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2001, Journal of Refugee Studies
AI
The South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), chaired by Desmond Tutu, sought to address the historical injustices of apartheid by examining the human costs and operational realities of an oppressive regime transitioning to democracy. The TRC's work involved significant challenges, including criticisms of its methodologies and findings, but it ultimately represents a crucial step in the process of reconciliation and political transition, offering insights applicable to other nations facing similar struggles.
2009
"Despite the length of time that has passed since the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa (TRC) declared its duties done, it continues to have far-reaching consequences for the understanding and treatment of the issues of forgiveness, justice, memory, truth, and reconciliation within South Africa. This legacy, however, also extends beyond the South African context. Since other such Commissions have sprung up elsewhere in the world, it is imperative that the TRC, currently regarded as paradigmatic in the approach now taken for granted in dealing with post-conflict reconciliation, be thoroughly examined in order that its legacy may prove more positive and expansive. The three aims of my dissertation are: first, critically to examine the underlying assumptions of the TRC's employment and application of the concepts of truth and reconciliation. I assume no originality in engaging in such an examination, but where I do assume originality is in my employment of theorists from the early Frankfurt School of Critical Theory in dealing with both these concepts. Second, I consider the ways in which post-apartheid fictional literature has responded to the notions of truth and reconciliation, with particular focus on whether this response sanctions or challenges the TRC's assumptions. One of the observations I underscore is that there is a sense of challenge that arises out of the autonomy of literature as an artistic medium. Put in the form of a question: do the response of literature to the work of the Commission, and the Commission's engagement with the literary mode, help elucidate the concepts of truth and reconciliation both for the Commission itself and the larger South African community? Third, I examine how the narratives of truth and reconciliation as espoused by the Commission are driven primarily by a religious thrust; a thrust that the Commission uses to its advantage by pointing it back to the South African public as the public's own 'natural' discourse. Through the TRC, religion re-enters the public sphere as normative discourse, thus demanding serious engagement as it now forms part of the discursive narrative on the ethical and moral constitution of the nation."
Screen, 2005
On 21 st March 2003, retired Anglican Archbishop Desmond Tutu officially ended the work of South Africa's Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) by handing over the body's final report to President Thabo Mbeki. This date, the anniversary of the 1960 Sharpeville massacre, when South African police fired into a crowd of peaceful protesters, was a particularly resonant one for the TRC to conclude its seven-year-long investigation into human rights violations committed during the era of strict racial segregation known as apartheid. Established in a last-minute codicil to the interim constitution that was drafted as part of the multi-party negotiations preceding South Africa's first democratic election in 1994, the TRC heard the testimony of more than 21,000 victims of apartheid-era violence and their relatives in a series of emotionally charged public hearings. In addition to recording the harrowing words of these witnesses to atrocity, commissioners also examined amnesty applications from perpetrators of human rights violations, and sought, more broadly, to promote reconciliation between the races in the new, democratic South Africa. While other institutional innovations such as the final drafting of a new constitution may prove to have a more dramatic impact on South Africa's future, the TRC's hearings were among the most gripping public events of the post-apartheid era. 1 After decades in which a racist regime systematically silenced and brutalized them, victims of violence and their relatives appeared before the TRC in order to express their grief and rage. As a result of this process, the stories of ordinary people brutalized by apartheid were officially recognized and recorded by the new state. The TRC has, as a result, been widely perceived as drafting the first inclusive public history for a democratic South Africa. 2 Not surprisingly, the broad public dissemination of the TRC proceeding by television and film raise particularly thorny aesthetic and
2004
Abstract: The South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was mandated to establish "the truth" about the causes, nature and extent of gross violations of human rights in the country between 1960 and 1994. This article assesses the significance of the TRC for historians and the writing of history in South Africa. There is no doubt that the TRC had shortcomings. Its coverage of human rights violations was uneven. Those who testified at public hearings did not constitute a representative sample of the South African population. The truthfulness of their subjective testimonies was not properly verified. A discursive framework, reinforcing the TRC discourse of reconciliation, was imposed on participants. Because the socio-economic context of human rights violations was neglected, analysis of causation was shallow. The way in which the outcomes of the TRC have been handled by the government seems to endorse Derrida's suggestion that it might become an exercise in...
Monthly Review, 1997
Research in Africam Literatures, 2011
Speaking at the Centre for Post-Conflict Justice at Trinity College, Dublin in 2010, Kader Asmal, formerly anti-apartheid activist, recently minister of education, and now professor of law in South Africa, asked the question: APost-Conflict Justice: Industry or Necessity?@ As a critic of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) for allegedly sacrificing justice and the criminal prosecution of perpetrators to the ends of national reconciliation (Asmal et al, Reconciliation through Truth), Asmal may have been a controversial choice to inaugurate a centre whose website features Nelson Mandela framed by the new South African flag, and whose members honor the TRC as a key model for the resolution of conflict in Ireland. Nonetheless, the TRC has become, as Paul Gready suggests in The Era of Transitional Justice (hereafter: Era), both an example for later commissions and the stimulus for commentary on an industrial scale.
1999
This contribution is based on an (as yet) untested hypothesis: that a TRC may be a useful mechanism in the aftermath of authoritarian rule and' the concurrent misuse of power (including large-scale human rights abuses), assisting in the establishment of a stable democracy by revealing the past and, as far as possible, providing means for restitution (in whatever format), but that TRCs are not necessarily the only method for doing so We are also interested in historical interpretation and recollection, the impact of social identity (or identities) on historical re/deconstruction and the problem of conflicting ideologies (or even the 'clash of civilisations' that the political scientist Samuel Huntington refers to). We are also interested in historiography as a clash of perceptions/knowledge. Any discussion of that, however, would fall outside the parameters of this contribution. TRCs in context In order to provide some clarity on and background to a further discussion of the TRC in South Africa, the following contextualisation may be of help.
Brazilian Political Science Review, 2013
This article is dedicated to recounting the main initiative of Nelson Mandela's government to manage the social resentment inherited from the segregationist regime. I conducted interviews with South African intellectuals committed to the theme of transitional justice and with key personalities who played a critical role in this process. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission is presented as the primary institutional mechanism envisioned for the delicate exercise of redefining social relations inherited from the apartheid regime in South Africa. Its founders declared grandiose political intentions to the detriment of localized more palpable objectives. Thus, there was a marked disparity between the ambitious mandate and the political discourse about the commission, and its actual achievements.
Indicator South Africa, 1998
The assumption of responsibility by all parties involved is essential to the reconciliation process. A survey conducted by the Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation suggests that the majority of white South Africans are unconvinced that they played a role in apartheid abuses. And over 40% of those surveyed think apartheid was a good idea, badly executed. In the interest of reconciling South Africa with its troubled past, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) has called on the entire country to remember, acknowledge and admit their role in past crimes. Specifically, it has focussed on white South Africans, the security forces, the armed wings of the liberation movements, the past government, and specific sectors (e.g. the medical profession, the business sector) all of whom have been called upon to carefully scrutinise their complicity in the apartheid system. This has proved to be a difficult task, however, perhaps because most people would like to forget their role in a system that has been internationally condemned as a crime against humanity. In light of this, the Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation (CSVR) set out to investigate the extent to which white South Africans have embraced the TRC process and acknowledged their role in the apartheid system.
The impact of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) of South Africa is a contested terrain. On the one hand, it pioneered an entirely new level of national " truth telling " by empowering the victim's voice through public hearings and reparations, and by insisting on accountability for all amnesty applicants by treating them in a uniform manner (regardless of claims of moral high ground). Additionally, it applied a conditional amnesty, robust public hearings, sectorial submissions, and provided intensive national media coverage coupled with investigative services to verify confessions and exhumations to locate missing remains. On the other, there were also multiple deficits attached to the TRC process. Many evaluators assessed the TRC to be ineffectual in reaching the community " grassroots " level masses due to its " top-down " centralized approach, its perceived perpetrator bias, and its unacceptable level of victim compensation. Other critiques pointed to a lack of follow through, limited timeframe and mandate, and its coercive forms of forgiveness and reconciliation. This entry is concerned with the wider societal impact of the TRC 20 years after its inception. Three broad themes will be utilized to frame this entry and to identify future research forays: the contribution of the TRC to public participation processes; the contribution to the construction of a new narrative discourse at a societal level; and the contribution to collective social justice in South Africa today.
Melbourne Journal of Politics, 2015
The twenty-year anniversary of the establishment of democratic governance in South Africa presents a fitting time to reflect upon the work of the country's Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC). This article focusses on the TRC as a key institution in the transition from apartheid to democracy, and commences by outlining the context and remit of the TRC and considering some of its more recent critiques. I conclude that many of these perspectives present an unfair judgement of the Commission based on either a misreading or misunderstanding of its mandate, and to a certain extent, a disregard for the contextual constraints within which it operated. Whilst acknowledging its limitations, I argue that the TRC played an important role in facilitating political transition and maintaining a fragile peace, and that it contributed to creating a more inclusive official historical narrative, as well as a human rights culture. I identify that the Commission's therapeutic ethos and its emphasis on the human capacity for empathy and compassion were particularly significant in cultivating a shared purpose and sense of national community. I conclude by considering the TRC in the context of key contemporary challenges facing South Africa, underscoring the need for ongoing attention to structural injustice.
It would be clear that our use of the designation “victim” or “survivor” is not meant to convey the idea that we are just hapless people waiting for salvation from the state or civil society officials. There is no gainsaying that this is the struggle that we cannot win by ourselves – how can we, when this struggle is simply not about the wrongs that were done to us as individuals but it is a struggle against structures and system that are designed to ensure that only a handful of people lord over the rest? The struggle is against neoliberal globalization that puts a serious limit to ‘post-conflict’ being-togetherness and any thorough going social emancipation. The struggle is against the global coloniality of power and being that arose in the long 16th century and that still determines which lives are grievable and which are not, and thus which pains are worthy of honour and reparation, and which are not. The struggle is also against the coloniality of knowledge that determines which ways of understanding the world and thus being in the world and (re) making the world are legitimate and which are not. It is this coloniality that tells that there is only one formula to follow to achieve healing, re-harmonization and restorative justice. For us, the discourse and practice of transitional justice does not exhaust all the possibilities that exist for achieving all these goals.
2001
African Studies Review, 2002
Reviewed by Jaap Durand Referring to the Zimbabwean crisis caused by the occupation of farms by war veterans of the struggle for freedom from colonial domination in the old Rhodesia, a political commentator in an Afrikaans newspaper observes that it would not have happened if Zimbabwe, instead of giving amnesty to violators of human rights in the old Rhodesia, had set up a truth commission similar to the one in South Africa. This is a remarkable acknowledgement in a newspaper that consistently had shown itself as a severe critic of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC). This indicates that the debate on the TRC is not yet over and that, as the time goes on, new perspectives on the work of the TRC will open up. In this respect, the collection of essays on the TRC in Looking Back, Reaching Forward can play an important role, because here we have the remarkable story and a debate triggered by it from the inside-in the words of the editors: an "internal critique".
Journal of Moral Education, 2006
New contree: a journal of historical and human sciences for Southern Africa, 2013
Whether or not the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) intended to write history, it certainly engaged with the past while historians were virtually absent. This article therefore sets out to take a closer look at the relationship between history, historians and the TRC. An overview of the literature reveals that historians have examined the TRC from a philosophical perspective and analysed its report as a historical narrative. Although some historians praise the TRC, most of them stand critically towards its epistemology, ethics, methodology and content. In the same way, some historians are inspired by the TRC’s alternative way of engaging with the past but others point to the dangers of its stress on a post-apartheid present. Overall, historians seldom explicitly write about or engage with the TRC because they consider it a flawed and even dangerous enterprise. The inaccessibility of the archives also impedes historians from picking up the road map the commissi...
International journal of intercultural …, 2003
The United Nations Research Institute for Social Development (UNRISD) is an autonomous agency engaging in multidisciplinary research on the social dimensions of contemporary problems affecting development. Its work is guided by the conviction that, for effective development policies to be formulated, an understanding of the social and political context is crucial. The Institute attempts to provide governments, development agencies, grassroots organizations and scholars with a better understanding of how development policies and processes of economic, social and environmental change affect different social groups. Working through an extensive network of national research centres, UNRISD aims to promote original research and strengthen research capacity in developing countries.
African Studies Quarterly, 2004
Abstract: This article argues that the question "Are South Africans reconciled?" is meaningless unless the sense in which the questioner is using the word reconciliation is made clear. Such questions do not get us far in understanding the truth and reconciliation commission (TRC) as one's interpretation of the term "reconciliation" will necessarily influence one's evaluation of the TRC's work. It argues that the linking of success with reconciliation, in any case, is problematic for two reasons: first, many people tend to confuse "aspiration with empiricism," and, second, the conflation of truth with reconciliation obscures the many contributions, besides reconciliation, that truth commissions make to society. Finally, it explicates the multiple meanings of the concept of reconciliation, and offers two models of reconciliation in South Africa, Individual Reconciliation (IR), and National Unity and Reconciliation (NUR). It then assesses how t...
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