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1991, Comparative Drama
AI
This paper explores the psychological perspectives of the medieval period, emphasizing the dualism of body and soul in human conduct. It analyzes the portrayal of vices in medieval literature and iconography, documenting a shift towards a more nuanced understanding of sin influenced by psychological observation. Key figures, such as St. Augustine and Prudentius, are discussed in relation to the moral responsibilities of individuals and the role of free will and grace in the battle against sin.
The causes of sinful actions in Medieval philosophy are based around the intentions of wanting to perform a sinful action by an agent and the theistic underpinning of the fall of man (Macdonald, 2003: 393-395) (Bosley & Tweedale, 2006: 461-462). I will argue that the problem of sin is the problem of intentionality in an action. Intentionality will be viewed as central to answering the question of the cause of sinning; i.e. whether sinning is an intentionally evil action by an agent, through Augustine, Abelard and Aquinas.
The classic understanding of the debate commonly called the "Pelagian Controversy" is that grace was the central issue at hand. This view may be traced back to Augustine, whose superior rhetorical skills successfully established the debate on his terms. As a result of this narrow, Augustinian lens, an assumption has been passed down through the centuries that his opponents were an organized and centralized movement bent on corrupting Christianity. This understanding, however, is dismissed today. Scholars now understand that the men who have been put under this umbrella term had a variety of interests and concerns. They, however, still have tried to determine a common theme that unites these men. A variety of responses have been given: an affirmation of free will, denial of original sin, preserving divine justice, defending the efficacy of baptism, and ethical conerns. These answers are inadequate as the single cause of the controversy. A more fruitful answer is that the tie that bound these men together was the claim that it is possible to live a life free of sin.
Journal of Roman Studies 104 (2014): 358-359, 2014
Religion, 2015
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2021
To achieve the end of the moral life, one must act well or virtuously, but in the eyes of St. Thomas Aquinas, virtue requires that one be well-disposed. The next question is: what is the subject of dispositions and how is one best disposed to act in a virtuous way and so develop a virtuous character? Using an insight from Aristotle, Thomas would identify three aspects of the human person which are subject to dispositions that prepare one for a life of virtue: the body, the lower powers, and the intellect. For each of these three subjects, both Aristotle and Aquinas acknowledge the influence of personality or temperament, upbringing (habituation), and education. Our aim in this paper is to systematize the core of Aquinas's thought on these three factors which influence the human person in the development of his or her moral character. It is my hope that the research here presented will provide a way for St. Thomas Aquinas’s profound thought to more fully enter into the debate regarding individual human development and enrich the contemporary culture as it once enriched the lives of those young men entrusted to the care of the great Dominican priest.
En Route to the Confessions: The Roots and Development of Augustine's Philosophical Anthropology, 2013
In the Confessiones, soon after his elevation as bishop, Augustine presents his first mature synthesis of his Paulinizing Stoic psychology of action and his (originally) Platonising penchant for contemplation. Chapter five focuses on Augustine’s analytic depiction of the lower soul as the root of human action presented in Confessiones 1. The Roman Stoics, responding to a complex history of internal debate, transcendentalized the old Stoic doctrine of οἰκείωσις and thereby conceptualized a underlying threefold commendatio to bodily preservation, interpersonal association, and knowledge. They, likewise, reasserted its old Stoic twin doctrine of διαστροφή as peruersio in two forms: first hand error in judgment rooted in deceitfulness of appearances and a social echoing of verbalized misjudgments. Augustine incorporates the Roman Stoic account of commendatio and peruersio with a handful of crucial alterations. Because the corruption of sin precedes individual experience in this life, no temporal-developmental distinction exists between commendatio and peruersio in Augustine’s account. Confessiones 1 describes the sequential emergence of a threefold commendatio already perverted by sin. The first form of peruersio is completely subsumed by the corruption of nature in Augustine’s thought. However, the second form of peruersio by social echoing is employed to describe the social perversion perpetrated by late Roman schools, the remnants of the cursus honorum, heretical religious teaching, and the pretensions of pagan philosophy. These perverting factors are presented specifically as parodies of an ecclesially based program of human formation intimated allegorically in the hexaemeron.
Mirabilia Journal 35, 2022
Adam and Eve served their passion of gastrimargy and their ambition to become gods without the grace of God. The result was their exile from Paradise and death. The incarnation of Logos, His crucifixion, His death on the cross and His resurrection gave a second chance of man’s salvation. Unfortunately, people do not put into practice this gift of their reconciliation to God. In this paper, we will compare the opinion of two important Church Fathers, Isidore of Pelusium and Theodore Stoudite. It is important to underline for what kind of passions these Church Fathers speak. Do they relate the passions only with monks or general with Christians? How can we get rid of a passion? Can their teaching be put into practice in nowadays? Which is the worst passion according to them? Are diseases and pandemic a punishment of God for our sins? Of course, we should explain that the passions in the life of a Christian can be proved deadly, but they have no connection with the view that diseases are punishments from God for our passions.
The Cambridge History of Christianity, vol. 2: Constantine to c. 600, 2007
ICOANA CREDINȚEI, 2019
This article presents the moral impact of sin on man and society. The modern man does not have as features spiritual and moral balance. The notion of sin has begun to be used more often with reference to the environment in which man lives, not only to the human person. In contrast to classical definitions, which considered sin to be a personal, intimate lack of relationship with God or others, in a more or less bilateral manner, the climate involution and the general state of the environment determined the theologians and problem specialists of ecology to speak of sins against the environment.
2021
Not that principles in and of themselves are objectionable. What is objectionable is their abstraction from real relationships and re-insertion into contexts without sufficient regard to those relationships. 15 To take two, brief examples, consider the current disparagement of 'multi-national corporations', which are often deemed simply 'bad' in light of their exploitative practices. Undoubtedly, this is the case for many, maybe most of these corporations. But the questions which should be asked are not whether such a monolithic entity as the 'multi-national corporation' is 'bad' but how businesses can practice generous, empowering practices with their employees, vendors and customers, particularly in developing countries. On the other side of the ideological spectrum, consider the critique of the 'inequity' of affirmative action policies which are said to unfairly privilege the historically disadvantaged. Besides the obvious question of whether 'fairness' is anything like a strict synonym for 'justice' or 'righteousness' (and the related question of whether, if they are not synonyms, 'fairness' should be pursued at all), an abstract principle of 'fairness' completely fails in attempts to construct a to participation in his own divine nature.'25 In a sermon on Psalm 81 preached at Carthage during the winter of 403-4, he speaks of deification as something which ought not seem incredible in light of the 'more incredible' incarnation of the Son of God.26 But he still seems at times to use a Christ-of-the-gaps method, whereby Augustine to a great extent knew who God is and what constitutes our relationship to him from his reading the 'books of the Platonists'.27 It is as if Christ fills out the content of Platonic participation and Platonic understandings of God. But does Christ not radically redefine both participation and the God in whom we participate?28 Nevertheless, it must be acknowledged that, in reading Augustine's work carefully, one is impressed by his efforts to think more and more scripturally and Christianly over the years. God intends for his good creation to live in eternal dependence on him, but a dependence which allows for, or rather establishes and sustains creaturely flourishing. Augustine can call God 'that light which would make man himself a light if he would set his heart on it.'29 Setting our hearts on 'that light' is akin to adhering to God. As we set our hearts on the light, it illuminates us. We see clearly in this light, and this 'seeing clearly' involves both a well-lit room and corrected vision. That is, we are both brought into the light and, precisely by being in the presence of the light and setting our hearts on it, are ourselves made lights. In the presence of the light and the healing of our sight we begin to see things around us for what they really are. We come to know that we are always already in the midst of relationships, for instance; and we come to see those to whom we relate in the right light. It is precisely in this renewed vision that we become lights. It is not pushing Augustine too hard at this point to say that, in recognising (this being a type of metanoia) our relationally-constituted identities and coming to know those 25 See IX.xv.360-361: '[T]he multitude of the blessed is made blessed by participation in the one God...And that Mediator in whom we can participate, and by participation reach our felicity, is the uncreated Word of God, by whom all things were created...God himself, the blessed God who is the giver of blessedness, became partaker of our human nature and thus offered us a short cut to participation in his own divine nature. For in liberating us from mortality and misery...[he brings us] to that Trinity...In the lower world he was the Way of life, as in the world above he is the Life itself.' 26 See the translation of Augustine's sermon in Casiday, 'St. Augustine on Deification: His Homily on Psalm 81', 28. 27 See Book VII in Augustine, Confessions. 8 Two examples of how Christ does more radically redefine our participation in God are of note: William Mallard writes that the 'shift in agency from the man participating "upward" to Go participating "downward" is quite enough to say a cornerstone of thought has changed for Augustine. A unique "downward" initiative of singular divine agency could not emerge within Augustine's strictly philosophical milieu...' (Mallard, 'The Incarnation in Augustine's Conversion', 88-9; cited in Meconi, 'The Incarnation and the Role of Participation in St. Augustine's Confessions') Bonner notes that Augustine uses Platonism in arguing that 'man's being depends upon his participation in God; but Augustine develops this theologically by appealing to Scripture to argue that man's sanctity depends upon his participation in God'. (Bonner, 'Augustine's Conception of Deification', 379) Civic foundations: two standards and two loves Augustine book-ends Book XIV with two characterizations of the two cities. In the opening of the book, he writes: There is, in fact, one city of men who choose to live by the standard of the flesh, another of those who choose to live by the standard of the spirit. The citizens of each of these desire their own kind of peace, and when they achieve their aim, that is the kind of peace in which they live. The two cities, both of which desire some sort of peace, are to be distinguished with reference to the standards by which they live. Augustine is quick, particularly given the broader intellectual climate of his day, to denounce any interpretation of 'flesh' that would lead to a denigration of materiality/5 He points out that in Galatians 5:19-21, Paul refers to a list of 'works of the flesh' which include works concerned with 'sensual pleasure' as well as 'those which show faults of the mind'."' 'Flesh', then, is not equivalent to human physicality, but a synecdoche in which the part represents the whole." Augustine rejects both Platonist and Manichean anthropologies in light of their inability to call created physicality 'good'/8 Augustine censures the carnality of a 'cult of the soul' as well as a 'revulsion from the flesh' as attitudes 'prompted by human folly, not by divine truth.' In response, Augustine affirms that the flesh is 'good, in its own kind and on its own level."9 In addition to his affirmation of the central Christian tenet of creationthat what God creates is, by definition, good-Augustine speaks of a peculiar creaturely goodness ('in its own kind') which is to be viewed in relation to some other realities ('on its own level'). We will return to these in due course. At the close of Book XIV, in a passage with which we opened this chapter, Augustine puts the distinction even more starkly: We see then that the two cities were created by two kinds of love: the earthly city was created by self-love reaching the point of contempt for God, the Heavenly City by the love of God carried as far as contempt of self. In fact, the earthly city glories in 34 XIV.i.547. 35 Augustine's full rejection of Manichean dualism, including its notion that an evil counter-deity created matter, which now imprisons sparks of the divine and needs to be escaped, is never far away in Augustine's accounts of anthropology and evil. 36 XIV.ii.549. 37 XIV.ii.550. 38 Contra McGrath, Iustitia Dei: A History of the Christian Doctrine ofJustification, 198. 39 XIV.v.554. We leave aside the question of whether Augustine's substance dualism is a compelling so far as they are natural.6' Augustine never swerved from those aspects of his early theological commitments which were forged against the Manichees, particularly his complete rejection of their metaphysical dualism. Since God has created all things good, anything which is, is good. Consequently, any evil is not natural, that is, not according to nature as God created it. Since evil is not natural, Augustine will just as forcefully claim that evil is not, that it has 61 XII.vii.479-480. 62 73 Macqueen, 'Contemptus Dei', 246. 74 Macqueen, 'Contemptus Dei', 243. 75 We recall Augustine's distinction between things which are good (or wise or loving, etc.) in themselves versus things which are good by participation, which is a central rule for negotiating the ontological difference between Creator and creature for Augustine. 76 XIV.iii.552. 77 Though note that Augustine ascribes this statement to 'God' rather than 'Christ': 'So when man lives by the standard of truth he lives not by his own standard, but by God's. For it is God who has said, "I am the truth.'" (XIV.iv.552) 78 'By contrast, when he lives by his own standard, that is by man's and not by God's standard, then inevitably he lives by the standard of falsehood.' (XIV.iv.552) 79 XIV.iv.552.
Augustinian Studies 23 (1992): 125–47.
This essay addresses common misunderstandings about the part of Augustine's theological anthropology one might call his " moral psychology. " It particularly seeks to distance Augustine's mature account of human agency from influential faculty psychologies. I argue that it is misleading to talk about Augustine's view of the " will, " given what we typically mean by that term, and that " choice " is not central to Augustine's account of human freedom. These claims hold not least because of the way Augustine thought about what he called the uoluntas, in which affect and rationality are combined. The disunity of the Augustinian self is found, as a result, not in battles between " higher " and " lower " faculties but in the tensions that exist within whole persons. Such insights influence Augustine's interest in the complexity of intentional and unintentional desires—sexual and otherwise—and the essential role played by relationships in making us who we are.
Journal of Moral Theology, 2017
....This essay argues, however, that there is a better approach to understanding the relationship between Christ’s human and divine natures and the moral life to which we are called. The outlines of this alternative approach are rooted in the patristic tradition, and the details of this approach are given expression in a unique way in recent papal writings on the Sacred Heart of Jesus. If the essential question is how we mere humans can imitate someone who is both human and divine, the approach defended in this essay suggests that the question is based on false premises. I argue that Augustine of Hippo shows us why it is good news for us that the human nature of Jesus is impacted by its confluence with his divine nature, and then I argue that recent popes—I focus primarily on Pius XI and Pius XII—apply this assumption to their interpretations of Jesus as moral exemplar in their writings on the Sacred Heart of Jesus.
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