ALIENATION AND INTEGRATION IN JAMMU AND KASHMIR

2008

Contemporary political situation in Jammu and Kashmir is well understood by the electoral politics of the state since the assembly elections of 1983. This politics of the state is first an analysis of Kashmir's politics with reference to its situation of mititancy and alienation. This analysis of Kashmir's politics is spread over three phases. The first phase between I983 and I987 is the period setting the base for alienation, political upsurge and militancy. The second phase between l9B7 and I996 is the period of political crisis. The third phase between 1996 and 2002 is the period of restoration of the political process. Secondly, it is the analysis of the potitics of Jammu and Ladakhwith reference to widely prevailing interregional and sub-regional discontent. This deals with electoral politics of both these regions in the context of assertion of multiple identities operating both at the regional and sub-regional level. Finally, the significant shift that has taken place ...

Foreword by Miguel Angel Moratinos The High-Representative for the United Nations Alliance of Civilizations (UNAOC) The dispute in Jammu and Kashmir has been ongoing for more than 70 years. The need for dialogue between its stakeholders remains as paramount today as it did in 1947. As we continue to hear reports of human rights abuses and periodic military standoffs—which if escalated could result in far-reaching repercussions for the entire region—we are reminded of the need for a peaceful resolution to this longstanding, yet complex conflict. Serena Hussain’s book provides a welcome platform for such dialogue. Bringing together a myriad of voices representing both sides of the divided state, her work provides a truly needed resource for understanding the social and political challenges faced by Jammu and Kashmir. I congratulate her for producing this important volume that can be considered as one of the most meaningful endeavors toward moving the conversation forward.

Journal of Indian School of Political Economy

The following paper analyzes the origin and evolution, insurgent & counter insurgent strategies, operational successes & failures of both sides and lessons learnt from the war. The paper contends that, the state of Jammu & Kashmir should be given autonomy and their much deserved access to Article 370 to come to a decision. In this case, an independent Kashmir would be the most realistic outcome from the modern-day plebiscite. Also, the solution offered by the Kashmir Study Group is also their best alternative solution

Routledge, 2022

Among the various writings on Kashmir, Shahla Hussain's Kashmir in the Aftermath of Partition is potentially the first historically grounded academic work on post-partition Kashmir. Most writings on this period are predominantly by political scientists, social anthropologists, or journalists with diverse ideological orientations. At the heart of the book lies the multiple meanings of azaadi or freedom as it emerged across various historical epochs; the book thus brings to the fore the local voices of Kashmir. Hussain highlights that these voices are not one but many and are deeply fragmented; however, they have most often come together to echo a singular voice of the Kashmiris independent of the two nations that seek authority and control over this region. In the first chapter of the book, Hussain reflects on the different meanings of pre-partition Kashmir, which informs us about the changing connotation of the word 'freedom' among Kashmiris, ranging from social-economic to political independence. She explains that during Mughal, Afghan and Sikh rules, Kashmiris always wished freedom from exorbitant taxation, injustice, social discrimination, and other oppressive measures. However, the miseries of Kashmiris, especially the Muslims who were in the majority, were intensified by the communal attitude of Dogra rulers. Consequently, the Kashmiri Muslims saw political freedom as the only alternative to change their destiny. This chapter also throws light on the communal governance, policies, and attitude of Dogra rulers visa -vis the Muslim majority-something that triggered severe dissent from the Muslims and started a movement to uproot the Dogra rule. The first chapter also highlights the failure of the national conference's secular claim, i.e., a wish to include people from all communities in its fold. However, the conference failed to maintain its secular character when it opposed the introduction of Devanagari script. The chapter ends with a Pakistan-sponsored tribal raid and Kashmir's subsequent signing of a temporary instrument of accession with India in 1947. The second chapter of the book starts with the post-partition history of Kashmir and talks about the social and economic disaster brought to Kashmir by the partition. The author discusses the dismal condition of Kashmiris on both sides of the ceasefire line, especially how Kashmiris living in Pakistan administered Kashmir wrote letters to friends in India administered Kashmir about their deteriorated conditions and harsh treatment. Disaster was brought to Kashmir's economy due to the closure of the Jhelum-Valley Road. The road had earlier led Kashmir's trade with regions in west Punjab such as Rawalpindi and other overlying areas. Trade and commerce were thus highly affected by the road closure. The closure of the Jhelum-Valley Road and the subsequent economic crisis led to Kashmir's economic dependence on Indian aid. This dependence eventually created a situation for the Kashmir nationalist government to think about Kashmir's integration with the Indian state. This chapter also highlights the changing vision of Sheikh Abdullah about the political future of Kashmir from an integrated Indian Kashmir to independent Kashmir. Following his assumption of power, Sheikh Abdullah was a firm advocate of Kashmir's better future with a secular India and suppressed all the voices that countered Kashmir's integration to India; however, the chapter argues, the failure of Indian secularism and the concomitant subjugation of Kashmiri Muslims and the unwillingness of the Indian state to provide autonomy to Kashmir led Abdullah to rethink the calls for Independent Kashmir leading to his arrest in 1953. The third chapter deals with the history of Kashmir post-Abdullah's arrest in 1953. In this chapter, the author underscores how all political regimes followed by Sheikh's arrest were SOUTH ASIAN HISTORY AND CULTURE

To start the argument, we could club the dominant discourses around Kashmir into three broad categories: the Indian, the Pakistani, and the Kashmiri discourses. The Indian and Pakistani discourses accommodate Kashmiri people, and the history of their collective struggles, only when (and if) these buttress their respective positions. The Kashmiri discourse is quintessentially about these struggles, and in turn, the dominant Kashmiri discourse simplifies the sub-struggles and the fragmented politics that exist within, and the connections these have with the outside world. These dominant discourses of political history are a quagmire of claims and counter claims. For those who have not borne the immediate brunt of the conflict, these generate excitement and passion, and the discourse is consumed through various media much like a one-day cricket match.

South Asian Studies, 2020

In the aftermath of August 5, 2019, almost the entire population of Indian-held Jammu & Kashmir was placed under stark lockdown with pro-freedom and mainstream politicians arrested. This was to prevent any outbreak in response to the revocation of region’s special status. There were only two indigenous constituencies left for campaign and raising voices; ‘Pakistani-administered’ J&K and Kashmiri diaspora. The diaspora’s feeling of being backstabbed created a sense of dispossession and alienation. Kashmiri diaspora across the globe mobilised on various fronts ranging from diplomatic, social, political, academic, and media. Though they managed to highlight the Kashmir conflict internationally, but they could not make some tangible impact as India’s constitutional re-arrangements and the human rights violations in Jammu & Kashmir continued unabated.

This is the introduction to a special issue of the journal Contemporary South Asia (Vol.23, No. 3, 2015) on the theme "Jammu and Kashmir - Boundaries and Movements"

2020

The norms of peaceful coexistence and of finding commonalities despite different faiths inscribed in the concept of Kashmiriyat have been lost in seven decades of conflict. Moreover, the attempt to rally the people of J&K around nationalism through politicized Kashmiriyat was vanquished when terrorism formed itself along religious lines and subsequently into Pan Islamism. With the advent of religiously motivated conflict, peaceful religious diversity was replaced with violent religious divisions and the rise of gun culture replaced deeply rooted composite cultures.

Journal of Borderlands Studies, 2016

The article applies Oscar Martinez's theory of borderland evolution to the case of Kashmir. The India-Pakistan border in Kashmir is a violent and contested South Asian border with implications for the states and the people living along the contested geographical space. The article challenges the premise that the borderland is static in Kashmir. It contends that though it is difficult to predict the course of evolution of the borderland in Kashmir, it is equally imprudent to ignore the evolution of this borderland from being highly rigid to being relatively flexible. Drawing from historical analyses and ethnographic data collected over the last decade, the article makes a case for an engagement with the borderland in Kashmir, and argues that such a reorientation will bring this contested landscape to the center of borderland discourse in South Asia and beyond.