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2012, Linguistic Issues in Language Technology
The causative alternation has been recognised in the linguistic literature as one of the most widely spread linguistic phenomena, attested in almost all languages, although differently realised and involving partially different sets of verbs. In this paper, we identify the degree of spontaneity of the event described by a verb as a general component of meaning of alternating verbs which underlies the within-language and cross-linguistic variation in their realisations. We first establish that a corpus-based measure of this property, the ratio of the frequency of usage of the causative and anticausative form, is strongly correlated to an independent typological measure (Haspelmath, 1993). Then we examine the influence of this property on the cross-linguistic realisations of verbs. We find that the degree of variation and parallelism in forms across languages is strongly related to the degree of spontaneity of the verb.
Linguistics, 2018
This corpus-driven computational study addresses the question of why some verbs in some languages participate in the causative alternation while their counterparts in other languages do not. The results of this study suggest that the lexical property that underlies this variation is the probability of external causation. Alternating verbs are distributed on a scale of increasing probability for an external causer to occur. The probability of external causation can be empirically assessed in two ways, among others: first, by observing the typological distribution of causative and anticausative morphological markings across a wide range of languages; second, through the frequency distribution of causative and anticausative uses of the alternating verbs in a corpus of a single language. Our study reveals that these two measures are correlated. Moreover, we demonstrate that the corpus-based measure is applicable to a wide range of verbs. Extending the corpus-based investigation comparat...
Heidinger, Steffen. 2015. Causalness and the encoding of the causative–anticausative alternation in French and Spanish. Journal of Linguistics., 2015
In French and Spanish, both parts of the causative-anticausative alternation can be formally encoded in two ways: depending on the form of the verb, marked and unmarked causatives and marked and unmarked anticausatives can be distinguished.
Other children, other languages: issues in the theory of …, 1994
A Crosslinguistic Approach to the Causative Alternation One of the bedrocks of current linguistic investigation is that there is a fairly direct mapping between thought and language. The assumption is that at some level of the grammar, whether it is d-structure (Chomsky 1981), argument structure (Grimshaw 1990) or lexical conceptual structure (Hale & Keyser 1986), there is a tie between language structure and a more universal cognitive perception of events. Perlmutter & Postal's (1984) Universal Alignment Hypothesis (UAH) and Baker's (1988) Uniformity of Theta Assignment Hypothesis (UTAH) are concrete expressions of this assumption. These hypotheses, with Chomsky's (1981) Projection Principle (or it's extended variants) impose meaningful constraints on verb argument structures. A universal or uniform association of thematic roles to syntactic positions would eliminate crosslinguistic variation in verb argument structures. Ideally, children would be able to use such principles in constructing their initial lexical entries for verbs and so avoid confusion from hearing well-formed sentences with null arguments or ill-formed sentences with missing arguments. On hearing a sentence such as 'The stick broke,' the UAH or UTAH would tell a child that the NP 'the stick' was in the direct object position at some level of the syntactic derivation since it bears the thematic role of theme. The linguistic principles in combination with the primary linguistic data would provide the child with all 'I see you.' 'You are going.' b. k-0-a-kuwi:-j d. k-0-taq'en-ik INCOMP-3A-2E-hurry-TV INCOMP-3A-PROGRESSIVE-IV 'You are hurrying.' 'It is-ing 2 .' K'iche' uses the suffix /-isa/ to derive the causative form of intransitive verbs. Examples of this causative construction are shown in (2). In K'iche' the causative suffix can only be added to intransitive verb stems, unlike Berber, Japanese and Korean where it is also possible to add a causative affix to transitive verb stems. (2) K'iche' causative verbs with /-isa/ Intransitive Form Causative Form a. k-0-poqow-ik k-0-a-poqow-isa:-j INCOMP-3A-boil-IV INCOMP-3A-2E-boil-CAUSE-TV 'I am coming.' 'I will make you come.' b. kin -muxan-ik k-0-in-b'an k-at-muxan-ik INCOMP-1A-swim-IV INCOMP-3A-1E-do INCOMP-2A-swim-IV 'I am swimming.' 'I will make you swim.' The K'iche' causative alternation is further complicated by one additional factor. Transitive verbs may lose the direct object with the addition of an absolutive antipassive affix. K'iche' speakers use the absolutive antipassive to emphasize an
We propose, and provide corpus-based support for, a usage-based explanation for crosslinguistic trends in the coding of causal-noncausal verb pairs, such as raise/rise, break (tr.)/break (intr.). While English mostly uses the same verb form both for the causal and the noncausal sense (labile coding), most languages have extra coding for the causal verb (icausative coding) and/or for the noncausal verb (anticausative coding). Causative and anticausative coding is not randomly distributed (Haspelmath 1993): Some verb meanings such as 'freeze', 'dry' and 'melt' tend to be coded as causatives, while others such as 'break', 'open' and 'split' tend to be coded as anticausatives. We propose an explanation of these coding tendencies on the basis of the form-frequency correspondence principle, which is a general efficiency principle that is responsible for many grammatical asymmetries, ultimately grounded in predictability of frequently expressed meanings. In corpus data from seven languages, we find that verb pairs for which the noncausal member is more frequent tend to be coded as anticausatives, while verb pairs for which the causal member is more frequent tend to be coded as causatives. Our approach implies that linguists should not rely on form-meaning parallelism when trying to explain crosslinguistic or language-particular patterns in this domain.
Lingua, 2014
This paper supports an analysis of the causative alternation in English in which all alternating verbs are lexically associated only with the internal argument(s). Lexical and contextual constraints on the distribution of the variants are distinguished. Semantic constraints on what kinds of causes appear with which verbs in various uses are argued not to be lexically specified. The account distinguishes clearly between the principled availability of the two variants of a causative alternation verb and the principles governing the (non)expression of the external cause. Many of the nonlexical constraints on the causative alternation are best understood as resulting from principles which determine which variant of the alternation is most appropriate in a given discourse context.
The main objective of the current study was to test whether Advanced Jordanian EFL learners have acquired the English causative alternation. To this end, we used a Grammaticality Judgment Task (GJT) to determine whether the participants would be able to distinguish between alternating and non-alternating causative/inchoative verbs. The verbs used in the GJT were chosen based on their frequency in the Corpus of Contemporary American English (COCA). The sample of the study consisted of eighty advanced Jordanian EFL learners, studying English Language and Literature at the University of Jordan. The results revealed that the participants have not acquired the English causative alternation (total mean=61%). Specifically, the results showed that the participants encountered some difficulties with certain verbs that do not alternate and were used ungrammatically on the GJT. We proposed that these difficulties could be attributed to the differences between English and Jordanian Arabic (JA) in terms of the semantically-based constraints that govern the causative-inchoative alternation in English and JA. The participants transferred the argument structure of verbs in JA into English without realising that the two languages are different in terms of the verbs that are allowed to alternate and those that are not. The study concludes with recommendations for further research.
Lingua Posnaniensis, 2016
In this paper, I formulate and explain a number of universal generalizations about the formation of causative verbs (overtly marked verbs with causal meaning) and anticausative verbs (overtly marked verbs with noncausal meaning). Given the spontaneity scale of basic verb meanings (transitive > unergative > automatic unaccusative > costly unaccusative > agentful), we can say that verb pairs with a noncausal verb higher on the scale tend to be causative pairs, and verb pairs with a noncausal verb lower on the scale tend to be anticausative pairs. I propose that these generalizations can be subsumed under the form-frequency correspondence principle: That transitive base verbs tend to form causatives (often analytic causatives) is because they rarely occur in causal contexts, and the fact that unaccusative verbs tend to be coded as anticausatives is because they frequently occur in causal contexts, and special marking is required for the rarer and less expected situation.
Linguistica Pragensia, 2016
This paper investigates the Czech translation counterparts of the Spanish / Italian causative construction with the causative verb hacer / fare + verb. On the basis of two parallel corpora, a typology of Czech equivalents is proposed. In contrast to the general divide between analytic/synthetic translation constructions, the research uncovers a number of various recurrent patterns. The paper shows the quantitative distribution of the defined types of patterns. It demonstrates that between the two opposite poles of expressiving causativity, i.e. through morphological causativization and syntactic causative construction, there are languages, such as Czech, that display a wider range of structural possibilities. Although some types clearly dominate, the overall range of patterns is much larger.
To be published in: Edward Gibson & Moshe Poliak (eds) From Fieldwork to Linguistic Theory: A Tribute to Dan Everett. Language Science Press., 2024
In this article we discuss corpus evidence from Italian which suggests that the causative alternation cannot be reduced to a single principle, be it semantic, syntactic or at the interface between these two levels of analysis. We argue that the boundaries of the causative alternation are established in grammar through (i) the acquisition of inchoative and causative logical structures, which are stored in the lexicon alongside non-templatic facets of meaning, (ii) general semantics-syntax mapping principles, which are subject to alignment variation, and (iii) constructional instructions, which determine which subclasses of verbs can enter the constructions that are relevant to the causative alternation in each individual language. Two such constructions are identified in our study of Italian, the one being marked by the morpheme SE, the other being labile, though we suggest that the -SE intransitives of alternating verbs are not necessarily anticausative. Our study reveals the causative alternation to be a prime illustration of the parallel architecture of grammar, where the default principles that govern the interplay of a rich lexical module with syntax interact with language specific constructional requirements.
Belgian Journal of Linguistics, 2017
The causative-inchoative alternation has been a subject of much debate. It might also be a case where variation patterns that escape existing typologi-cal descriptions provide a new perspective on the problem. We analyze the variability and systematicity of alternative argument structure realizations, together with corresponding aspectual/event properties, by considering three different ways in which change-of-state verbs can be semantically and syntactically construed in Romance. Under the general assumption that the syntactic projection of arguments correlates non-trivially with event structure , we apply a novel theoretical approach to the semantics and syntax of the causative-inchoative alternation. We argue that different verbal heads can be independently combined to yield contrasting verbal configurations, with corresponding event/argument structure properties quite freely. Alongside standard cases such as causative and inchoative frames, we discuss what we call 'stative-causative constructions' [SCC], where the initiator appears as the sole argument. The general properties of this additional (third) variant suggest the availability of a null causative (external-argument-selecting) v 0 producing original monoargumental structures with corresponding (simpler) event structure. These little-known Spanish data challenge current argument structure theories assuming that the causative v 0 necessarily implicates the eventive (BECOME) component, or that the latter figures in the verb's permanent lexical entry. SCCs provide empirical evidence suggesting that what is commonly described as a basic unaccusative/transitive verb may have unergative uses.
Lingua, 1994
This paper investigates the phenomena that come under the label 'causative alternation' in English, as illustrated in the transitive and intransitive sentence pair Antonia broke the vase / The vase broke. Central to our analysis is a distinction between verbs which are inherently monadic and verbs which are inherently dyadic. Given this distinction, much of the relevant data is explained by distinguishing two processes that give rise to causative alternation verbs. The first, and by far more pervasive process, forms lexical detransitive verbs from certain transitive verbs with a causative meaning. The second process, which is more restricted in its scope, results in the existence of causative transitive verbs related to some intransitive verbs. Finally, this study provides further insight into the semantic underpinnings of the Unaccusativity Hypothesis
ENGLISH LINGUISTICS, 2000
During the last 40 years research of causativity belonged to the central themes of the general and comparative or better typological linguistics. In this respect it is astonishing that in my opinion from the Slavic side this subject was treated if at all very marginally in the past. My interest was motivated by the fact that CC requires an analysis, which touches an interface of morphology, semantics, lexicon and syntax. Therefore it is also easy to grasp by the Minimalistic Program (with the inclusion of Distributive Morphology). Furthermore, the theme comprises important observations concerning questions of diathesis and passive which moti- vated me to choose it for the present volume. In this article the features of externally and internally caused verbs will be described and put into context of the phenomenon of unaccusa- tivity. My approach will be the following: I will try to characterize the relationship between lexicon and syntax, namely including the concepts of Distributive Morphology and of ROOT-Semantics of verbs, which participate or rather, do not participate in Causative Alternation and unaccusativity. The Causative Alternation (CAL) will serve as criteria to distin- guish between externally and internally caused causation; with help of the CAL the unaccusative Verbs will be divided into two sub- groups: alternating unaccusative (AU-) verbs and non-alternating unaccusative (NAU-) verbs. In the following an alternate distinction between AU- and NAU-verbs will be developed, namely the pre- sence/absence of information about how the process to be treated was caused. The universal concept of the encyclopedic lexicon in the English, German and Czech language seems to assume four different ROOTS of verbs at base to classify the Anti-Causativity-Opposition: √agen- tive (murder, assasinate, cut), √internally caused (blossom, wilt, grow), √externally caused (destroy, kill, slay) and √cause unspecified (break, open, melt). Moreover, it will be shown that unergative/causative pairs depict an independent phenomenon which does not affect considerations about CAL (correspondent to Alexiadou et al. 2006a, b and Marantz 1997, but dissenting Levin − Rappaport Hovav 1995 and Reinhart 2000). In 6 and 7 I will provide an exact analysis of the roots (ROOTS) and the syntactic projections which derive from them.
Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 14. Selected papers from the 46th Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL), Stony Brook, NY., 2018
The purpose of this paper is to shed light on a particular behavior displayed by verbs of inherently directed motion, the availability of a causative transitive alternate, and how this phenomenon interacts with the presence of clitic se in the intransitive variant. Data from Catalan, Aragonese and Italian varieties, none of which have received much attention in the literature, will prove crucial for our proposal. We adopt an inter-Romance perspective and a nanosyntactic approach to lexicalization in order to refine the correlation Jiménez-Fernández and Tubino (2014, 2017) find for Spanish, where inherently directional motion verbs are claimed to be more easily causativized (entrar el coche ‘go in the car’) in varieties where the use of se in the intransitive forms is also more frequent (Juan se entró ‘Juan se went in’).
Zenodo (CERN European Organization for Nuclear Research), 2020
This paper examines the typological characteristics of causal-noncausal verb alternations in Norwegian. To be more specific, the direction of formal basic-derived relationships in 31 causal-noncausal verb pairs in Norwegian is analyzed based on the verb list proposed by Haspelmath (1993). Moreover, a comparison is made between Norwegian and other Germanic languages. There are three major findings that this paper presents. First, Norwegian shows a great propensity for anticausative and labile coding. Second, Norwegian is similar to German in terms of the propensity for anticausative and labile coding. By contrast, English shows a dominant preference for labile coding, and Swedish for anticausative coding. Third, the direction of formal derivation in Norwegian can be accounted for in terms of the "spontaneity scale" proposed by Haspelmath (2016): different coding types are chosen depending on how spontaneously the events each noncausal verb denotes are likely to occur. * I would like to express my deepest appreciation to my advisor, Naonori Nagaya. I am also thankful to Kenta Shima, Yui Suzuki, and Yuko Morokuma for their comments and my Norwegian consultants for kindly contributing to this study. Of course, responsibility for any errors is my own. This paper represents the research results of the NINJAL collaborative research projects
Hsuan Chang Humanities Journal, 2009
This paper compares the crosslinguistic variation of causative-unaccusative alternation (e.g. John broke the vase vs. The vase broke) in Japanese, English and Mandarin Chinese, from morphology and syntactic point of view. In addition to the over case markings, Japanese has very complex derivational morphological systems to mark the transitivity of their verbs. English transitivity is mainly expressed by syntactic frame in which the verb appears. Mandarin Chinese, on the other hand lacks monomorphemic change of state verbs (i.e., unaccusatives) and the language employs rich resultative verb compounds (RVCs) which are comprised of two atelic verbs: activity and state. Mandarin RVCs play a significant role in the argument changing process.
Valency over Time
This paper presents the formation of causative verbs and different causativization strategies in the Uralic languages as evidenced by six verb sets in 22 languages. The sample is a selection of basic verbs from a larger database including altogether 21 non-causal and causal verb pairs based on a slightly revised version of Nichols, Peterson and Barnes (2004). Our sample illustrates the big picture of causativization in Uralic in the light of three animate verb pairs 'eat' / 'feed', 'see' / 'show', 'fear, be afraid' / 'frighten, scare' and three inanimate non-causal / causal pairs, namely 'burn (intr.); catch fire' / 'burn (tr.); set afire', 'dry (intr.); get dry' / 'dry (tr.), dry out' and 'be straight; straighten out' / 'straighten; make straight'. The sample shows some variation in the causativization strategies across the language family and different lexical types. However, the dominating characteristic of almost all investigated cases is that the Uralic languages prefer valency changing affixal morphology whereas other strategies are more random and result from verb-specific and language-specific historical development. A qualitative analysis of the diachronic development shows that, actually, most deviating patterns originate from former valency changing affixal morphology patterns as well.
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