like behavior in sentences with negation and because-clauses indicates that these non-adult-like biases cannot solely be attributed to difficulties with negation.
A mixed factorial design of 2x2x2 was applied (sequence x law x affirmation) to evaluate the effects of prior affirmative representation on the subsequent processing of compound negation. The sequence factor was defined to perform between-subjects comparisons. The other two factors, that is, logic law and prior affirmation were defined as within-subjects factors. The sequence factor was included to evaluate potential artifacts generated by the experimental design. Statistical analyses showed the absence of such artifacts. Three dependent variables were included: response type, an indirect measure of introspection quality, and a direct measure of subjective difficulty. A random sample of 130 participants were recruited for this experiment. All the participants were undergraduate students at the National University of Entre Rios, Argentina. 112 were female (86.2%). The mean age was 23.79 years old (SD = 6.452). 2 sets of 6 exercises each were given to all the participants. The classical selection paradigm was applied, that is, four response options were given in each item. Only one of them was the normative response according to logic (DeMorgan's equivalences for negated conjunctions and negated disjunctions). One set included prior relevant affirmation before requiring negation, the other set started straightforward with the negation task. The task was to find the logical meaning of such compound negation that operated on a conjunction or a disjunction. By the other side, the set of exercises without prior affirmation asked straightforward to find the equivalence for a given compound negation of a conjunction or a disjunction. After completing each set of 6 responses participants were asked to give an opinion about their own performance (introspection quality) and about the task difficulty (subjective difficulty). In consistence with the mental models theory and the relevance theory, prior affirmation increased the frequency of normative responses and the quality of introspection. However, a direct registry of task difficulty showed no difference between a prior affirmation condition and a straightforward condition in consistence with the Gricean view of negation. An unexpected result showed an incremental effect of normative responses for the negation of conjunctions in comparison with the negation of disjunctions when prior affirmation provided a pragmatically enriched context. These results are discussed in terms of working memory dynamics. In sum, our findings suggest that the processing of compound negation of conjunctions and disjunctions can be explained as a combination of explicit and implicit processes that are strongly influenced by pragmatic factors.
Double negation is a phenomenon where two negatives cancel each other out, thereby yielding a positive meaning. Previous research found that children did not have knowledge of double negation until the age of seven or later. We argue that the observed difficulty of children in previous research is due to an artefact of the experimental task where the target structure was presented without the support of an appropriate context. To see whether preschool children have knowledge of double negation, we used experimental tasks which presented the structure in a plausible context. The results show that 5-year-olds already know that two negatives cancel each other out. By age 6 children are even able to produce double negation in an adult-like manner. This is evidence that double negation does not pose significant difficulty for young children if a plausible context is provided.
Language Learning and Development, 2021
In English, a sentence like "The cat didn't eat the carrot or the pepper" typically receives a "neither" interpretation; in Japanese it receives a "not this or not that" interpretation. These two interpretations are in a subset/superset relation, such that the "neither" interpretation (strong reading) asymmetrically entails the "not this or not that" interpretation (weak reading). This asymmetrical entailment raises a learnability problem. According to the Semantic Subset Principle, all language learners, regardless of the language they are exposed to, start by assigning the strong reading, since this interpretation makes such sentences true in the narrowest range of circumstances.). If the "neither" interpretation is children's initial hypothesis, then children acquiring a superset language will be able to revise their initial hypothesis on the basis of positive evidence. The aim of the present study is to test an additional account proposed by Pagliarini, Crain, Guasti (2018) as a possible explanation for the earlier convergence to the adult grammar by Italian children. The hypothesis tested here is that the presence of a lexical form such as recursive né that unambiguously conveys a "neither" meaning, would lead children to converge earlier to the adult grammar due to a blocking effect of the recursive né form in the inventory of negated disjunction forms in a language. We compared data from Italian (taken from Pagliarini, Crain, Guasti, 2018), French, Hungarian and Dutch. Dutch was tested as baseline language. French and Hungarian have-similarly to Italian-a lexical form that unambiguously expresses the "neither" interpretation (ni ni and sem sem, respectively). Our results did not support this hypothesis however, and are discussed in the light of language-specific particularities of the syntax and semantics of negation.
Research shows that when processing negative sentences without context, participants often represent their positive counterparts. Why and when does this process occur? In a visual world eye-tracking paradigm, participants listened to positive and negative sentences in simple or cleft forms (e.g. [It is] Matt [who] hasn’t shut his dad’s window), while looking at a scene containing a target (matches the implied shape of the final noun, e.g. an open window) and a competitor (mismatches the implied shape of the final noun, e.g. a closed window). Results show that in the simple condition, there is more interference from the competitor in the negatives compared to the positives shortly after the verb (shut). In the cleft condition, there is no difference between negatives and positives. Our results suggest that the representation of the positive is not a mandatory first step of negation processing (as per rejection accounts). Rather results support the incremental QUD accommodation account (Question Under Discussion) - an incremental dynamic model wherein inferences about sentence content and contextual source (QUD) of relevance are both the target of incremental sentence processing.
We tested 3-to 5-year-old English-and Mandarin-speaking children on their interpretation of sentences like The elephant didn't eat both the carrot and the capsicum. These sentences are scopally ambiguous. Adult English speakers favour a weak interpretation of such sentences, with negation taking scope over conjunction (i.e. the elephant probably ate one of the vegetables, but not both). In contrast, adult Mandarin speakers favour a strong interpretation of the corresponding Mandarin sentences, with conjunction taking scope over negation (i.e. the elephant ate neither vegetable). The Semantic Subset Maxim predicts that children acquiring all human languages should initially prefer the strong (subset) reading of such sentences. Alternatively, the Question-Answer Requirement Model predicts that children should initially prefer the scope reading that constitutes a good true answer to a question under discussion in the context. We designed a task in which the weak reading of our sentences corresponded to a good true answer to the question under discussion. We found that children across languages nonetheless preferred to assign a strong interpretation to our test sentences, providing empirical support for the Semantic Subset Maxim.
Journal of Psycholinguistic Research
Negative sentences are hard to process when they are presented out of context. When embedded in a context of plausible denial their processing difficulty decreases or is completely eliminated. We investigated in six behavioral experiments whether the processing of negation is eased in a denial context triggered by discourse markers (e.g. Contrary to expectations, John has/hasn’t eaten the soup). In order to investigate the necessary conditions for a context of plausible denial to reduce the processing cost of negation, we contrasted the processing of affirmative and negative sentences in minimal and extended denial and non-denial contexts (represented by either no context or a different type of context). We expected significantly longer response times (RTs) for negative sentences in comparison with affirmation in non-denial contexts and similar RTs for affirmative and negative sentences in denial contexts. The results from a sensibility judgement task (Experiment 1 and 2) and from a...
2008
It is a well-known fact that in some Romance languages young children tend to omit direct objects in their spontaneous and elicited production (Jakubowicz et al. 1997, Schaeffer 1997 Müller et al. 1996). Recent research has pointed out that object omission also appear in the elicited production of English children, and has offered an explanation for it based on a null object analysis (PérezLeroux, Pirvulescu and Roberge, 2008). Following this approach, it is legitimate to examine the properties of the null element used by English-speaking children in the place of the overt object. Given the availability of implicit null objects in the target grammar, we investigate children’s interpretation of implicit objects to test whether children go through a developmental stage where they allow these null objects to have anaphoric properties. If they do, then it can be hypothesized that this is what corresponds to the English null object stage. We report on a study designed to test this.
Journal of Experimental Child Psychology, 1988
2018
There are two approaches to negation. We refer to them as the unified approach and the ambiguist approach (cf. Horn 1985, 2001). On the unified approach, negation markers share the same basic meaning, which corresponds to the negation operator in propositional logic. The ambiguist approach contends that there are two different negation markers, with different semantic/pragmatic functions (see Bochvar 1981; Horn 1985, 2001; Karttunen & Peters 1979; Ladusaw 1980; Schwarz & Bhatt 2006; Bar-Asher Siegal 2015). Adopting terminology by Bar-Asher Siegal (2015), we refer to these negation markers as internal and external negation. Syntactically, internal negation typically appears sentence-internally, as in (1), whereas external negation typically precedes the sentence that it negates, as in (2).
Previous studies on negation have generally only focused on sentential negation ("not"), reporting cost and delay associated with computing its meaning. In an ERP study, we make use of the negation-sensitivity of negative polarity items (NPIs) and examine the time course of processing different kinds of negation. Four kinds of NPI-licensing environments were examined: the negative determiner "no", the negative determiner "few", the focus marker "only", and emotive predicates (e.g. "surprised"). While the first three contribute a negative meaning in the assertion (explicit negation), the last gives rise to a negative implicature in the non-asserted content (implicit negation). Under all these environments, an NPI elicited a smaller N400 as well as a smaller late anterior negativity, compared to an unlicensed NPI, suggesting that negation, regardless of its source, was rapidly computed online, contrary to previous findings. However, we also observed that the negative meaning in the assertion (e.g. as contributed by the first three licensors) and the negative meaning from the non-asserted content (e.g. as contributed by emotive predicates) were integrated into the grammatical representation in different ways, leading to a difference in the P600, and calling for a separation of different levels of semantic integration during sentence processing.
Psychology and Behavioral Sciences, 2013
The aim of this study is to introduce a novel reasoning phenomenon concerned with the shallow processing of negation in the context of sentential reasoning. By analogy to other psychological explanations that account for superficial responses with conditionals, this study proposes an account for biconditionals derived from a recent theory of negation. This theory predicts that the psychological use of negation returns small scope products. This would happen because the human mind tends to avoid the working memory overload by simplifying its reasoning processes. A within-subjects experimental design was applied to test this conjecture. Results were consistent with such small scope negation prediction. The obtained evidence extends the observation of shallow reasoning processes to the negation of conjunctions and disjunctions that take the form of biconditionals. The results of this study support a mental models approach to account for the psychology of logical negation.
Journal of Psycholinguistic Research
Negation is a universal component of human language; polarity sensitivity (i.e., lexical distributional constraints in relation to negation) is arguably so while being pervasive across languages. Negation has long been a field of inquiry in psychological theories and experiments of reasoning, which inspired many follow-up studies of negation and negation-related phenomena in psycholinguistics. In generative theoretical linguistics, negation and polarity sensitivity have been extensively studied, as the related phenomena are situated at the interfaces of syntax, semantics and pragmatics, and are thus extremely revealing about the architecture of grammar. With the now long tradition of research on negation and polarity in psychology and psycholinguistics, and the emerging field of experimental semantics and pragmatics, a multitude of interests and experimental paradigms have emerged which call for re-evaluations and further development and integration. This special issue contains a co...
Negation clearly transforms utterance interpretation when it is explicitly introduced into a sentence. Impressively, negation manages to insert itself into sentence interpretation even when it is not (explicit). This omnipresence of negation in itself makes it a worthwhile focus of investigation. In order to present three main lines of research linked to the interpretation of sentences containing negation, I will begin with the more intriguing case, ie, when some form of negation is apparently implied but not explicitly introduced.
2012
This article presents a model-based theory of what negation means, how it is mentally represented, and how it is understood. The theory postulates that negation takes a single argument that refers to a set of possibilities and returns the complement of that set. Individuals therefore tend to assign a small scope to negation in order to minimize the number of models of possibilities that they have to consider. Individuals untrained in logic do not know the possibilities corresponding to the negation of compound assertions formed with if, or, and and, and have to infer the possibilities one by one. It follows that negations are easier to understand, and to formulate, when individuals already have in mind the possibilities to be negated. The paper shows that the evidence, including the results of recent studies, corroborates the theory.
Frontiers in Psychology, 2019
2016
approximately the same score on an objective test for their level, were presented with 8 variations of eight sentences (64 in all). Each sentence consists of two parts: the first part changes only in the adjective; and the second was negated by using (un-), (not), and (not un-) attached to the adjective. The purpose was to test the effect of negation on comprehension time. The results supported the hypotheses that negation delays comprehension in the second language; and (not) causes more difficulty in comprehension than the negative prefix (un-), even when (un-) is used to imply sentence negation and not only the adjective. The hypothesis that double negation causes more difficulty than single one, is alo confirmed. Before the work on transformational grammar began in psychology, processes of sentence comprehension were studied by British psychologist Peter Wason in his investigations of psychological aspects of negation (1959, 1961). It was found that negation increases comprehens...
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