The Conversion of the Scandinavians of Dublin

The March in the Islands of the Medieval West, eds. J. Ní Ghradaigh & E. O'Byrne, 2012

The Scandinavian migrations of the early Viking Age imprinted in European minds an enduring image of vikings as marauding heathens. As descendants of these 'salt water bandits' settled into their new homes, they adopted traits from their host cultures. 2 One such trait was the adoption of Christianity. This was perhaps the biggest change which affected vikings in a colonial situation as it entailed a new system of belief and way of understanding the world. Vikings in Ireland have often portrayed as late converts, with christian ideas only taking hold over a century after vikings settled in the island. Nevertheless in this paper I seek to argue that vikings of Dublin began to adopt christianity at an early stage, although the process of conversion was protracted and possibly uneven across social ranks. The stereotype of Hiberno-Scandinavians as staunch heathens may need revision.

Medieval Dublin XIV, 2014

which Hughes described a church that, at its beginning in the fifth century, looked like a primitive version of any other local church. It was governed by bishops who ruled over territorially defined dioceses. Because of the peculiar nature of Irish society, however, this entirely conventional system was gradually supersededthough never completelyby one in which real power rested with abbots who governed over monastic paruchiae, which were not territorially limited. In addition, Hughes drew attention to the strongly dynastic nature of the Irish church, according to which the right to administer a particular church and collect revenues often belonged to the members of a family, whose claim to this right rested on their kinship with the saint who had founded the church. 1 This model was not seriously challenged until 1984, when Richard Sharpe argued that the theory of two competing systems, one, characterized by territorial bishoprics, which was supplanted by another, characterized by scattered monastic paruchiae, had little evidence to support it. Instead, he proposed that the early medieval Irish church was marked by both episcopal and abbatial government and that the relationship between these two systems was marked more by harmony and continuity rather than confrontation. 2 Since Sharpe"s critique, the question of the degree to which the Irish church was governed by abbots who ruled over scattered monasteries, as opposed to geographically limited bishops, remains a matter of debate. In a recent study, Colmán Etchingham argues 1 K. Hughes, The church in early Irish society (Ithaca, 1966), p. 161. 2 Richard Sharpe, 'Some problems concerning the organization of the church in early medieval Ireland', Peritia, 3 (1984), 230-70. that the Irish church was far more akin to the mainstream organizational model found on the Continent than previous researchers have suggested. 3 He writes that, according to the annalistic evidence, "it is clear that the episcopal office continued to define the churches of greatest significance throughout the first millennium and was not consigned to the periphery". 4 He concedes, however, that the church in Ireland was unique in that, from an early date, the administration of individual churches was the prerogative of comarbs, who, though not bishops and often only laymen, inherited rights over their particular church. In his description of the Irish church, Dáibhí Ó Cróinín also emphasizes the strong proprietary principle according to which Irishmen organized their church. This proprietary principle can be seen in the provisions, found in the additamenta to the Book of Armagh, which Fith Fio made for the church he had founded at Drumlease: This is Fith Fio"s declaration and his testament, [made] between the chancel and the altar two years before his death to the familia of Druim Lías and the nobles of Callraige: that there is no family right of inheritance to Druim Lías [for any] except the race of Fith Fio, if there be one of them [available] who is good, devout, and conscientious. Should there not be, let there be an investigation whether one [such]

International Journal of Osteoarchaeology, 2023

This exploration of a pilgrimage site associated with St. Olaf helps to link the legends and sagas associated with early Christianity in the Viking world. Ancient people would only undertake arduous journeys on pilgrimage if there was a good reason to make that trip. It seems quite possible that it was the nature of the people buried here that made S:t Olofsholm a site worthy of pilgrims traveling to it. We find evidence for migration and for weapon injuries in those buried at this pilgrimage site. In view of the historical texts about Olaf’s conversion of Gotland, Geber’s team argue that these individuals may have been involved in the Christian conversion of the island, so making the site worthy of pilgrimage.

2001

This compilation of 13 papers by scholars from Ireland, England and Denmark, consider the extent and nature of Viking influence in Ireland. Created in close association with exhibitions held at the National Musem of Ireland in 1998-99 and at the National Ship Museum in Roskilde in 2001, the papers discuss aspects of religion, art, literature and placenames, towns and society, drawing together thoughts on the exchange of culture and ideas in Viking Age Ireland and the extent to which existing identities were maintained, lost or assimilated.

2018

In the following essay, I want to point out the changes in the Scandinavian countries, that came with the process of Christianization and through important events who were crucial for these changes.

Kathleen Hughes Memorial Lecture 16, 2018

This paper offers a new re-examination of processes of conversion in Late Antique Ireland. It places so-called pagans back at the centre of the events to which they contributed so much. I have updated the file so that the entire paper is now available for download.

Studia Celtica Fennica, 2012