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2020, TEME
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16 pages
1 file
When considering the military power of the United States, it is necessary to distinguish military force and military power. Military force represents an organization that is equipped and trained to use force. America is clearly the largest military power in the world, and that is a fact. However, the term military power is significantly wider than that of the military force. It also includes elements related to the threat of using force and many other activities related to the involvement of military force in contemporary international relations, including international defense cooperation, military-technical cooperation, the purchase and sale of weapons and military equipment, and more. The paper focuses on this exact segment of military power, understood as a willingness to engage the US military force outside their national territory. The aim of the paper is to describe the evolution of the United States’ strategic thought regarding military power as a foreign policy instrument b...
The United States military is currently viewed not only as the most formidable and well-equipped armed force in the world, but one with a complex political role as well. The union of political and military responsibilities in light of U.S. security might seem obvious given recent events such as the Persian Gulf War, the Somalia operation and the restoration to power of Jean-Bertrand Aristide in Haiti. However, the embodiment of a highly skilled military within a carefully designed, politically flexible security framework is a comparatively new development in the U.S. The road to this accomplishment was long and difficult, and included thoroughgoing reform of U.S. military doctrine and security policy in the 1970s and 80s. By the time change had been fully instituted in the early 1990s, the international environment was changing rapidly, and evaluation of the framework was again necessary.
Essay on Foreign Policy
H-Net, 2008
Comprising a conceptual framework, seven substantive chapters, a critical individual synthesis reflecting on the book itself and a summary conclusion, this edited book provides a set of constructive conceptual and empirical contributions to international relations, political science, and military studies. Its key argument is that national military power is too often simplistically equated with states' material and human resources, ignoring the divergent effectiveness with which states make actual use of them. In sum, and certain conceptual challenges notwithstanding, Creating Military Power provides a rather well-accomplished and differentiated analysis of the manifold sources of military power, making it a welcomed contribution to the ongoing reconceptualization of military power. With latent US ethnocentrism in some of its chapters, it is also recommendable to all those interested in the state of current US scholarship on international security studies
Studia Politica Slovaca, 2020
The aim of the paper is to analyse the importance of military power potential in the creation of modern international relations. Research data encompass the perspective of both states and international organisations and the analysis proper covers the issue of military trength as the main component defining the status and operational capability of states and international organisations in a crisis situation. Modern international relations are the resultant of multiple determinants. Over the past several dozen years it has been possible to observe various emphasis patterns as regards the majority of those. The phenomenon also affected, and that to a great extent, the perception of military strength. The strength in question still constitutes a basic factor determining the position of a state in political world order. However, there is no one, universally accepted and binding model of strength as a component of modern international relations. One can still come across arguments of supporters of both the so-called soft power and hard power approaches.
2013
The problem of authority delimitation between several branches of government exists in all countries worldwide; however, this problem is the most urgent in the USA, because there is no clear delimitation in the Constitution of the country. The legislative and executive authorities used quite vague constitutional language at different development stages of American State and that branch of government, which was stronger than the other one, won. For instance, in the period of Washington, Jefferson and F. Roosevelt rule, the executive authority interpreted in their own benefit that Constitutional premises, which were devoted to military and foreign policy Presidential and Congress powers. At that time, in the last quarter of XIX and in 20-30s of XX, the victory was on the Congress side, as the state was governed by the "weak" Presidents. Because of long fight between the executive and legislative authorities, two approaches were formed - strict and loose construction of the C...
2005
Military Power's argument is straightforward enough: victory and defeat in warfare have, since 1900, resulted from mastery of what the author calls 'the modern system' of tactics, the essence of which is (in the offense) 'cover, concealment, dispersion, small-unit independent maneuver, suppression and combined arms integration' (p.35) and (in the defense) a similarly complex use of ground, deep positions, reserves and counterattack (pp.44-8). These techniques, mastered by a small number of countries, explain why and how countries win wars. In this clear, deeply researched and powerfully argued book, Stephen Biddle says that it is this system, and not technological superiority, or some generalized dominance of offensive or defensive weapons, or sheer numbers that determines combat outcomes. He argues his case by providing an account of warfare since the end of the nineteenth century, and by a close rendering of three campaigns: the German 'Michael' offensive of the spring of 1918, the British 'Goodwood' offensive in Normandy in 1944 and 'Desert Storm', the American attack on Iraq in 1991. In addition, Biddle makes his case using a large-n study drawing on a number of sources, including the Correlates of War project, as well as findings from simulations, and in particular from the Institute for Defense Analyses' recreation of a fight at 73 Easting during the 1991 Gulf War. The book concludes with a critique of the notion of a Revolution in Military Affairs (RMA). Technology has not and will not change warfare dramatically for some time to come, Biddle believes. He offers as well a critique of international relations theorists who speak of
Global Economic Observer, 2015
A Political Economy of American Hegemony - Buildups, Booms and Busts by Thomas Oatley offers relevant historical and statistical evidence regarding military buildups in postwar America, assessing the economic and political impact of deficit financed military spending. From this point of view the book proves to be a very instructive and challenging reading. Thomas Oatley is professor of political science at North Carolina University, teaching courses on international politics and political economy. He is also the author of a series of papers and books on international political economy. His main theme of research is the interaction between economic interests and political institutions and how it shaped governments’ foreign economic policies. A Political Economy of American Hegemony Buildups, Booms and Busts is the most recent and also the most challenging of his books, in terms of inquired questions and defended theses.
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