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2013, H. Sapire and C. Saunders, eds., The Struggle for Southern Africa: New Local and Global Perspectives. UCT Press, 2013, 58-75
AI
The paper explores the involvement of northern Mozambican Muslims in the liberation struggle against colonial rule, focusing on historical connections with Tanganyika, Zanzibar, and the emergence of the Mozambique African National Union (MANU). It highlights the role of Shaykh Yussuf Arabi as a key political figure and the complex interplay of religious affiliations and ethnic identities that influenced the dynamics of the independence movement. The analysis draws on archival research and interviews, underscoring the significance of Muslim participation in nationalist movements and shedding light on the ambiguities surrounding their motivations and social hierarchies.
Encyclopedia of Women & Islamic Cultures, Brill Online Reference Works, 2018
Social Dynamics: A Journal of African Studies, Vol. 35, No. 2, 2009, pages 280-294, 2009
Despite the fact that the liberation war occurred in northern Mozambique, where a considerable number of Muslims lived, their contribution to the independence struggle has been little studied. This paper focusses on their participation in two nationalist liberation movements, Mozambican African National Union (MANU) and Frente de Libertação de Moçambique (FRELIMO), and demonstrates that the prevailing idea in scholarship about Muslims’ aloofness from the liberation struggle is unjustified. It argues that Muslim support and participation in the liberation movements stemmed primarily from grassroots African nationalism. Like most Africans, Muslims wished to end colonialism and recover their land from the Portuguese. African Muslims of northern Mozambique were well suited to support these movements, because Islam and chieftainship were linked to each other. Chiefs were believed to be the ‘owners’ and ‘stewards’ of the land, and a majority of Muslim leaders, whether traditional chiefs (régulos, in Portuguese) or Sufi leaders (tariqa khulafa’, in Arabic), were from the chiefly clans. Most importantly, Muslims of northern Mozambique had close historical and cultural ties to Tanganyika and Zanzibar, especially through Islamic and kinship networks. The involvement of Muslims in the liberation movements of those regions, in particular in Tanganyika African National Union (TANU), inspired and encouraged the Muslims of northern Mozambique to support MANU and FRELIMO, especially since these two movements were launched in Tanganyika and Zanzibar with TANU backing and the participation of Muslim immigrants from northern Mozambique.
History Compass, Vol. 8, No. 7, 2010, pages 573-593, 2010
This article is a historical overview of two issues: first, that of the dynamics of Islamic religious transformations from pre-Portuguese era up until the 2000s among Muslims of the contemporary Cabo Delgado, Nampula, and to a certain extent, Niassa provinces. The article argues that historical and geographical proximity of these regions to East African coast, the Comoros and northern Madagascar meant that all these regions shared a common Islamic religious tradition. Accordingly, shifts with regard to religious discourses and practices went in parallel. This situation began changing in the last decade of the colonial era and has continued well into the 2000s, when the so-called Wahhabis, Sunni Muslims educated in the Islamic universities of the Arab world brought religious outlook that differed significantly from the historical local and regional conceptions of Islam. The second question addressed in this article is about relationships between northern Mozambican Muslims and the state. The article argues that after initial confrontations with Muslims in the sixteenth century and up until the last decade of the colonial era, the Portuguese rule pursued no concerted effort in interfering in the internal Muslim religious affairs. Besides, although they occupied and destroyed some of the Swahili settlements, in particular in southern and central Mozambique, other Swahili continued to thrive in northern Mozambique and maintained certain independence from the Portuguese up until the twentieth century. Islam there remained under the control of the ruling Shirazi clans with close political, economic, kinship and religious ties to the Swahili world. By establishing kinship and politico-economic ties with the ruling elites of the mainland in the nineteenth century, these families were also instrumental in expanding Islam into the hinterland. Only at the beginning of the twentieth century, the Portuguese rule took full control of the region as a result of military conquests of the ‘effective occupation’, and imposed new legal and administrative colonial system, called Indigenato, impacting Muslims of northern Mozambique to a great extent. After the independence in 1975, and especially since 1977, the post-independence Frelimo government adopted militant atheism and socialist Marxism, which was short-lived and was abolished in 1983 owing to popular resistance and especially, because of government’s perception that its religious policies were fuelling the opposition groups to take arms and join the civil war. The 1980s and 1990s were marked by an acute rivalry and conflicts between the two emerging national umbrella Islamic organizations, the Islamic Council and the Islamic Congress, each representing largely pro-Sufi and anti-Sufi positions. In the 2000s, these organizations became overshadowed by new and more dynamic organizations, such as Ahl Al-Sunna.
South African Historical Journal, Vol. 60, No. 4 (2008): 637-654, 2008
Based on archival and fieldwork research, this paper outlines in its first part the history of the formation of various types of Muslim religious leaderships during pre-colonial and colonial periods. Islam in Mozambique, especially in the northern part of the country, existed among Africans long before the arrival of the Portuguese in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. It was linked to the World of Swahili, i.e. the East African coast and the Comoros, from the time of its formation. However, European colonial expansion drove the immigration of Indian Muslims from the Portuguese territories of Gujarat, India and later from British East Africa. How the resulting social, ideological, and racial differences among this leadership have been reflected and played out in relation to the state, the competing Muslim religious groups, and the international Islamic organisations in the post-colonial Mozambique, is the focus of the second part of this article
Journal of Religion in Africa, 2003
This article discusses Sheikh Muhammad Kasim Mazrui, an influential yet largely ignored figure within East African Islamic reformism, which shifted from internal to external domination in the second half of the 20th century. His educational booklet 'Hukumu za sharia', written in Kiswahili, is analysed and contextualised. Advising local Muslims, by way of clear argument and reference to authoritative texts, on how to deal with controversial local practices from an Islamic point of view, it pushed for the development of self-reliance, and criticised dependence on Islamic clerics and dignitaries. The text itself displays the rational principles that the reformist movement relied on and propagated, while it also contains hints of a more dogmatic tone that was yet to dominate reformist discourse. Overall, the article establishes a wider comparison in discussing this African Islamic reformism as an 'enlightenment' movement. The focus hereby is on structure rather than subs...
Religion Compass, 2010
Sufism had a decisive influence on the development and spread of Islam in West Africa. Although it has been the subject of a considerable number of academic works, Sufism in West Africa remains understudied and often misunderstood. French and British colonial views of Islam had a lasting impact on the perception of Sufism in Africa, resulting in its depreciation as a kind of ''popular'' Islam of the ignorant masses. A closer look at eminent West African Sufi leaders and their movements, including the Qadiriyya, the Tijaniyya, and the Muridiyya, reveals that Sufism articulated itself in a variety of ways over the past three centuries, and that it continues to be a formidable spiritual, intellectual, and social force in many countries in the Western parts of the African continent.
Lusotopie, Vol. 14, No. 1, 2007, pages 129-149, 2007
This paper explores historical roots for the existing diversity of the conceptions of Islam among African Sunni Muslims of Mozambique. This diversity is frequently expressed by internal Muslim debates and competitions centred on the nature of Islamic authority and on the definition of 'orthodoxy.' After identifying roughly three divergent conceptions of Islamic authority and ritual among Mozambican Muslims, the author analyses specific historical contexts within which each of these conceptions of Islam emerged and confronted one another. In particular, the paper focuses on changes with respect to religious authority and ritual. One of the central arguments of this paper is that on the emergence of each new conception, local Muslims set upon redefining what constituted the centre and the margin of Islam in Mozambique, but despite the attempts to the contrary, the old conceptions have persisted and continuously posed challenges to the newly-established centre.
History of Islamic Learning and Scholarship in Africa 13-15 June, 2023 Kaduna, Nigeria TOPIC: “Learning, Scholarship and the Tajdid Movements in Africa”: Shaykh Muhammad Shareef bin Farid Abstract: Societal transformation, religious reformation, cultural renaissance, and social revolution all fall under the comprehensive meaning of ‘tajdid’ (renewal) in Islam. The source for this concept is found in the Qur’an and the Sunna. As, for the Qur’an, Allah ta`ala says: ﴿إِن يَشَأْ يُذْهِبكُمْ وَيَأْتِ بِخَلْقٍ جَدِيد * وَمَا ذَلِكَ عَلَى اللهِ بِعَزِيزٍ﴾ “If He desires, He will do away with you and bring a new generation. And this is not difficult for Allah.” [35:16-17] As for the Sunna, it has been related by Abu Dawud in his Sunnan, al-Hassan ibn Sufyan in his Musnad, at-Tabarani in his al-Awsat, al-Haakim in his al-Mustadrak and others on the authority of Abu Hurayra that the Prophet, may Allah bless him and grant him peace said: “Indeed Allah will raise for this Umma at the head of every century, those who will renew for it the matters of the religion.” Thus, the idea of social renewal and reform are an innate part of the religion of Islam; and has been the causative factor behind the social development of Islamic societies throughout the world. In Africa particularly, ‘tajdid’ has been the fundamental driving force behind the formation of Islamic polities and states for 14 centuries. In, this paper, I intend to demonstrate that ‘tajdid’ as a principle for social transformation, has been aware of itself and has been carried out by the purveyors of Islamic learning. I will utilize rare Arabic manuscripts from Ethiopia, Sudan, northern Nigeria and Mali, to demonstrate that social reform and societal transformation has been transmitted inter-generationally and across vast regions of the African continent. The ideas of Shaykh Ahmad Zarruq, Imam as-Suyuti, Shaykh Abd’l-Kareem al-Maghili, Shaykh Ahmadu Baba at-Tinbukti, Imam al-Awjali, Shaykh Muhammad al-Wali ibn Sulayman, Shehu Uthman Dan Fodio, Shaykh Ahmad Lobbo, Shaykh Umar al-Futi, Sayyid Muhammad Ahmad al-Mahdi, and Shaykh Muhammad Ma` al-`Aynayn were some of the key transmitters of social reform (tajdid) in Africa that will be discussed in this paper.
Institute of Muslim Minority Affairs, 1984
Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations, Vol. 25, No.4,2015, pages 483-501, 2015
Sufi identity and rituals became widespread among local Muslims during the colonial era due to the expansion of the Shadhuliyya and the Qadiriyya orders. But the history of Sufism in Mozambique has been little explored. Portuguese colonial officials began paying closer attention to Islam in general and Sufism in particular only toward the end of the colonial period, especially in the late 1960s. This sudden interest was prompted by the independence war that took place mostly in northern Mozambique, where significant numbers of Muslims lived. The colonial Secret Service was mandated to find out how and why Muslims were involved in the independence struggle and in which ways they could be subverted. Otherwise there has been very limited research on Sufism, especially since Mozambique achieved independence. This article examines the historical context into which the orders arrived, and what prompted their significant expansion, as well as the reasons why they subsequently split up into eight autonomous branches. It is based on archival research in Mozambique and Portugal and fieldwork conducted at Mozambique Island, and in Angoche, Nampula, Pemba and Maputo cities.
Islam was first introduced along Kenya's coast during the twelfth century AD, mainly through trade. Merchants from Persia and the Arabian Peninsula frequented the East African coast, opening up religious networks that facilitated the spread of Islam in the region. Yemeni cities such as Hadramawt exchanged religio-cultural values with the East African coast for many generations. Dissemination of religious knowledge was one of the characteristic features of these networks. However, the transfer of religious knowledge on Kenya's coast was marred with bias: nobility and class position were determinant factors in knowledge acquisition. This led to the emergence of alternative networks that disseminated religious knowledge. Some of the new players included individual mujadid (reformers) who competed for religious influence through the dissemination of religious teaching. One such reformer is Sheikh Harith Swaleh (b. 1937), who imparted religious knowledge to the people of Kizingitini, when they had been marginalised for a long period. Thereafter, the influence of Kizingitini reverberated along the East African coast and reached as far south as Mozambique. This article examines the struggle of a community in acquiring Islamic knowledge against many odds. It focuses on pedagogic methods employed in the village, competing teaching traditions of Islamic learning, and the creation of a new religious network in the region. Furthermore, the study explores the impact of conflict and class division in Islamic proselytising in a village context.
Annual Review of Islam in South Africa, No. 9, 2006-7, pages 53-57, 2007
2016
DEDICATION iii To my Dad and Mum for your moral support and encouragement. To my wife and children for the material support, love, care and prayers during the period of study. I will forever treasure your perseverance, patience and invaluable support that gave me the impetus to soldier on. iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENT This research fills me with great joy and excitement. The successful completion of this work was made possible by assistance from several people. I here in express my appreciation to Kenyatta University and the History Department staff for giving me an opportunity to undertake this research. I wish to register my appreciation and gratitude to my supervisors, Dr. Susan W. Mwangi and Dr. Lazarus Ngari for their invaluable advice, interest and continued assistance that guided me in completing this project. I value their wisdom, insight and patience throughout this enormous task. I further wish to thank the staff of various Libraries and archives who went to great lengths to locate and avail the numerous materials required for this study. Fieldwork would not have been possible without the assistance of many individuals. I am indebted to all my informants and contact persons who helped identify potential informants. Finally, I wish to express my sincere gratitude and love to my family for their unwavering support and encouragement. To my wife Doris, my children, Felix, Cynthia and Aidathanks for your faith in me.. v TABLE OF CONTENTS DECLARATION .
Southern Africa is undoubtedly a predominantly non-Muslim region; a region that consists of nation-states that have opted to operate along democratic political lines and that have adopted Constitutions that were open to accommodating religious traditions other than African Religious Traditions and Christianity. As a consequence of these open constitutional policies, minority religious traditions such as Islam were able to find a space within which to operate. Islam, as a religious tradition, was taken to Southern Africa via different routes; in some instances it was carried to these distant places by political prisoners and slaves during colonial times, and in other cases it was taken there by migrant labourers and plantation workers. The outcome of these developments resulted in the formation of Muslim communities who now form an integral part of Southern African social landscape; this is very noticeable in the northern part of Mozambique and also very conspicuous in the Southwestern part of South Africa's Cape region where they have brought about religious transformation.
American Journal of Islam and Society, 2021
ORIGINS OF THE IDAW ALIThe Idaw ‘Ali are one of the two most prominent and influentialzuwaya groups in Mauritania, the other being the Kunta, disseminatorsof the Qadiriyya tariqa in West Africa who claim to be descendants ofthe great Arab hero and conqueror of North Africa, Uqba b. Nafi. Thebasis of the prestige of the Idaw ‘Ali rested in part on their widelyrecognized sharifian origin. Another basis of their prestige was theirintroduction of the Tijaniyya tariqa in Mauritania As descendants ofProphet Muhammed, the Idaw ‘Ali occupied a noble and privilegedposition in the society that placed them above the other zawaya and laygroups in Mauritania.The Idaw ‘Ali traditions, as reported by Sidi Abd-allah b. al-HajjIbrahim al-‘Alawi (d. 1818) in his treatise, “Sahihat al-Naql fi AlawiyatIdaw ‘Ali wa Bakriyat Muhammed Ghull” (The Authenticity of theDescee Idaw ‘Ali from Caliph ‘Ali and that of Muhammed Ghull fromCaliph ‘Abu Bakr al-Siddiq), state unequivocally that the Idaw ‘Alidescended ...
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