Serial Verbs and Grammatical Relations in Akan

2006

Theory and description in African Linguistics: Selected papers from the 47th Annual Conference on African Linguistics, 2018

In this paper, we hope to disambiguate the nature of look-alike intervening elements that appear between verbs in Serial Verb Constructions (SVCs) and Serial Verb Construction Nominalizations (SVCNs). To do so, we will first show that these intervening elements share the same phonological form. We will then show that although the intervening elements look the same on the surface, they can be differentiated by appealing to semantics and the construction from which the SVCN is derived. In doing so, we find that some of the intervening elements should, indeed, be regarded as tamp markers, while others are nominalizers (nmlz). In conclusion, we identify abstract schemata/templates that account for, and predict the positioning of, intervening elements found in Akan SVCNs.

Studies in African linguistics, 2010

This paper is concerned with the analysis of pronominal subject clitics (SCLs) in Akan within the Priniciples and Parameters framework of syntactic theory. Two kinds of analysis are considered: one, where the SCL is a true pronoun, generated in an argument position (the argument analysis); the other, where the SCL is an inflectional element residing in Infl, which identifies a null pronominal (pro) in subject position (the pro analysis). On the basis of the distribution of null objects in causative constructions, it is argued that the pro analysis provides a more elegant account of the facts of Akan than does the argument analysis. Akan is therefore analyzed as a pro-drop, or null subject, language, permitting null pronominal subjects under certain circumstances. Finally, possible implications for Universal Grammar are considered.

In this study, we undertook an experiment in which native speakers of Akan were given serial verbs both with and without oblique non-verbal elements (such as relator nouns, direct objects, postpositions, etc.) and asked them to construct Serial Verb Construction Nominals (SVCNs) from them. We found that, by and large, when not given said non-verbal elements, speakers were not able to construct nominal forms. In another task, we gave speakers nominal forms and asked them to deconstruct them to the constituent serial verbs from which they were derived. Time and again, speakers gave, not only the serial verbs, but also the non-verbal elements even though they were not asked to do so. Gestalt meanings were also given by speakers when asked the meanings of individual elements. Thus, the semantic integration and lexicalization that takes place in full lexicalized-integrated serial verb constructions extends, not only to serial verbs, but also to these non-verbal elements which, to native speakers, seem to form just as important a part of the SVC as the verbal elements. Thus, we argue that definitions of SVCs, henceforth, should not prejudice the serial verbs to the detriment of other equally important parts of the construction.

In this dissertation a methodology for identifying and analyzing serial verb constructions (SVCs) is developed, and its application is exemplified through an analysis of SVCs in Koro, an Oceanic language of Papua New Guinea. SVCs involve two main verbs that form a single predicate and share at least one of their arguments. In addition, they have shared values for tense, aspect, and mood, and they denote a single event. The unique syntactic and semantic properties of SVCs present a number of theoretical challenges, and thus they have invited great interest from syntacticians and typologists alike. But characterizing the nature of SVCs and making generalizations about the typology of serializing languages has proven difficult. There is still debate about both the surface properties of SVCs and their underlying syntactic structure. The current work addresses some of these issues by approaching serialization from two angles: the typological and the language-specific. On the typological front, it refines the definition of `SVC' and develops a principled set of cross-linguistically applicable diagnostics. From the existing set of surface properties, four core characteristics are distilled: main verbhood, monoclausality, single eventhood, and argument sharing. A construction must have all of these properties in order to qualify as an SVC. Once these underlying semantic and syntactic properties of SVCs are identified, a detailed and explicit set of criteria is developed that allows these underlying properties to be tested in any language. The latter part of the dissertation offers a case study in the use of these diagnostic criteria by applying them to multi-verb constructions in Koro. Testing these constructions against the definition of SVCs developed in the dissertation reveals that although there are numerous multi-verb constructions in Koro that appear to fulfill the surface criteria for SVCs, only one of these can be considered a true SVC. This construction has a VP-shell structure, in which V1 is a path or locative verb that takes V2 as its complement. The shared argument is the subject of V2, providing a counter-example to Baker's (1989) claim that SVCs obligatorily share an internal argument. Constructions that instead involve adjunction of V2 to V1 are shown through detailed semantic investigation to be disqualified as SVCs, because they do not exhibit the expected entailments. This is surprising because they superficially resemble proto-typical SVCs. The syntactic and semantic analysis of these constructions leads to the hypothesis that true SVCs must have a relation of complementation between the verbs, while adjoined or coordinated constructions cannot be considered SVCs.

World Journal of Education and Humanities, 2022

This paper explores syntactic operations that obtain in multiple object and serial verb constructions in Akoose, a Bantu language spoken in Cameroon. Focus is placed on the structure and types of multi-verb constructions (MVCs), the structure of (MVCs), as well as multiple object constructions (MOCs). The paper also examines argument-sharing in both (MVCs) and (MOCs). The analysis is done following insights from Chomsky (1981, 1995; Miyagawa, 2010). While (MOCs) display predicates with two structural patterns, namely [VP, [NP IO [NP DO]]] and [VP, [NP DO [NP IO]]], serial verb constructions (SVCs) constitute a maximum of three different VP structures, namely a) [V1 [XP [V2]], b) [XP [V1 [V2]], and c) [V1[V2 [XP [V3]]]. It is found that notwithstanding the normal SVO word order in the language, complex serial verbs impose an S-V1-V2-(V3)-O word order, which further derives S-V1-V2-O-V3 and S-V1-O-V2-V3 surface variants. The analysis further reveals that irrespective of the complex na...

De Gruyter eBooks, 2011

1990

Papers from the conference on the occurrence of verbal constituents in series in certain languages, particularly pidgins and creoles, include the following: "What Are We Talking About When We Talk About Serial Verbs?" (Arnold M. Zwicky); "Serial Verb Constructions" (Pieter Seuren); 10n the Definition and Distribution of Serial Verb ConstructiLns" (Eric Schiller); "Parataxis in White Hmong" (Elizabeth Riddle); "On Arguing for Serial Verbs (with Special Reference to Modern Greek)" (Brian D. Joseph); "Serialization and Subordination in Gullah: Toward a Definition of Serialization" (Salikoko Mufwene); "Serial Verb Constructions and Motion Events in Caribbean English Creoles" (Don Winford); "Tense Marking in Serial Structures" (Francis Byrne); "Serial Verb Construction in Marathi" (Rajeshwari Pandharipande); "Tamil Serial Verbs" (Sabita Nagarajan); "Constraints on Intransitive Quasi-Serial Verb Constructions in Modern Colloquial English" (Geoffiey K. Pullum); 3Serial vs. Consecutive Verbs in Walapai" (James E. Redden); "Suffixal Concatenation in the Classical Japanese Predicate: Erstwhile Serial Verbs?" (Charles Quinn); "Multi-Verb Constructions in Korean" (In-Hee Jo); "On Serial Verbs in Mandarin Chinese: VV Compounds and CoVe ,bial Phrases" (Claire Hsun-huei Chang); "Syntactic Constructions in Serial Verb Expressions in Chinese" (John Xiang-ling Dai); "Serial Verbs in Colloquial Arabic" (Lutfi Hussein); and "Serial Verb Constructions in Categorial Grammar" (Katherine Welker). (MSE)-9 VW is tensed: for instance, the idiom hear tell, as in I've heard tell that a pound of lead is as heavy as a pound of gold.) Mc Cawley (1988: 282) provides an Swedish example of distributed serialization, as in Ilan gkk)ch badade 'He went swimming' (literally, 'He went and swam'); 'both conjuncts must bear the same inflection but the verb of the first conjunct behaves like the main verb of the whole sentence even with regard to inversion and Negative placement.' 7.5. Syntactic, but not morphological, words Many languages have V + V sequences that are intimately combined from the point of view of syntax-they make syntactic Ws-but not from the point of view of morphology, since the sequerwes do not seem to be Instances of any sort of lexeme, Such sequences are like compounds in one way but not in another. Under this heading fall the causative 'clause union' (as they are termed in Relational Grammar) constructions of several of the Romance languages, for instance Spanish (Aissen & Perlmutter 1983), as in Los hice caminar (them 1-made to-walk) 'I made them walk', Under this heading also fall non-causative clause unions, for instance the English contracted infinitivals wamia, gonna, hafta, etc. on the analysis due to Frantz (1979) and suggested also by Postal & Pullum (1982) and Pullum & Zwicky (1988). 7,6. Morphological, but not syntactic, words Some languages have V + V sequences that are intimately combined from the point of view of morphology such sequences are occurrences of lexemes but not from the point of view of syntax, since the sequences do not seem to make syntactic Ws. Again, we have sequences that are like compounds in one way but not in another. This is the sort of analysis I would suggest (and have, in Zwicky 1990a, 1990b) for the English go V construction, as in Go see who's at the door. The syntax of this construction is that of subordination, with a head VW chosen from a small subcategory of lexemes (comprising only go and cotne for some speakers) and an argument VP that is em irely open, subject only to the semantic requirements of the construction (that the VP describe an activRy). However, from a morphological point of view the verbs in sequence behave like compounds, as is evidenced by their complete resistance to having syntactic constituents intervene between their participants *Go away see who's at the door and Go quickly see who's at the door (Perlmutter 1971: 95-7) and by the requirement (for some speakers; see Panes dIscussim in this volume) that all the participants appear In their base, or unmarked-Infinitive, form: Ron conw see Jerusalem!, *I ran came saw Jerusalem, even *I've run come seen Jerusalem. A requirement that all the lexemes participating in sonw construction must be in some specific form, especially the base form, is commonplace in compounding. 7,7. Idioms parasitic on serial constructions Some serialization examples are idioms rather than construction.s, This is clearly the case for the 1.:nglish dismissive serializations go jump in the lake arid go fly a kite, which are parasitic on the go V construction.

Ghana Journal of Linguistics

According to König and Gast (2008:2), "[R]eciprocity is not only of interest for linguists. Since this phenomenon lies at the root of social organization, it has fascinated philosophers, social scientists and biologists for many decades and even centuries." In this paper, I examine the kind(s) of construction(s) that are available to Akan speakers for the expression of reciprocal situations. The paper shows that reciprocal relations are expressed in Akan transitive constructions involving the use of: i) a reduplicated verb and a plural anaphor which is possessive pronoun plus ho "self"/ "body" construction (the same as what is used for reflexives), ii) an unduplicated verb and reduplicated anaphor, iii) a reduplicated verb and a reduplicated anaphor, and iv) a reduplicated verb and a plural anaphor plus the reduplicated quantifier nkorkor (Fa.)/ baako baako (Ak. & As.).