Academia.edu no longer supports Internet Explorer.
To browse Academia.edu and the wider internet faster and more securely, please take a few seconds to upgrade your browser.
2005, Kerygma
Genesis 6:1-4 is usually considered as an obscure passage difficult of interpretation. Many consider it as a mythological account depicting the marriage of angels, or other celestial beings, with women. Others see in it a narrative that describes the violence and abuse of power practiced by kings and powerful rulers in the world before the Flood. A third group interprets this passage as an account narrating the apostasy of men of the Sethite lineage when they united themselves in marriage with women from the Cainite family. The present study approaches the text from the perspective of the Close Reading Method. It finds in the literary context, in the text's structure, in the sequence of the narrative in Genesis 4-6, and in the themes and words that are used support for the interpretation of the "sons of Gods" as men from the Sethite lineage and the "daughters of man" as women from the Cainite family.
Sárospataki Füzetek, 2012
Abstract Within Reformed exegesis, the narrative about the ‘sons of God’ and the ‘daughters of men’ in Gen 6:1–4 is usually interpreted as a story about descendants of the pious Seth, who married daughters from the family of Cain, thus warning for close relationships between believers and non-believers. A brief research into the history of exegesis, however, shows that this interpretation is not the earliest explanation of Gen 6:1–4. The earliest exegesis viewed the ‘sons of God’ as ‘angels’. This article, therefore, tries to discover the provenance of the so called ‘Sethites-interpretation’. As turns out, the origin of this exegesis most likely is to be found in the Syriac church fathers. Interestingly, however, their exegesis retained many elements of the earlier ‘angels-interpretation’ as found especially in the Enoch-tradition. The phrasing of the ‘Sethites-interpretation’ suggests that perhaps a changed view on sexuality, differing from the Old Testament, and the ideal of celibacy, as expressed in the monastic tradition, influenced the exegesis of the passage.
Within the general context of the so-called “Primeval History” of the world that makes up the first eleven chapters of Genesis, “the toledoth of the sons of Noah” recorded in chapter 10 is unique. After the grand universal scope of the first creation narrative (Gen 1:1–2:3) and the more “down-to-earth” second creation and Eden story (2:4–3:24), after the tale of social origins in chapter 4, the linear genealogy of chapter 5, and the elaborate and complex flood narrative of chapters 6–9 comes the no-less complex and elaborate genealogy of the descendants of Noah, often dubbed “The Table of the Nations.” This “table” presents all the peoples of the earth as an extended family group, a collection of mishpahot. The purpose of this paper, respectfully presented to my teacher Professor Aaron Skaist, is to offer some insight as to the background, genre, and purpose of this chapter within the preliminary chapters of the book of Genesis.
Journal of Theological Interpretation , 2022
The text of Gen 6:1–4 is a challenging pericope that conveys an imagination-capturing scene of peculiar personalities (e.g., the Nephilim). Most scholars would agree that the little narrative contains countless intractable aspects that necessitate a healthy dose of epistemic humility. Nevertheless, the fight for the right interpretation continues. Typically, this hermeneutical struggle centers on the identity of the “sons of God.” Even biblical-theological approaches tend to gravitate toward understanding these figures rather than focusing on YHWH himself. But because the text was transmitted to indicate something about YHWH – with the exposition of the sons of God as a subordinated (though not excluded) purpose – new efforts are necessary to counterbalance such a trend. As such, this paper investigates the narrative of Gen 6:1–4 through a fresh theological method in order to understand what the text says about YHWH, so that students, scholars, and clergy would think of this passage less in terms of defining its problem characters and more in terms of appreciating how it presents YHWH in his relationship to the world.
mechanical means, including information storage and retrieval systems, without permission in writing from the publisher, except by a reviewer who may quote brief passages in a review. Cover jacket design by Carly Schnur ISBN e-Pub edition: 9780795337154 (Exodus XIV. 23). According to one midrash (Mekhilta diR. Shimon 51, 54; Mid. Wayosha 52) God assumed the shape of a mare and decoyed the ruttish Egyptian stallions into the water. If the mare-headed Goddess Demeter had been described as drowning King Pelops's chariotry in the River Alpheus by such a ruse, this would have been acceptable Greek myth; but to the pious reader of the midrash it was no more than a fanciful metaphor of the lengths to which God could go in protecting His Chosen People. The Bible itself allows us only brief hints of its lost mythological riches. Often the reference is so terse that it passes unnoticed. Few, for instance, who read: 'And after him was Shamgar ben Anath who smote of the Philistines six hundred men with an ox-goad, and he also saved Israel' (Judges III. 31), connect Shamgar's mother with the bloodthirsty Ugaritic Love-goddess, the maiden Anath, in whose honour Jeremiah's priestly town of Anathot was named. The myth of Shamgar is irrecoverable, yet he must have inherited his virgin mother's warlike prowess; and the ox-goad with which he smote the Philistines was doubtless a gift from her father, the Bull-god El. Genesis nevertheless still harbours vestigial accounts of ancient gods and goddesses-disguised as men, women, angels, monsters, or demons. Eve, described in Genesis as Adam's wife, is identified by historians with the Goddess Heba, wife of a Hittite Storm-god, who rode naked on a lion's back and, among the Greeks, became the Goddess Hebe, Heracles's bride (see 10. 10). A prince of Jerusalem in the Tell Amarna period (fourteenth century B.C.) styled himself Abdu-Heba-'servant of Eve' (see 27. 6). Lilith, Eve's predecessor, has been wholly exorcized from Scripture, though she is remembered by Isaiah as inhabiting desolate ruins (see 10. 6). She seems, from midrashic accounts of her sexual promiscuity, to have been a fertility-goddess, and appears as Lillake in a Sumerian religious text, Gilgamesh and the Willow Tree (see 10. 3-6). There are pre-Biblical references to the angel Samael, alias 'Satan'. He first appears in history as the patron god of Samal, a small Hittite-Aramaic kingdom lying to the east of Harran (see 13. 1). Another faded god of Hebrew myth is Rahab, the Prince of the Sea, who unsuccessfully defied Jehovah ('Yahweh'), the God of Israel-much as the Greek God Poseidon defied his brother, Almighty Zeus. Jehovah, according to Isaiah, killed Rahab with a sword (see 6. a). A Ugaritic diety worshipped as Baal-Zebub, or Zebul, at Ekron was consulted by King Ahaziah (2 Kings 1. 2 ff) and centuries later the Galileans accused Jesus of traffic with this 'Prince of the Demons.' Seven planetary deities, borrowed from Babylon and Egypt, are commemorated in the seven branches of the Menorah, or sacred candlestick (see 1. 6). They were combined into a single transcendental deity at Jerusalem-as among the Heliopolitans, the Byblians, the Gallic Druids and the Iberians of Tortosa. Scornful references to gods of enemy tribes humiliated by Jehovah occur throughout the historical books of the Bible: such as the Philistine Dagon, Chemosh of Moab, and Milcom of Ammon. Dagon, we know from Philo Byblius to have been a planetary power. But the God of Genesis, in the earliest passages, is still indistinguishable from any other small tribal godling (see 28. 1). Greek gods and goddesses could play amusing or dramatic parts while intriguing on behalf of favoured heroes, because the myths arose in different city-states which wavered between friendship and enmity. Yet among the Hebrews, once the Northern Kingdom had been destroyed by the Assyrians, myths became monolithic, and centred almost exclusively on Jerusalem. In Biblical myth, the heroes sometimes represent kings, sometimes dynasties, sometimes tribes. Jacob's twelve 'sons', for instance, seem to have been once independent tribes which banded together to form the Israelite amphictyony or federation. Their local gods and populations were not necessarily of Aramaean race, though ruled by an Aramaean priesthood. Only Joseph can be identified, in part, with a historical character. That each of these 'sons', except Joseph, is said to have married a twin-sister (see 45. f), suggests land-inheritance through the mother even under patriarchal government. Dinah, Jacob's only daughter born without a twin, is best understood as a semi-matriarchal tribe included in the Israel confederacy. The Genesis account of her rape by Shechem and the midrash about her subsequent marriage to Simeon should be read in a political, not a personal, sense (see 29. 1-3). Other hints of an ancient matriarchal culture occur in Genesis: such as the right of a mother to name her sons, still exercised among the Arabs, and matrilocal marriage: 'Therefore shall a man leave his father and mother and cleave unto his wife' (Genesis II. 24). This Palestinian custom is proved by the account in Judges of Samson's marriage to Delilah; and explains why Abraham, the Aramaean patriarch who entered Palestine with the Hyksos hordes early in the second millennium B.C., ordered his servant Eliezer to buy Isaac a bride from his own patrilocal kinsmen of Harran-rather than let him marry a Canaanite woman, and be adopted into her clan (see 36. 1). Abraham had already sent away the sons borne to him by his concubines, lest they should inherit jointly with Isaac (see 35. b). Matrilocal marriage is the rule in early Greek myth, too: THE CREATION ACCORDING TO GENESIS (a) When God set out to create Heaven and Earth, He found nothing around Him but Tohu and Bohu, namely Chaos and Emptiness. The face of the Deep, over which His Spirit hovered, was clothed in darkness. On the first day of Creation, therefore, He said: 'Let there be light!', and light appeared. On the second day, He made a firmament to divide the Upper Waters from the Lower Waters, and named it 'Heaven'. On the third day, He assembled the Lower Waters in one place and let dry land emerge. After naming the dry land 'Earth', and the assembled waters 'Sea', He told Earth to bring forth grass and herbs and trees. On the fourth day, He created the sun, moon and stars. On the fifth day, the sea-beasts, fish and birds. On the sixth day, the land-beasts, creeping things and mankind. On the seventh day, satisfied with His work, He rested. 1 (b) But some say that after creating Earth and Heaven, God caused a mist to moisten the dry land so that grasses and herbs could spring up. Next, He made a garden in Eden, also a man named Adam to be its overseer, and planted it with trees. He then created all beasts, birds, creeping things; and lastly woman. 2 *** the fourth century B.C., had been a priest of Bel at Babylon. 2. Another version of the same Epic, written both in Babylonian and Sumerian as a prologue to an incantation for purifying a temple, was discovered at Sippar on a tablet dated from the sixth century B.C. It runs in part as follows: The holy house, the house of the gods, in a holy place had not yet been made; No reed had sprung up, no tree had been created; No brick had been laid, no building had been erected; No house had been constructed, no city had been built; No city had been made, no creature had been brought into being; Nippur had not been made, Ekur had not been built; Erech had not been made, Eana had not been built; The Deep had not been made, Eridu had not been built; Of the holy house, the house of the gods, the habitation had not been made; All lands were sea. Then there was a movement in the midst of the sea; At that time Eridu was made, and Essagil was built, Essagil, where in the midst of the deep the god Lugal-du-kuda dwells; The city of Babylon was built, and Essagil was finished. The gods, the spirits of the earth, Marduk made at the same time, The holy city, the dwelling of their hearts' desire, they proclaimed supreme. Marduk laid a reed on the face of the waters, He formed dust and poured it out beside the reed; That he might cause the gods to dwell in the dwelling of their hearts' desire, He formed mankind. With him the goddess Aruru created the seed of mankind. The beasts of the field and living things in the field he formed. The Tigris and Euphrates he created and established them in their place; Their name he proclaimed in goodly manner. The grass, the rush of the marsh, the reed and the forest he created, The green herb of the field he created, The lands, the marshes and the swamps; The wild cow and her young, the wild calf, the ewe and her young, the lamb of the fold. Orchards and forests; The he-goat and the mountain goat… The Lord Marduk built a dam beside the sea. Reeds he formed, trees he created; Bricks he laid, buildings he erected; Houses he made, cities he built; Cities he made, creatures he brought into being. Nippur he made, Ekur he built; Erech he made, Eana he built. 3. The longer Creation Epic begins by telling how 'when on high the heavens had not been named', Apsu the Begetter and Mother Tiamat mingled chaotically and produced a brood of dragon-like monsters. Several ages passed before a younger generation of gods arose. One of these, Ea god of Wisdom, challenged and killed Apsu. Tiamat thereupon married her own son Kingu, bred monsters from him, and prepared to take vengeance on Ea. The only god who now dared oppose Tiamat was Ea's son Marduk. Tiamat's allies were her eleven monsters. Marduk relied upon the seven winds, his bow and arrow and storm-chariot, and a terrible coat of mail. He had smeared his lips with prophylactic red paste, and tied on his wrist a herb that made him proof against poison; flames crowned his head. Before their combat, Tiamat and Marduk exchanged taunts, curses and incantations. When they came to...
PHAROS Journal of Theology, 2019
Genesis 6:1-6 has been a subject of debate for centuries, most scholars considering it to be one of the most difficult passages to interpret in the Pentateuch. Genesis 6:1-4 captivates many Bible readers because of the enigmatic individuality of both the “sons of God” and the Nephilim. Many contemporary theologians pay little attention to the passage because they have the opinion that the “sons of God” refers to the godly line of Seth. Additional contemporary intellectuals contend that the “sons of God” refers to a royal line. Most of the early church fathers interpreted the sons of God to be angels, probably because of certain manuscripts of the Septuagint. Thus, the subject matter here is the identity of the sons of God.
SBL Annual Meeting San Antonio - Genesis, 2023
Abstract: The archeological and historical research on house worship of the ancient Israelites gives a balanced picture of the combination of domestic and centralized worship. This leads to reading family stories in Genesis through the question of how they reflect a religious practice within the family framework. The main argument is that understanding those rituals requires an intersectional perspective recognizing the ancient family as structured by multiple axes of identity and difference, which interact in complex ways that produce hierarchies and break them alternatively. Focusing on the place of animal and human females in the house invites consideration of the housewives as representing the question of women’s involvement in sacrificial worship. A multi-natural reading reveals a deep connection between the species, and the awareness of the animal-child intersection leads to avoiding the denial of the possibility of sacrificing human children. Intersectionality is discussed as a literary tool that unites different identities to establish norms regarding the promotion of exploiting females, slaves, foreigners, animals, and children; Specifically, the character of Hagar illuminates the treatment of females (humans and animals) around reproduction. This insight strengthens the understanding that the Pentateuch strives to define societies as hybrid communities aiming to create divisions that serve the purpose of designing prioritized social power relations.
This article is chapter 2 of my book FROM THE HOUSE OF PATRIARCH'S TO THE HOUSE OF THE FATHER, A Trajectory of Social Change, 2022
As reported in Genesis 3-12, men like Cain, Abel, Lamech, Nimrod, Enoch, and Noah did all the significant acting on the stage of human history. It is in Genesis 12 where women again walk onto the stage. Abraham and Sarah learn that the wife is no just a tool for baby making. God’s promise to Abraham was equally a promise to his wife, and no other woman would do. Hagar supplements the lesson, becoming the first person on record to give God a name (Genesis 16:13). In the next generation another question arose: Does God talk to women? When God spoke to his wife, Rebekah, Isaac refused to believe. His stubbornness his his wife’s manipulations led to threats of murder and Jacob’s expulsion from home. Then after a lifetime of trauma for his family, Jacob reformed the system of first-born rights. Whereas in the first generation, Abraham’s sons had to be separated to prevent potential violence, again in the second generation, Jacob and Esau had to separate, due to threats of murder. Then in the third generation, Jacob’s son Joseph was rescued from the potential threat of murder by being sold into slavery. But finally, the story ends when twelve brothers are reunited and reconciled such in the future brothers did live hundreds of years in harmony and no one-man potentate could emerge in Israel as ruler. Eventually Moses was able to establish an order in which God chose the kings, and not the other way around. The story reveals the hand of God redeeming an ongoing succession of trauma’s, bringing forgiveness, and initiating a trajectory of social change that led to Jesus coming and is still in motion today.
The rise of feminist studies and gender studies has led to an increased interest in how women are described in ancient sources. Within biblical studies, a wide range of research devoted to that question has been published, and more is ongoing. Most of these studies, however, are focused on the MT. The present paper tries to contribute to the interdisciplinary dialogue of gender studies and LXX research, through a comparative study that proceeds from a collection of the differences between the MT and the text of the LXX, insofar they seem to be relevant to the question of how the representation of women was changed in the transition from the Hebrew to the Greek textual tradition. 1 Following a synchronic description of these differences, historical explanations will be suggested in a second step. The material is categorized into thematic units: 1) Giving the name to a new born child; 2) Bearing or begetting?; 3) De-anonymization of women; 4) Marriage and the status of married women; 5) Gendering of children; and 6) Women and religion.
The Line of Her Seed This paper will attempt an exegesis of Genesis 6:1-2 that fits well within the storyline context to which the verses are written. This context analysis will include a brief introduction into the prophecy of Genesis 3:15, the connective verses within Genesis chapter four that pertain to the prophecy, and the exegesis of Genesis 6:1-2 as a continuation of the context storyline. It is the purpose of this paper to use scripture to interpret scripture that supports the use of Genesis 6:1-2 as referring to restrictive groups. Within this paper it will be asserted that "sons of God" should be considered a moniker representing ownership, i.e., to whom they belong, and not just another name for angels. This paper will consider the possibility that "daughter of man" (ESV) is also to be considered a moniker, i.e., imagery, denoting defilement. This paper will further explore the use of the Hebrew phrase, "to take wife" within the book of Genesis, and how it relates to Genesis 6:1-2. Additional exploration will be done within the book of Job in the attempt to shed light upon the use of "sons of God" and how it should influence the interpretation of Genesis 6:1-2. Introduction: The Coming Kingdom of God It is best to start the analysis of Genesis 6:1-2 by reviewing the context in which the controversial verses are given. This review of context will begin with one verse in Genesis chapter 3 that lays the foundation by which the storyline of the coming Kingdom of God (Matt 6:10) will be restored here on earth. This Kingdom of God storyline was established at creation (
Evangelical Journal, 2017
There is little doubt that the primeval saga of Genesis 6:1–4 would have an astounding exegetical and theological significance to the Bible’s overall narrative if interpreters could only decipher its content. For at least two millennia, exegetes have debated the intention of this pericope. The biblical narrative briefly describes humanity’s population increase (v. 1), a cryptic mention of “the sons of God” taking the “daughters of men” as wives (v. 2), then the resultant limitation on humanity’s mortality (v. 3), and an ambiguous reference to the “Nephilim” (v. 4). F. B. Huey lists several scholars who label the passage either as “strange,” “unintelligible,” or “unsolved.” As John Walton explains, biblical narratives assume ancient sensitivities that are unfamiliar to the modern reader. In order to discern these enigmatic texts, researchers must investigate other ancient Near Eastern works for literary parallels. The purpose of this article is to identify the function of the “sons of God” in the literary and socio-historical context of Genesis 6:1–4. The article will first present presuppositions to the research, as well as the importance of Ugaritic literature in biblical studies. The investigation will then present a comparative study with the Ugaritic Epic of Kirta and a potential new theory regarding the Genesis pericope. It concludes by suggesting that literary parallels may reveal the Epic of Kirta as a close paradigm for understanding the function of the Genesis passage. The specific sin of the “sons of God” may not have been unsanctioned marriages, adultery, polygamy, or rape. Rather, the biblical account could act as a polemic against the belief that divine kings obtained immortality through marriage and reproduction, which exacerbated Yahweh’s decision to eradicate humanity and to demonstrate the finiteness of these so-called ancient god-kings.
Semeia 87 (1999) 177-92
The study of gender in the Hebrew Bible cannot be analyzed in isolation from socioeconomic class. The two are inextricably combined. I will be presenting the results of a materialist investigation on Genesis 2-3. Ostensibly a story about male-female relations, Genesis 2-3 functions as a "symbolic alibi" that mystifies and conceals the class interests of the text. To legitimate royal interests, as well as to justify the current lower status of the peasant in a native tributary economy, Genesis 2-3 shifts the point of conflict from the public arena of class relations between men to the more private domain of household relations between men and women. While stressing the nuclear family and marital bond in these domestic relations, the story simultaneously subverts lineages and other local power authorities that threaten the state. SEMEIA etc., and how do these groupings show up in family structure and in juridical process?) and an ideological dimension (what ideas, beliefs, feelings, and judgments do the variously grouped producers entertain about themselves, their society, and the ultimate meaning of their existence?). (1992:83)
The New Alexandria Library of Texas + Journal for the Study of the Pseudepigrapha, which is published by SAGE., 2019
The Paper Angels Among Us? The Watchers Myth and Angelology in Ephrem’s Commentary on Genesis and the Ethiopic Tradition by David A. Skelton delves into the ancient interpretive traditions surrounding the story of the Watchers in Genesis 6:1–4, analyzing how Ephrem of Nisibis—a prominent 4th-century Syriac theologian—engaged with this myth in his commentary. Ephrem’s approach to Genesis involves a “Sethite interpretation,” where he reframes the passage traditionally associated with fallen angels, emphasizing moral dimensions instead. Ephrem’s adaptation counters the angelic interpretation by suggesting that the "sons of God" in Genesis are actually the virtuous descendants of Seth, distinct from the line of Cain. This stance allowed him to sidestep literal depictions of angels intermingling with humans, yet his interpretation also enhanced the angelic symbolism, connecting the virtues of monasticism and purity with angelic ideals. By depicting the virtues of abstinence and devotion as markers of divine likeness, Ephrem created a theological framework where faithful Christians could symbolically attain an angelic state, particularly through monastic dedication. Skelton further explores how Ephrem’s Syriac commentary shaped Ethiopic Christian interpretations, particularly in the andemta (a form of Ethiopian exegetical tradition). This Ethiopic commentary incorporates aspects of Ephrem’s angelology but applies a more explicit angelic association to the Sethites, thus extending Ephrem's framework. Skelton argues that this cross-cultural transmission underscores the broader theological effort within early Christianity to interpret Genesis 6 in a way that aligns with ideals of purity, self-control, and monastic discipline. This article ultimately reveals the layered complexities of the Watchers myth in Christian thought and demonstrates how Syriac and Ethiopic traditions used the narrative to elevate human moral aspirations and link them to angelic paradigms Tags related to book below: angelology, Watchers myth, fallen angels, Genesis 6:1-4, Ephrem of Nisibis, Syriac Christianity, Ethiopic andemta, Sethite lineage, Biblical exegesis, monasticism, purity, abstinence, virginity, Christian virtue, angelic symbolism, religious historiography, early monasticism, spiritual purity, theological anthropology, Syriac exegesis, ancient Biblical interpretation, patristic commentary, divine likeness, cross-cultural theology, Ethiopian Christianity, Church Fathers, apocryphal narratives, non-canonical texts, ascetic ideals, Syriac literature, theological synthesis, anthropomorphism in theology, mystical symbolism, Christian mysticism, spiritual devotion, purity as virtue, intertextual readings, Sethite interpretation, Syriac literary heritage, Ge'ez tradition, Christian mysticism, angelic-human relations, ancient manuscripts, Eastern Christian tradition, Sethites, the sons of God, moral ideals, Biblical cosmology, sacred literature, monastic ideals, Christian Syriac texts, spiritual allegory, holy lineage, sacred lineage, cross-cultural influence, angelic traditions, Ge'ez language, early asceticism, Ethiopian exegetical tradition, ancient Near East, Ethiopic commentary, esoteric Christianity, spiritual transformation, abstinence and purity, Syriac influence, virginity as holiness, patristic literature, Church tradition, monastic virtues, historical theology, Syriac manuscripts, angelic hierarchies, mystical Christianity, Biblical angels, ancient wisdom, cultural transmission, spiritual ethics, Syriac doctrine, hermeneutics, Ethiopic studies, mysticism in theology, Biblical figures, spiritual allegory, Ge'ez Biblical texts, Christian iconography, angelic purity, early Christian mysticism, Church history, Sethite genealogy, theological principles, angelic archetypes, Ge'ez manuscripts, spiritual purity and virtue, Sethite legacy, ethical purity, early Christian theology, non-canonical interpretation, Biblical cosmology, angelic influence, spiritual devotion in theology, early Church mysticism, purity ethics, Syriac Christian doctrine, esoteric texts, angelic interaction, religious piety, Syriac and Ge'ez texts, Syriac heritage, ancient wisdom traditions, early Church ethics, ascetic practices, Sethite holiness, Ge'ez Christian texts, Sethites as archetypes, patristic hermeneutics, cross-cultural influence on theology, Christian angels, Ethiopian religious history, patristic exegesis, Syriac theology of angels, angelic virtues, symbolic purity, Syriac literature of purity, religious symbolism, theological allegory, Ethiopic sacred texts, spiritual legacy, Syriac hagiography, Church hermeneutics, Sethite ideals, Syriac and Ethiopic intertextuality, Syriac Christian thought, angelic traditions in Genesis, spiritual identity, divine archetypes, angelic figures, Sethite moralism, patristic studies, Ethiopic Christianity, apocrypha, divine lineage, sacred lineage in theology, Syriac religious texts, angelology in early Christianity, Ge'ez angelology, Sethite narrative, ascetic spirituality, monastic virtues and purity, Syriac and Ethiopian connections, Genesis interpretations, Sethite lineage in tradition, Ge'ez scriptural commentary, early Christian iconography, spiritualiconography, purity in monasticism, Syriac theological influence, moral theology, Biblical myth, angelic tradition in Syriac texts, spiritual doctrine, angelic doctrine, patristic legacy, Church Fathers on angels, ascetic Christian virtues, moral purity, patristic interpretations, holy purity, Ge'ez Christian heritage, Syriac monastic literature, divine beings in Christianity, Sethite figures in exegesis, spiritual allegory in Genesis, Genesis commentary, early Christian purity, Sethite narrative tradition, monasticism and purity, ancient moral purity, Ethiopic exegesis, Christian spiritual symbolism, Syriac-Ethiopian tradition, mystical doctrines, moral figures, Biblical symbolism, ascetic literature, spiritual virtues, divine purity, early Christian writings, Ethiopic literature, holiness traditions, ancient angelology, Christian spiritual heritage, Sethite doctrine, spiritual purity ideals, Church Fathers on Genesis, Sethite interpretations, Syriac religious symbolism, Biblical ethics, Christian ascetic ideals, Syriac manuscripts, religious anthropology, angelic symbolism in Christianity, Syriac textual tradition, moral doctrine, Syriac iconography, angelic moralism, ancient Christian thought, purity theology, angelic Christian virtues, religious idealism, divine virtues, spiritual allegory in sacred texts, Syriac Christian symbolism, monastic purity, divine symbolism, Syriac Christian iconography, moral purity in Syriac Christianity, Sethites in theology, Ge'ez spiritual legacy, Biblical angelology, Ethiopic Christianity in exegesis, religious purity, divine moralism, cross-cultural religious influence, Biblical angelology, monasticism in early Christianity, Ge'ez Christian iconography, Christian exegesis of Genesis, holy figures, Christian ethical purity, Biblical holiness, spiritual allegory in angelology, Ge'ez exegetical tradition, Christian apocrypha, purity in Church tradition, ancient religious manuscripts, Christian moral ideals, Syriac textual history, spiritual figures, holy monastic ideals, Ge'ez Christian exegesis, Syriac traditions, divine-human relations, Ge'ez Biblical tradition, Ethiopic monastic traditions, Syriac Christian heritage, Syriac religious anthropology, Christian holy ideals, Ge'ez sacred narrative, Christian angelology of Genesis, Sethites in sacred texts, Syriac interpretation of Genesis, Ge'ez andemta tradition, angelic lineage, early monastic purity, theological allegory, spiritual symbols, ancient Ge'ez manuscripts, Christian myth in angelology, Syriac purity ideals, early monasticism, Genesis angelology, Syriac theological iconography, sacred symbolism in monasticism, patristic angelology, Syriac and Ethiopic moral theology, holy virtues in monasticism, Christian angelic symbolism.
Catholic Biblical Quarterly, 2020
2016
ABSTRACT: Genesis 6:1-4 is usually considered as an obscure passage difficult of interpretation. Many consider it as a mythological account depicting the marriage of angels, or other celestial beings, with women. Others see in it a narrative that describes the violence and abuse of power practiced by kings and powerful rulers in the world before the Flood. A third group interprets this passage as an account narrating the apostasy of men of the Sethite lineage when they united themselves in marriage with women from the Cainite family. The present study approaches the text from the perspective of the Close Reading Method. It finds in the literary context, in the text's structure, in the sequence of the narrative in Genesis 4-6, and in the themes and words that are used support for the interpretation of the "sons of Gods " as men from the Sethite lineage and the "daughters of man " as women from the Cainite family.
Humanity's Relationship to the Spirit Realm of Fallen Angels - To understand the beast and other characters of Revelation, we need to revisit Genesis 6 to see how fallen angels will affect the end times.There are 3 dominant views regarding this famous Genesis 6 passage about the Sons of God. Most Bible interpreters and commentators state that the godly children of Seth are the Sons of God marrying outside the faith, or that fallen angels mated with human women to produce giant offspring. We will expound our focus with a 3rd viewpoint while coordinating related biblical passages and mythology.
Loading Preview
Sorry, preview is currently unavailable. You can download the paper by clicking the button above.