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2008, In Douthwaite J., PezzinI D. Words in Action: Diachronic and Synchronic Approaches to English Discourse: Studies in Honour of Ermanno Barisone.. Genova: ECTS .
This paper investigates the phenomenon of English reduplicativesof the type chit-chat, dilly-dally or hurly-burly and nitty-gritty, which appear significant on various aspects, e.g. 1) as instances of extragrammatical (or expressive) morphology, 2) as complex cases in terms of naturalness/iconicity, 3) as current processes for slangy formations, 4) as lexical devices for covering areas of morphopragmatic meanings and 5) as cases of likely difficulty in the process of translation. In this first report, only points (1) and (2) are touched upon. The topic deserves attention in linguistics, because English, like many other world languages, but unlike other Western European languages, 2 widely and productively exploits reduplication as a word formation mechanism. English reduplicatives are lexical items, contributing to the enrichment of the lexicon (not only in terms of connotations), whereas in other world languages, the mechanism more often has a functional motivation: it may express a variety of grammatical functions, from plurality to tense shifting, 3 diminutive, etc. Although difficult to describe in terms of rules, and for that reason highly neglected by grammarians, reduplicatives are by no means out of the ordinary: they are lively, productive and widespread, and they have been so for quite a number of centuries. The so-called Copy reduplicatives, i.e. based on identical member repetition (as in ha-ha), are recorded in some OE documents dating back to the year 1000, while the ablaut (riff-raff) and rhyming (hocus pocus) types appear to be fully established by the end of the sixteenth century (Minkova 2002: 133).
Word Structure, 2015
This reference work on English morphology can be qualified as the (for a long time needed) successor to Marchand's famous handbook The categories and types of present-day English word formation, of which the second and last edition was published in 1969 . The book to be reviewed here, however, has a larger scope, as it does not only deal with word formation but also with inflection. Hence, it is a comprehensive book on English morphology. The authors of this book are all senior researchers in the domain of English morphology, with an individual track record of important publications on English morphology. So it was a good idea of these authors to work together to produce an authoritative volume on English morphology. What are the main features of this book compared to Marchand's book? First of all, it incorporates the results of decades on research on English morphology since the 1960's. Second, it is based on huge corpora, of a size that was unthinkable in the time that Marchand wrote his book. The main corpus used are COCA (the Corpus of Contemporary American English), the British National corpus, CELEX, and the Google Book Corpus. In addition, various dictionaries and reverse dictionaries were used. Many examples of complex words are
I would like to thank Heinz Giegerich for inviting me to write this book, and him and Laurie Bauer for useful comments on a draft version. I must admit that, when I set out to write what is intended as an introductory text on an extremely well-described language, I did not expect to learn anything new myself; but I have enjoyed discovering and rediscovering both new and old questions that arise from the study of morphology and its interaction with syntax and the lexicon, even if I cannot claim to have provided any conclusive new answers. The Library of the University of Canterbury has, as always, been efficient in supplying research material. I would also like to thank my partner Jeremy Carstairs-McCarthy for constant support and help. viii At the end of each chapter are recommendations for reading relating to the subject-matter of the chapter. Here I offer some comments on general works dealing with English or morphology or both. Of the available books on English morphology in particular, Bauer (1983) delves deepest into issues of linguistic theory (although a now somewhat dated version of it), and offers useful discussion and casestudies of fashions in derivational morphology. Marchand (1969) is factually encyclopedic. Adams (1973) concentrates on compounding (the subject-matter of our Chapter 6) and conversion (discussed here in Chapter 5), but says relatively little about derivation (covered here in Chapter 5). There is no book that deals adequately with morphology in general linguistic terms and that also takes into account fully up-to-date versions of syntactic and phonological theory. Bauer (1988) is a clear introductory text. The main strength of Matthews (1991) is its terminological precision. Carstairs-McCarthy (1992) is aimed at readers whose knowledge of linguistics is at advanced undergraduate level or beyond. Spencer (1991) covers much ground, and may be said to bridge the gap between Bauer and Carstairs-McCarthy.
The Canadian Journal of Linguistics / La revue canadienne de linguistique, 2003
Language, 1997
This book, like the Kleinere Schriften of F's Stanford colleague, Joseph H. Greenberg, demonstrates that linguistics as practiced by linguists who know their languages is the most humane of the social sciences and the most scientific of the humanities. communities, register variation, and early work on language planning. Happily, there is a name index (329-35), topic index (336-44), and language index (345-8), without which this tome would be quite user-unfriendly (the very problem of the Dil volume). In addition to the two aforementioned essays, Part I reprints the (1968) 'Language development' (also in Dil 1971:40-7), which is quite basic and could have been omitted. The (1991) 'South Asia as a sociolinguistic area' (84-96) is, by contrast, fairly advanced and contains a particularly rich bibliography (93-6). This unevenness will make textbook adoption difficult. Part II, on register and genre, contains the (1964) 'Baby talk in six languages' (103-14). Providing background information, H writes that F 'now considers "Arabic babytalk" (1956) as an example of how not to do research' (97). Baby talk research probably was the catalyst for F's entry into pidginistics and creolistics, since 'Absence of copula and the notion of simplicity: A study of normal speech, baby talk, foreigner talk and pidgins' appeared in 1971 (115-23). There is no better illustration of F's work on genre than 'Sports announcer talk: Syntactic aspects of register variation' (148-66). It is clear that, although not all natives are familiar with SAT, it is, like the knock-knock joke, 'as identifiable as the sonnet' (149).
2001
This book is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place without Contents An introduction to the textbook Chapter One: Word origins 3 The affixes of English 3.1 Prefixes 3.2 Suffixes Chapter Six: Replacement rules 1 Assimilation and types of assimilation 2 Labial assimilation 2.1 Exceptions to labial assimilation 3 Voicing assimilation 3.1 Sound versus spelling 3.2 Left-to-right voicing assimilation viii Contents 11 Fossilized allomorphy 12 Gradation 2.1 Gradation in Germanic 13 Rhotacism 3.1 Rhotacism in Latin 3.2 Rhotacism in Germanic 14 Metathesis (transposition) 15 Obscure cognates: completely unpredictable allomorphy 16 False cognates 6.1 Boundary misplacement 6.2 Homophony in roots and affixes 6.2.1 Root homophony 6.3 Affix homophony 6.3.1 Phonetic rules and homophony 6.3.2 Homophony of grammatical suffixes Contents ix 6.3.3 Mixed homophony: affixes and roots 17 Pseudo-affixes 18 Semantic variation 19 Multiple derivatives-multiple meanings Multiple affixes-same meaning Chapter Nine: Semantic change and semantic guesswork 1 Terminology 1.1 Diversity of meanings 1.2 Other-onyms 2 How meanings change ("semantic change") 2.1 External forces 2.1.1 Technology and current relevance 2.2 Accidental associations 2.3 Internal forces 2.3.1 Analogy 2.4 Loss of specificity 3 The results of semantic change 3.1 Scope 3.2 Status: amelioration and pejoration 3.3 Mixed examples 3.4 Narrowing/specialization 4 Types of status change 5 Changing cultural relevance 6 Semantic guesswork
Journal of Linguistics, 1997
upon Tyne As Richard Hogg points out in the general editor's preface, this volume differs from Volumes I-IV in that it does not primarily give a ' straightforward historical account ' of internal linguistic developments, but an account of separate varieties of English that differ to a greater or lesser extent from what is regarded as the mainstream. The book is divided into two parts. Part I is ' Regional varieties of English in Great Britain and Ireland ' and contains chapters on English in Scotland, Wales and Ireland, together with a chapter on the dialects of England since . Part II is ' English Overseas ', covering Australia, the Caribbean, New Zealand, South Africa and South Asia. Robert Burchfield's ' Introduction ' seems to reflect personal interests as much as it does the contents of the volume, and the account of topics raised within the chapters is rather sketchy. The topic of standard English is treated prominently, although it is not a major concern in the volume as a whole, and space is given to debates about the teaching of standard British English overseas, which are mentioned only briefly in Chapter . At times it even appears to be taking issue with comments made by the contributors, and the citations from the chapters (for example, the citation from the Irish English chapter on p. ) are not always of central interest. The introduction is not a very useful as a guide to the main linguistic questions treated in the volume. J. Derrick McClure's chapter starts with an informative account of the socio-political history of English in Scotland. Anglo-Saxon appeared in the southeast around .., that is, at about the same time as in England, and English therefore has a continuous history in Scotland from the earliest times. The dominance of the English-speaking areas within what became the Scottish kingdom was, however, not assured until much later. As McClure points out () : at the end of the thirteenth century ' the Celtic tongue was spoken as a first or only language by at least half the population '. The emergence of Scots as a national language dates from the passing of the throne to Lowland families from onward, after which time the conflict with Gaelic-speaking chiefs continued. The chapter continues with an account of later developments, including the increasing southern English influence in the period -. The second half of the chapter deals mainly with the internal history of Scots in phonology, morphology, syntax and vocabulary, including a number of topics that have been salient recently in historical phonology, such as the Great Vowel Shift in Scots and the Scottish vowel length rule, by which vowel-length in Scots is shown to be distributed allophonically rather than phonemically. An account is also given of aspects of regional and social variation in contemporary Scots, and, quite properly, there is also much in this chapter about the distinctiveness of the Scottish cultural and literary scene. The author has accomplished a very difficult task extremely well. The history of Scots deserves much more than a single chapter in the Cambridge History. As for Wales (the subject of Alan R. Thomas's chapter), much less can be said about the historical linguistic distinctiveness of Welsh English, as it is more generally an outgrowth of English English, and the most notable feature of this chapter is its excellent sociolinguistic description. It is the history of bilingualism that stands out. In an Act of , the London government supported the translation of the Bible and Divine Service into Welsh. Although its use in religious services is one of the reasons for the survival of Welsh, Thomas (-) points out that this religious function isolated the language from the (English-based) political mainstream and had the effect of reinforcing the gulf between the Welsh-speaking peasantry and the Anglicized gentry for two centuries. The various influences that brought about the spread of English into Wales are clearly set out, and the sociolinguistic account makes full use of recent advances in our understanding of language situations of this kind. As for the linguistic features of Welsh English, these are not profoundly different from English English, especially in syntax, and this could be connected with the form that the history of bilingualism took. Although there is substratal carryover from Welsh, it is less, at some levels, than might be expected. Jeffrey L. Kallen's chapter on Irish English is a fine scholarly piece of work that brings together information from a great variety of historical, social and linguistic studies and deals with it in a careful, well-judged manner. There is dispute about the extent to which English survived in Ireland in the later medieval period, and Kallen (probably rightly) inclines to the view that it survived more vigorously than has been traditionally believed. The recession of Irish Gaelic is judiciously assessed, using census data and the comments of contemporary observers. The distinctive characteristics of Irish English are carefully described, giving full, but critical, attention to the possible substratal effects of Irish, and a clear account is given of the Hiberno-English tense\aspect system, which is of particular interest as it has similarities to developments in other varieties and differs from standard English at a deepseated level. The special characteristics of Ulster English, which has a background in Scots as well as southern English, and which was the language of the ' Scotch-Irish ' settlers in North America, are also given appropriate attention. This is a particularly good piece of descriptive history, notable for its avoidance of sentimental positions to the effect that English is not really ' native ' to Irish people and has only been ' rented ' to the Irish (see the citation from P. L. Henry on p. ). For better or worse, English has been in Ireland for years. The volume is dedicated to the memory of Ossi Ihalainen, whose death in is a tragic loss to English dialectology. His chapter on English dialects since brings together a mass of information (much of it from the nineteenth century) that is not especially well known to present day variationists and which will not otherwise be found in any single source. The author uses Trudgill's () distinction between ' traditional dialects ' and ' modern dialects '. There is much discussion of the ' traditional ' dialect areas of England (following the pioneering work of Alexander Ellis), and detailed information on divergent phonological and grammatical developments is very usefully brought together. Although it is customary to speak of the rapid recession of traditional dialects, what is more remarkable to a historian is that they survived in such divergent forms for such a long time, and Ihalainen points this out. ' Modern ' developments are also discussed. This is an original study that will be a valuable resource for historical dialectologists. Juhani Klemola's assistance at the proofreading stage is acknowledged on p. xx. Part II covers English Overseas. George W. Turner's chapter on Australian English includes a wide-ranging account of the differences between Australian and British English, and much interesting historical information. Turner notes, among many other things, that \l\ vocalisation and intervocalic \t\ flapping have been noticed. I would have liked to know more about these tendencies, as they are only too likely to be vernacular changes in progress, and research is in progress on at least one of them. Laurie Bauer's account of New Zealand English (Chapter ) goes rather more deeply into issues arising, the most general of which is the origin of New Zealand English. Despite the general respectability of the earliest British settlers (in contrast to Australia), their speech does not seem to have survived in a distinctive form, but has been overtaken by Australian English, of which New Zealand English is now reasonably described as a variety. This full treatment of New Zealand English is made possible by an upsurge of recent interest in the subject by a number of scholars, including the author himself. This has extended to an interest in Maori English, and Bauer gives an illuminating account of this, together with many other matters that are of great sociolinguistic and historical importance. Chapter , by John A. Holm, on Caribbean English, is notable for its very clear introduction on the nature of pidgin and creole languages. To generalize about the Caribbean is extremely difficult, as there have been so many influences in different areas, and the author gives a wide-ranging account of these different developments. The range of variation between
English Language and Linguistics, 2002
The two properties that characterize Ablaut reduplication in English (chit-chat, dilly-dally) are: (1) identical vowel quantity in the stressed syllabic peaks, (2) maximally distinct vowel qualities in the two halves, with [i] appearing most commonly to the left and a low vowel to the right. In addition, Ablaut reduplicatives are described as having a trochaic contour, yet there is a great deal of uncertainty regarding the stress on the second part of the formation. Historically, Ablaut reduplication appeared long after Copy reduplication (boo-boo, yo-yo) and flourished during the Renaissance; its productivity declined sharply in the twentieth century.This article treats Ablaut reduplicatives as verbal art products, analogs of dipodic poetic meter. The naturalness of the template ensues from the interaction of conflicting segmental and prosodic constraints on identity and markedness. An independently established hierarchy blocks high back vowels from appearing in these forms. The he...
Diachronica, 1985
2019
In this study I analysed reduplicative ablaut ideophones in English for their morphosyntactical properties, as ideophones in other languages have been found to have several marked characteristics in this respect. Informed by the typology of ideophones in other languages, my research questions were whether the reduplicatives would appear integrated into or outside of sentences, if they would fill functions associated with traditional word classes, whether they would inflect and derive like other words, and if they would be limited to declarative type sentences and resist negation. I collected data from the iWeb corpus on the six reduplicatives flim-flam, zig-zag, knick-knack, dilly-dally, shilly-shally and wishy-washy, gathering 30 samples of usage on the bare reduplicative and 10 samples of any inflected/derived forms. My results showed all samples to be highly integrated syntactically and morphologically. The answer to my research questions was thus that the reduplicatives would no...
2012
This paper presents preliminary data emerging from an on-going study of what are sometimes referred to as ‘lexical fossils’. The term ‘fossil’, in a linguistic sense, is defined in the OED (3 edn.) as “A word or other linguistic form which has become obsolete except in isolated regions or in set phrases, idioms, or collocations”. The first citation in the OED is: “We see, then, that this fossil word ‘-hoe’ rather indicates a ‘social’ condition than a natural feature of the locality” (1872). The source of this quotation is an issue of Notes and Queries (see Kerslake 1872 in the References), in which there is a short article discussing the lexical element -hoe found in place names. It is to be noted that in written form, hoe usually occurs today as a part of a word (e.g. Pinhoe), and we could therefore extend the OED definition of ‘fossil’ so as to apply not only to phrases of one sort or another but also to singleword lexical units. The word ‘fossil’ is also used by Greenough and Kit...
The aim of this article is to explain the lexical and high-level syntactic operations comprising the Old English suffixes -a, -e, -o and -u. Previous research has dealt with these suffixes, which constitute an area of overlapping between inflection and derivation, in terms of inflection, zero derivation or continuity between inflection and derivation. The position adopted in this article is that these affixes are fully derivational, although interesting points of convergence with inflection arise that deserve discussion. In this respect, a fundamental difference is made between explicit and implicit morphological relations. Such relations are considered in the derivational and the inflectional dimensions. Regarding lexical operations, the analysis concentrates on the subjective and objective functions realized by these suffixes, while, as far as high-level syntactic operations are concerned, a distinction is drawn between motivated and unmotivated inflective relations. The fact that most of the suffixes under scrutiny perform the subjective and the objective function is in keeping with the Separation Hypothesis, in terms of which grammatical morphemes are the output of phonological operations independent of the semantic operations that they realize. The results are also in accordance with the Universal Grammatical Function Theory, which predicts that the functions of inflectional and lexical derivation are the same.
Journal of English Linguistics, 2008
Zeitschrift für Wortbildung / Journal of Word Formation
The aim was to bring together researchers studying diachronic English word-formation and to showcase current research in this area. Sixteen years ago, it was claimed that diachronic studies of word-formation, especially on the Middle English period, were a desideratum (Kastovsky 2007). The speakers of two plenary sessions and fourteen papers, however, demonstrated that historical word-formation-not least because of the availability of a vast amount of digitised material and large historical corpora-has become a thriving research area. The contributions covered word-formations across a wide variety of text-types and registers, applying different theories and quantitative as well as qualitative methods, and thus offered a great diversity of perspectives. On day one (17 February), five papers focused on the Old English period (c. 700-1100). The second day (18 February) included studies on word-formations in Middle English (c. 1100-1500) as well as Early (c. 1500-1800) and Late Modern English (c. 1800-present). The event opened with Mariia Flaksman's (LMU Munich) contribution "Onomatopoeic Word-Formations in Old English". Drawing on classifications from previous research, she explained that onomatopoeic words often have an unclear morphological status and discussed whether they should be considered as a means of word-formation at all. Her latest research (Flaksman 2022) demonstrates that most Old English imitative words are found in glosses, but that only a small percentage are imitative by origin (e.g., OE cracian > PDE
Reduplication: Doubling in Morphology, by Sharon Inkelas and Cheryl Zoll, presents a new theory of reduplication, Morphological Doubling Theory (henceforth MDT), which reanalyzes the fundamental identity relation in reduplication as morphosyntactic. Most current theories of reduplication, building on and earlier work such as Wilbur , assume some version of Base-Reduplicant Correspondence Theory (BRCT), which requires surface phonological identity between the base and the reduplicant. In MDT, reduplicative constructions call for multiple copies of stems, which have independent inputs and are subject to independent phonotactic and morphotactic requirements. Surface phonological identity between the two reduplicative copies, as well as surface phonological non-identity, is therefore an indirect byproduct of identity of morphosyntactic features, as mediated by phonological and morphological requirements on each copy and on the entire reduplicative construction.
Indo-European Linguistics and Classical Philology, 2019
The article is devoted to the study of imitative (iconic, onomatopoeic, sound symbolic) words from the diachronic perspective. The main questions discussed are the number of imitated words in the lexicon and their age. The material for the study includes 1500 Modern English and 300 Old English onomatopoeic and sound symbolic words selected by continuous sampling from relevant etymological dictionaries. Examples are drawn from other languages of the Indo-European family-Gothic, Old Norse, Icelandic, German, Russian and other. The main conclusion of the article is that imitative words existing in modern languages are not likely to be old coinages, which suggests that the historical-comparative reconstruction of onomatopoeic and sound symbolic roots should be conducted with great caution.
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