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2018, Res Publica
Acts of civil disobedience are undertaken in defense of a variety of causes ranging from banning GMO crops and prohibiting abortion to fighting inequality and saving the environment. Recently, Brownlee has argued that the merit of a cause is not relevant to the establishment of a moral right to civil disobedience. Instead, it is the fact that a dissenter believes his cause for protest to be morally right that is salient. We may term her and similar such theories belief-relative theories of civil disobedience. In this paper, I first argue that Brownlee's important argument from conscientious conviction fails in its aim to establish a belief-relative moral right to civil disobedience. I then provide a more general argument that no purely beliefrelative theory of civil disobedience grounded in a basic moral value will be tenable. Any moral warrant of civil disobedience that is derived from a value must be limited by the value from which it is derived, as well as by other similarly weighty values. If the moral warrant of civil disobedience is derived from the value of autonomy, then the warrant does not extend to acts of civil disobedience that violate the autonomy of others, or other similarly weighty values. Furthermore, granting a right to disobey in promotion of a grossly unjust view is problematic because civil disobedience ought to serve the role of promoting justice.
2016
Joseph Raz has argued that in liberal states there is no moral right to disobedience. Raz claims that all states ought to be what he calls "liberal states," which do not require a moral right to civil disobedience. Broadly, my focus in this paper is on describing how civil disobedience can be understood as a moral right to be included in the framework of political rights recognized in liberal states. I try to demonstrate that Raz's argument proceeds from a limited understanding of political rights and political actions, and suggest that his conclusion is invalid or extremely exaggerated. I advance a tentative argument about the importance of this moral right to the political process of deliberative democracies, and of its inclusion in limited form among political participation rights.
Philosophy & public affairs, 1998
This article concerns two strands of civil disobedience theory. One involves the moral judgment of theorists. The other concerns moral judgments that theorists ascribe to those who engage in civil disobedience. Our philosophical literature on civil disobedience is largely a product of the late 1960s and early 1970s. Responding to critics of the civil rights and anti-Vietnam War movements, philosophers argued that unlawful protest can sometimes be justified. For a number of these writers, justifying civil disobedience means overcoming a serious moral objection. They assume we have a moral obligation to obey the law-in other words, political obligation.' Regarding this first strand of civil disobedience theory, I argue that the assumption of political obligation is morally untenable.
2003
This article compares and contrasts the way Gandhi understands the right to civil disobedience with the way this right is understood by some contemporary liberals. Some of the implications of the right to civil disobedience are also discussed. The right to civil disobedience implies that the authorities should extend some tolerance to civil disobedients not only when they are correct, but also when they are reasonably mistaken in their views. Tolerance here does not involve preventing civil disobedients from breaking the law, and implies that when civil disobedients break the law, they have a claim not to be punished or have their punishment reduced. Of course such claims have to be balanced against other considerations, such as the need for deterrence.
Ratio Juris, 2002
In Taking Rights Seriously Dworkin claimed that people had strong rights to disobey the law so that the government would be wrong to punish anyone who exercised them. This claim raises fundamental questions about the source of obligation and the limits of legitimacy. These questions of political theory have been given surprisingly little attention by him or his critics. I examine whether strong rights make any sense and conclude that his political theory cannot even generate the minimal prima facie obligation necessary to justify coercion, and hence, law. My solution is to interpret justice in the same way as law. Dworkin resists what I call Justice as Integrity because of concerns about ethical relativism. By considering his more recent works on objectivity and moral truth, I attempt to show that Dworkin's aversion to Moral Constructivism is based on an undue fear of the uncertainty of social practices and an undue faith in the certainty of empirical observation. By reconstructing the interpretive derivations of justice I offer a method to make the idea of obligation, strong rights, and hence, law as integrity, more viable. proposed, they make them more viable.
(Des)troços: revista de pensamento radical, 2022
Adopting a genealogical methodology, this paper aims to unveil the historical intricacies of civil concept and the liberal model of civil disobedience. As suggested by Hanson, there has been a Resistance to civil government later republished as Civil disobedience that goes from its editors until Gandhi. By the same token, there has been a second process, not of selective appropriation per se, but of colonization in which authors of the liberal model of civil disobedience impose a series of theoretical constraints in the form of constitutive elements that ought to be fulfilled in order for a political movement to be considered a legitimate case of civil disobedience. This has resulted in civil disobedients being required to recognize the legitimacy of legal and political systems and to demand changes only within the boundaries of the rule of law. Conversely, we suggest a different and radical approach to civil disobedience, one that acknowledges that civil-base, i.e., determined from real political actions and not necessarily centered on legal foundations or normative status.
Roczniki Filozoficzne, 2016
The Palgrave Handbook on Applied Ethics and the Criminal Law, 2019
This chapter examines the tension between the justification and the punishment of civil disobedience, and theorists' common solutions to it, by focusing on two central questions: First, should the state punish civil disobedience? Second, should the civil disobedient accept punishment? It presents the theoretical lay of the land on each of these questions, with particular attention to American jurisprudence on civil disobedience. The third part takes a step back to ask anew, how should we think about civil disobedience?, and uncovers some problematic assumptions behind the common theoretical approach to the "problem" of civil disobedience.
Journal of Politics and Law, 2014
How is a citizen living under a merciless totalitarianism such as the Nazi but opposed to its philosophies expected to respond to the law? Where does his primary obligation as a citizen reside? Is it to the laws of the land that command total submission or to his convictions by which he is convinced that the system is totally unjust? Does one have a moral obligation to always obey the law? Conversely, should one obey an unjust law? Obviously, such an individual like Antigone in ancient Greece is naturally torn between two loyalties. (Note 1)If he obeys the law, he would be guilty of knowingly aiding to sustain an unjust system. If he follows his moral judgment and violate the law, he would be charged with the penalty stipulated in the law.
Israel Law Review, 2002
Following Rawls' footsteps 4 , the philosophical literature commonly distinguishes between civil disobedience and conscientious objection. Theoreticians have not attained unanimity on all the details of this distinction; however, for the purposes of this discussion we shall present the distinction in a general manner, which will enable us to proceed with the argument below. Civil disobedience-"is an act contrary to law done for political reasons, with the aim of directly bringing about a Damages", as the argument attacked by Gans in this section does not establish our position-it rather defends it from the point of view of the person refusing to serve himself. Likewise, we shall not deal with the justification for the war into which Israel has been drawn in recent years or with Gans's erroneous understanding of our argument in that regard. These important issues (on which we do have an opinion) diverge from the main objective of this article, namely, to present the distinctions relating to conscientious objection itself.
Given the conceptual gap in the global justice debate today (where most of the talk is about the duties of the rich, but little is said about what the poor may do for themselves), in this article I reintroduce the idea of a right of necessity. I first delineate a normative framework for such a right, inspired by these historical accounts. I then offer a contemporary case where the exercise of the right of necessity would be morally legitimate according to that framework – even though illegal and probably condemned by the standard moral norms. The case is that of a small group of Paraguayan campesinos (small farmers) suffering from the effects of a severe drought. In the third part, I introduce the concept of noncivil disobedience: I call an act of noncivil disobedience a conscientious, public, illegal and forcible act whose performance, while not necessarily intended directly as a means to bring about social and/or political change, may help to trigger these changes indirectly. In the fourth part, I suggest that certain instances where the right of necessity is overtly exercised – as in the case of the famine-struck Paraguayan campesinos – may also be interpreted in terms of noncivil disobedience, insofar as they serve a double function: as a means of satisfying immediate need, and as a marker of discontent in a society where the equal rights of individuals are a nominal ideal which remains unfulfilled in practice. I then address two objections that may be raised against resurrecting the idea of a right of necessity and identifying it in certain instances with noncivil disobedience. I conclude by suggesting that, at the point of convergence between the two, a basic right like the right of necessity recovers its value as an active, (rather than passive) entitlement of its holders, while the use of force enters the picture as a legitimate means that – at least under certain circumstances – may be resorted to within the limits of civil society.
Danish Yearbook of Philosophy, 2018
The article argues that civil disobedience must be perceived as an action with progressive and political significance, thus reflecting, from a Kantian perspective, the recognizable paradox between morality and law, as expressed in Kant's moral and political writings. Hence, this article firstly analyzes on which grounds Kant claims rebellion to be unjust. Secondly, it examines how and if people, from a Kantian point of view, can defend themselves against an unjust sovereignty. On this basis, it argues that 'civil disobedience' can be juxtaposed with the Kantian idea of 'freedom of the pen,' thus having the same function as a political corrective. However, two questions are still to be answered, namely if civil disobedience must be punished, and if civil disobedience as a political corrective can be justified? By considering civil disobedience primarily as political agency, both questions are answered in the affirmative.
Dansk Filosofisk Selskabs årsmøde 2017 & "Engaging the Contemporary", University of Malta, 2017
African Research Review, 2019
The paper examined the moral implications of civil disobedience in a constitutional democracy, using John Rawls' notion of civil disobedience as a conceptual framework. It deals with the moral problem of justifying a civil revolt against an unjust government in a democratic setting. The paper adopts the method of textual analysis and uses John Rawls seminal work, A Theory of Justice, as its primary text. In the sum, Rawlsian theory of justice is a midway between the liberal principle and egalitarian principle. To secure the human capacity for free choice and pursuit of common good, Rawls posits that we must accept the first principle of justice, which protects the equal liberties of citizenship as contained in the social contract. Although his ideas have attracted a lot of criticisms from both the right and left of the ideological spectrum, the paper thinks Rawls' position makes a lot of moral sense. The objective of the paper is to defend, on moral grounds, the idea of civil disobedience when those in power become unjust and Indexed African Journals Online: www.ajol.info Indexed Society of African Journals Editors (SAJE); https://africaneditors.org/ oppressive in relation to the social contract. It concluded with the view that the political class hold power and authority on trust and this makes it morally justifiable to resist the abuse of such powers since it contradicts the values of integrity, fairness and justice. Moreover, the equal dignity of human beings as moral persons dictates equal liberty and freedom of action that negates the arrogation of powers by a select State official who are in minority.
Political Theory, 1991
APSA 2013 Annual Meeting Paper, 2013
With the concept of democratic disobedience this paper introduces a justification for civil disobedience that differs from the traditional account of liberal civil disobedience primarily in two aspects: first, the grounds on which disobedient actions are justified and second, the scope of legitimate demands within this mode of protest. To demonstrate the potential of this new mode of justification it is applied to the case of anti-abortion activism in the U.S.The liberal concept of civil disobedience is based on the idea that in cases of blatant injustices civil disobedience is a means to trump and correct democratic decisions in the name of justice. Democratic disobedience, on the other hand, does not invoke an external corrective instance, but rather bases its justification on the assumption that the democratic process is inherently imperfect and therefore inevitably produces democratic deficits, i.e. incongruities between the will of the citizens and governmental politics. Contrary to the liberal model, democratic disobedience does not refer to pre-political or metaphysical concepts like justice, God or personal conscience, but grounds its justification in the conflictual practice of democratic decision-making processes. This theoretical reorientation expands the legitimate reasons for civil disobedience beyond strict violations of justice. To counterbalance this tendency democratic disobedience is strictly confined to demand only a reintroduction into the political decision-making process and, accordingly, the justification for democratic disobedience expires if a political reengagement with the issue in question is successfully triggered – and this includes the case in which the sovereign reaffirms the policy. By virtue of this construction liberal and democratic disobedience can co-exist and complement each other depending on the particular context and the justifying reasons for civil disobedience. What renders the concept of democratic disobedience especially valuable, however, is that this new formulation avoids any tendencies towards an instrumental understanding of democracy and justifies disobedience rather as a productive form of participation than as a parasitic external revising mechanism that limits democratic self-government.
Social Theory and Practice, 41(1), 2015, forthcoming
On a proceduralist account of democracy, collective decisions derive their justification—at least in part—from the qualities of the process through which they have been made. To fulfil its justificatory function, this process should ensure that citizens have an equal right to political participation as a respectful response to their equal status as agents capable of self-legislation. How should democratic participation be understood if it is to offer such a procedural justification for democratic decisions? I suggest that, in order to overcome the structural procedural disadvantages affecting the actual, effective opportunities that citizens who hold nonmainstream views have to exercise their right to political participation, the enhancement of such opportunities requires securing space for contestation. Against this background, I vindicate the (currently underestimated) role of conscientious objection as a form of political participation.
Radical Philosophy Review, 2014
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