Book chapter by Paweł Pokrzywiński
Europa Środkowa i Wschodnia. Dekady wolności – czas przemian. Tom II. Przemiany polityczne w Europie Środkowej i Wschodniej po 1989 roku (ed.) Marcin Adamczyk, Michał Siekierka, Michał Lubicz Miszewski, 2021
The aim of an article is to present examples of the Polish-Israeli cooperation in
the case of de... more The aim of an article is to present examples of the Polish-Israeli cooperation in
the case of defense and arms industry. A basis of materials for following research are armaments’ contracts and joint military trainings. The newly shaping relations after 1989 and international surroundings of Poland and Israel allow to present following hypothesis that, despite uneasy political relations, both states perceive themselves as strategical partners, and the cooperation becomes more deeper. The Polish Republic considers Israel as the source of good quality military technology, in turn, the State of Israel regards Poland as absorptive and perspective market for the Israeli arms industry. Application of comparative and constructivist methods allowed to conclude that relations which are shaped on the basis of analyzed cases could be the basis for strengthening the Polish-Israeli relations. Such relations could be also used for achieving political advantages on the international scene.
תל-חי, 1920 - 2020: בין היסטוריה לזיכרון, 2020
תל-חי, 1920 - 2020: בין היסטוריה לזיכרון
עורכים: יעל זרובבל ואמיר גולדשטיין
Tel Hai: 1920-2020: B... more תל-חי, 1920 - 2020: בין היסטוריה לזיכרון
עורכים: יעל זרובבל ואמיר גולדשטיין
Tel Hai: 1920-2020: Between History and Memory
Editors: Yael Zerubavel and Amir Goldstein
YAD IZHAK BEN-ZVI • JERUSALEM @ The Chaim Weizmann Institute for the Study of Zionism and Israel
Wybrane systemy polityczne i partyjne - wyzwania i prognozy, ed. K. Kamińska-Korolczuk, M. Milewczyk, R. Ożarowski, 2018
ENGLISH: The article is connected with the contemporary political scene of Israel, which is very ... more ENGLISH: The article is connected with the contemporary political scene of Israel, which is very variable and doesn’t fit into many European and American ideological divisions. This analysis has been conducted at the example of the religious party Shas operation in XXI century. The authors want to examine the impact which groups of such type have on the contemporary internal policy of Israel. In order to familiarize the readers with Shas origin, historical and descriptive research design has been employed, in the further part of the thesis the following factors have been analysed: politicians and religious leaders’ statements and opinions, election programmes and spots of the parties. The researches, which have been conducted show that Shas, although represented by small number of the Knesset members, as compared to the other parties, has a considerable impact on the country policy. Possessing the key ministries e.g: Ministry of Religious Services or Ministry of the Interior ensures orthodoxy control over conversions, granting citizenship, acceptation Jewish origin and domination among the other branches of Judaism.
POLSKI: Niniejszy artykuł związany jest ze współczesną sceną polityczną Izraela, która jest bardzo zróżnicowana i nie mieści się w wielu europejskich czy amerykańskich podziałach ideologicznych. Analiza ta przeprowadzona jest na przykładzie działania religijnej partii Szas w XXI wieku. Autorzy chcą zbadać jaki wpływ posiadają tego typu ugrupowania na współczesną politykę wewnętrzną Izraela. W celu zapoznania czytelnika z genezą Szasu użyto metody historyczno-opisowej, w dalszej części pracy analizie poddano: wypowiedzi oraz opinie polityków i przywódców duchowych, a także programy i spoty wyborcze partii. Z przeprowadzonych badań stwierdzono, że Szas, mimo małej reprezentacji w Knesecie w stosunku do innych partii, posiada znaczny wpływ na politykę kraju. Zajmowanie kluczowych ministerstw jak np. Ministerstwo ds. Religijnych czy Ministerstwo Spraw Wewnętrznych zapewnia ortodoksyjną kontrolę nad konwersjami, przyznawaniem obywatelstwa, akceptacją lub nie żydowskiego pochodzenia oraz dominację wśród innych nurtów judaizmu.
Konflikty etniczne i wyznaniowe a bezpieczeństwo w wymiarze lokalnym, państwowym i międzynarodowym. Wybrane aspekty, red. E. Szyszlak, T. Szyszlak, 2016
ENGLISH:
National-religious settlement in the West Bank, being the subject of the analysis of thi... more ENGLISH:
National-religious settlement in the West Bank, being the subject of the analysis of this chapter, from the beginning of its existence in the Israeli reality was characterized by radical views and postulates. The number of settlers in this area (excluding Jerusalem) is 406,302. According to the calculations of the Peace Now organization, they can cast 4.14% of the votes in the parliamentary elections (about 5 representatives). This causes that Jews living in the West Bank constitute a group that can exert real influence on state policy. Author will describe the elements that make up the overall coherent ideology created by the described movement. Throughout the years of functioning, characteristic attitudes, values and principles have been shaped among the Israeli society, according to which national and religious environments are progressing.
POLSKI:
Osadnictwo narodowo-religijne na Zachodnim Brzegu Jordanu, będące przedmiotem analizy niniejszego rozdziału, od początku swojego istnienia w izraelskiej rzeczywistości charakteryzowało się radykalnymi poglądami oraz postulatami. Liczba osadników na tym terenie (z wyłączeniem Jerozolimy) wynosi 406 302. Według obliczeń organizacji Peace Now mogą oni oddać 4,14% głosów w wyborach do parlamentu (około 5 przedstawicieli). Powoduje to, że Żydzi zamieszkujący Zachodni Brzeg stanowią grupę, która może wywierać realny wpływ na politykę państwa. Autor opisze elementy składające się na całokształt spójnej ideologii wykreowanej przez opisywany ruch. Przez lata funkcjonowania wśród izraelskiego społeczeństwa ukształtowano charakterystyczne postawy, wartości oraz zasady, wedle których postępują środowiska narodowo-religijne
Papers by Paweł Pokrzywiński
Izraelskie wybory parlamentarne w latach 2013 i 2015 a głosy żydowskich osadników na Zachodnim Brzegu Jordanu
Polish Political Science Review, 2021
The change of the law regarding the Institute of National Remembrance conducted by the rightwing ... more The change of the law regarding the Institute of National Remembrance conducted by the rightwing government of Law and Justice in Poland probably led to the most serious diplomatic crisis in Polish-Israeli relations since their resumption in 1990. The whole situation has been widely described in the Polish and Israeli media. Th e role of this article is to analyse the content of two newspapers: Polish Gazeta Polska Codziennie and Israeli Israel Hayom, between 25 January and 31 March 2018. Th e two right-wing-leaning daily newspapers selected by the authors are perceived as not entirely objective due to open support for governments in their countries and as openly expressing their opinions, often in a controversial manner. It makes them a perfect case to compare the narrative about the diplomatic crisis between Poland and Israel.
The aim of the article is to present objectives of the Israeli Counter-Terrorism Law passed in 20... more The aim of the article is to present objectives of the Israeli Counter-Terrorism Law passed in 2016. The author examines the way of defining and combating terrorism, and the penalty measures related to criminal activity linked with it. Thus, the author shows the Israeli authorities’ perception of threat connected with terrorism. The previous counter-terrorist law is compared with the new one to demonstrate the modification of the vision of security. The article seeks to answer the question what changes and views have been implemented by the new law. To achieve those aims the author used the comparison method and an analysis of the law and the securitization theory. It allowed to state that terrorism is still regarded by Israeli politicians as the main threat for the State of Israel and its citizens. The amended law allowed for the use of many emergency measures. Overall, it exhibits a hawkish stance towards combating terrorism of parties which amended the law.
The article presents the phenomenon of the Israeli outposts in the West Bank. It describes the or... more The article presents the phenomenon of the Israeli outposts in the West Bank. It describes the origins, ways of establishing, sources of financial support of the outposts. There will be examined the Israeli governments’ attitude toward this type of settlement. It should be emphasized that governmental and self-governmental institutions, as well as the World Zionist Organization, are engaged in establishing and developing the outposts in the West Bank. The aim of the article is to explain and to describe this phenomenon in the light of the Israeli law and its consequences for the State of Israel and the Israeli-Palestinian peace process. The examination is based on the following sources: Sasson Report, Levy Report, Judea and Samaria Settlement Regulation Law, Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty, so-called Young Settlement Bill, reports published by Peace Now and B’Tselem organizations. For the research author used institutional, historical analysis and decision analysis methods. It helped to state that the Israeli outposts, despite its illegality, receive wide financial and security support from government and self-governments. The outposts threaten also the peace process. Furthermore, since 2009 Netanyahu’s governments try to recognize and legalize the outposts by legal measures.
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia, 2020
The aim of the article is to show an activity of the Yesha Council which, after three decades, b... more The aim of the article is to show an activity of the Yesha Council which, after three decades, became a fully shaped and institutionalized organization. Nowadays the Yesha is representation of all the Jewish settlers in the West Bank. The organization created wide networks of connections and actions to promote settlement in the State of Israel and to legitimize Jewish presence in the Judea and Samaria. The author used the new idea of institutionalism to describe the Yesha Council actions. Special emphasis was put on the networking and rational choice institutionalism. Also, the quantitative method was helpful in describing the development of the settler movement. In addition, the article briefly describes the history of the Yesha and the way it functions.
The aim of this article is to analyze modern Jewish extremism through the example
of the Lehava o... more The aim of this article is to analyze modern Jewish extremism through the example
of the Lehava organization, whose full name is Prevention of Assimilation in
the Holy Land. It also attempts to test Ami Pedahzur’s thesis, which claims that
Kahanism in Israel is still alive as an ideology within Israeli society and links
together extremist formations and organizations from the peripheries of that society.
Working on the hypothesis that Lehava’s actions and aims are only a facade which justifies violence and Meir Kahane’s ideology, the article critically scrutinizes how
Lehava acts and how it builds its impact. It also examines the impact of Lehava on
the Israeli-Palestinan conflict. Applying desk research methodology, the author used
Hebrew-language materials from the official website of Lehava, documentaries about
the organization made by Israeli television, statements of Lehava’s members and
press articles which describe the organization’s actions. Analysis of the foregoing
materials and comparison with Kahane’s ideology shows that Lehava is an extremist
organization. It promotes xenophobia, racism and nationalism, which is directed
against Arab society and other minorities in Israel. The organization has also created
a wide network of contacts which can be dangerous for the state and society.
Sprawy Międzynarodowe, 2019
Neo-revisionism is a term proposed by Ilan Peleg and Paul Shaum for the philosophy originated by ... more Neo-revisionism is a term proposed by Ilan Peleg and Paul Shaum for the philosophy originated by Menachem Begin in 1977 and kept by Yitzhak Shamir and Benjamin Netanyahu. It invokes Vladimir Jabotinski’s revisionism with a strong emphasis on state-centrism, bilateral alliances, power and territory. The foreign policy of the Likud leaders showed that a postulated ideological hard-line stand is far from political reality and is closer to a pragmatic interpretation of state’s surrounding. The author will try to examine the relation between ideology and pragmatism in the Likud’s policy. It will also be shown in the light of neoclassical realism – close to neo--revisionism – by the examples of power, the Israeli-Palestinian confl ict, non-state representatives but also in the light of pragmatism. The overview of the Likud’s policy is divided between ideologised aspects of securing the self-interest of the state, Israeli raison d'état, acting against Arab states’ ambitions and securing the territory as a strategic depth and between pragmatic decisions like Begin’s peace treaty with Egypt and returning the Sinai, Ariel Sharon’s withdrawal of the settlements from the Gaza Strip or the freezing of settlement by Benjamin Netanyahu.
Polish Political Science Yearbook , 2018
Judea and Samaria became a really important element in Israeli right-wing and religious debate fo... more Judea and Samaria became a really important element in Israeli right-wing and religious debate following the Six Day War, because the State of Israel began to control it militarily and politically and started settling in this area. Nonetheless, Judea and Samaria had a deeper meaning within Religious Zionist ideology and its main representative Mafdal (NRP). After 1967 Religious Zionists were also influenced by the Messianic ideology, thus biblical territories accelerate Redemption. Hence, the NRP insisted on creating and developing Jewish settlements in Judea and Samaria, both in leftist and rightist governments. The situation has changed since the Oslo Accords and Sharon's disengagement from Gaza. Both were shocking for the Religious Zionism camp, the state was no longer a steady defender of Jewish settlements. In 2008 the Mafdal was absorbed by the newly created Habayit Hayehudi (the Jewish Home) which was treated as a hope for Religious Zionism to restore its former glory. The head of the Jewish Home – Naftali Bennett – called his party a real right-wing camp. He is thought to be a representative of settlers but he also tries to widen his electorate with secular citizens. Habayit Hayehudi is the best example of a party which wants to achieve ideas of Religious Zionism in the new political reality after Oslo. The article will analyze the attitude of the Jewish Home party towards Judea and Samaria and party's ideological course.
Wschodnioznawstwo, 2017
Author tries to analyze votes of Jewish settlers in the West Bank in case of 2013 and 2015 electi... more Author tries to analyze votes of Jewish settlers in the West Bank in case of 2013 and 2015 elections in Israel. They became strong and influential group in Israeli society during its history. Oslo Accords weakened settler movement but last few years showed that this group becomes stronger. Results of analyzed elections realized settler political potential. They can elect about 5 Members of Knesset. In Israeli realities that number decides about stability of future government. Described outcomes also shows settlers’ support for radical right-wing and national-religious parties. The strongest among them is The Jewish Home of Naftali Bennett. He appeals to the tradition of National-Religious Party which supported settlers and ideology of Greater Israel. It shows how radicalism and intolerance become popular among Jews who live in the West Bank. It also realizes how strong are still radical religious Zionism in Israeli society and views against Palestinians. Stronger settlers and national-religious parties ensure right-wing Knesset, ideas of Israel as only Jewish State and another obstacle for peace process.
Symbolae Europaeae, 2016
English:
The article analyzes the history of the Golani Brigade and the changes that occurred si... more English:
The article analyzes the history of the Golani Brigade and the changes that occurred since 1948 to the present day. During the 68 years of its existence the unit was involved in every Israeli-Arab conflict in the Middle East. It built its elitist character and has gained recognition among the public. During this time in Chatiwat Golani has changed structure, way of training, and its objectives. De-scription of this unit shows how Israel adapts its army to the changing requirements of the battlefield, since 1948 to the present. The article presents the history of unit, its structure and the role it plays in the Israel Defense Army.
Polski:
Artykuł analizuje historię Brygady Golani oraz zmiany, jakie w niej zachodziły od 1948 po czasy współczesne. W trakcie 68lat jej istnienia jednostka brała udział w każdym konflikcie izraelsko-arabskim na Bliskim Wschodzie, dzięki czemu zbudowała swój elitarny charakter i zdobyła uznanie wśród społeczeństwa. W tym okresie w Chatiwat Golani zaszło wiele zmian pod względem struktury, szkolenia, a także przeznaczenia. Opis niniejszego związku taktycznego pokazuje zatem, jak Izrael dostosowuje swoją armię do zmieniających się wymogów pola walki, począwszy od 1948 roku do czasów współczesnych. W artykule zaprezentowano rys historyczny jednostki, jej strukturę oraz rolę, jaką odgrywa w Armii Obrony Izraela wraz ze strukturą samej Brygady Golani.
Zeszyty Naukowe KWSM, 2015
Izrael od momentu swojego powstania w 1948 roku zmaga się, nieprzerwanie po dzień dzisiejszy, z z... more Izrael od momentu swojego powstania w 1948 roku zmaga się, nieprzerwanie po dzień dzisiejszy, z zagrożeniem ze strony państw sąsiadujących oraz innych krajów mu nieprzychylnych.
Politicus, 2015
The article analyses Jewish radical, social movements: The Hilltop Youth (Noar Ha-gwaot) and Zo A... more The article analyses Jewish radical, social movements: The Hilltop Youth (Noar Ha-gwaot) and Zo Arceinu. Both of them represent not only protest against the Oslo peace process and the settlement movement. Except this, they base its demands on a national-religious ideology linked with messianism, hatred for Palestinians, idea of Greater Israel. Noar Ha-gwaot and Zo Arceinu use “settling in hearts” to promote education of People of Israel about Land of Israel. They want to show that Israel has its own civilization based on Tora, Talmud and the state should be only Jewish. The Hilltop Youth chose the way of aggression to realize its demands. Zo Arceinu evolved from social movement to political structure called Manhigut Jehudit (Jewish Leadership) and tries to gain political influence in Knesset. Both movements show that radical ideology is still popular among Israelis. The year of the creation of Israel for both movements is a beginning of moral and spiritual renovation of Jews, it is a beginning of the creation of a biblical state.
Journal of Science of the Military Academy of Land Forces, 2015
In the article there are analysed characteristics of an symmetry of a contemporary battlefield on... more In the article there are analysed characteristics of an symmetry of a contemporary battlefield on the grounds of the Second Lebanon War in 2006 and the Operation Protective Edge / Tzuk Eitan in the Gaza Strip in 2014. In the beginning the author presents Polish and Israeli definitions of an asymmetric conflict and its manifestations. Further, there are described causes of both conflicts and capabilities the parties had at their disposal before the direct military confrontation. Then, there are specified forms as well as measures undertaken by the Israel Defence Forces in the fight against Hezbollah in South Lebanon and Hamas in Gaza. The result is the characteristics of an asymmetry in the Middle East and the description of the evolution process of activity and structures of terrorist organisations and the Israel Defence Forces. This made it possible to show the process of learning and adjusting actions to the way the enemy operates, its potential and conditions surrounding both state and non-state actors
Racja Stanu - Studia i Materiały, 2014
Popular science by Paweł Pokrzywiński
Układ Sił, 2021
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Układ Sił, 2021
https://ukladsil.pl/produkt/numer-29/
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Book chapter by Paweł Pokrzywiński
the case of defense and arms industry. A basis of materials for following research are armaments’ contracts and joint military trainings. The newly shaping relations after 1989 and international surroundings of Poland and Israel allow to present following hypothesis that, despite uneasy political relations, both states perceive themselves as strategical partners, and the cooperation becomes more deeper. The Polish Republic considers Israel as the source of good quality military technology, in turn, the State of Israel regards Poland as absorptive and perspective market for the Israeli arms industry. Application of comparative and constructivist methods allowed to conclude that relations which are shaped on the basis of analyzed cases could be the basis for strengthening the Polish-Israeli relations. Such relations could be also used for achieving political advantages on the international scene.
עורכים: יעל זרובבל ואמיר גולדשטיין
Tel Hai: 1920-2020: Between History and Memory
Editors: Yael Zerubavel and Amir Goldstein
YAD IZHAK BEN-ZVI • JERUSALEM @ The Chaim Weizmann Institute for the Study of Zionism and Israel
POLSKI: Niniejszy artykuł związany jest ze współczesną sceną polityczną Izraela, która jest bardzo zróżnicowana i nie mieści się w wielu europejskich czy amerykańskich podziałach ideologicznych. Analiza ta przeprowadzona jest na przykładzie działania religijnej partii Szas w XXI wieku. Autorzy chcą zbadać jaki wpływ posiadają tego typu ugrupowania na współczesną politykę wewnętrzną Izraela. W celu zapoznania czytelnika z genezą Szasu użyto metody historyczno-opisowej, w dalszej części pracy analizie poddano: wypowiedzi oraz opinie polityków i przywódców duchowych, a także programy i spoty wyborcze partii. Z przeprowadzonych badań stwierdzono, że Szas, mimo małej reprezentacji w Knesecie w stosunku do innych partii, posiada znaczny wpływ na politykę kraju. Zajmowanie kluczowych ministerstw jak np. Ministerstwo ds. Religijnych czy Ministerstwo Spraw Wewnętrznych zapewnia ortodoksyjną kontrolę nad konwersjami, przyznawaniem obywatelstwa, akceptacją lub nie żydowskiego pochodzenia oraz dominację wśród innych nurtów judaizmu.
National-religious settlement in the West Bank, being the subject of the analysis of this chapter, from the beginning of its existence in the Israeli reality was characterized by radical views and postulates. The number of settlers in this area (excluding Jerusalem) is 406,302. According to the calculations of the Peace Now organization, they can cast 4.14% of the votes in the parliamentary elections (about 5 representatives). This causes that Jews living in the West Bank constitute a group that can exert real influence on state policy. Author will describe the elements that make up the overall coherent ideology created by the described movement. Throughout the years of functioning, characteristic attitudes, values and principles have been shaped among the Israeli society, according to which national and religious environments are progressing.
POLSKI:
Osadnictwo narodowo-religijne na Zachodnim Brzegu Jordanu, będące przedmiotem analizy niniejszego rozdziału, od początku swojego istnienia w izraelskiej rzeczywistości charakteryzowało się radykalnymi poglądami oraz postulatami. Liczba osadników na tym terenie (z wyłączeniem Jerozolimy) wynosi 406 302. Według obliczeń organizacji Peace Now mogą oni oddać 4,14% głosów w wyborach do parlamentu (około 5 przedstawicieli). Powoduje to, że Żydzi zamieszkujący Zachodni Brzeg stanowią grupę, która może wywierać realny wpływ na politykę państwa. Autor opisze elementy składające się na całokształt spójnej ideologii wykreowanej przez opisywany ruch. Przez lata funkcjonowania wśród izraelskiego społeczeństwa ukształtowano charakterystyczne postawy, wartości oraz zasady, wedle których postępują środowiska narodowo-religijne
Papers by Paweł Pokrzywiński
of the Lehava organization, whose full name is Prevention of Assimilation in
the Holy Land. It also attempts to test Ami Pedahzur’s thesis, which claims that
Kahanism in Israel is still alive as an ideology within Israeli society and links
together extremist formations and organizations from the peripheries of that society.
Working on the hypothesis that Lehava’s actions and aims are only a facade which justifies violence and Meir Kahane’s ideology, the article critically scrutinizes how
Lehava acts and how it builds its impact. It also examines the impact of Lehava on
the Israeli-Palestinan conflict. Applying desk research methodology, the author used
Hebrew-language materials from the official website of Lehava, documentaries about
the organization made by Israeli television, statements of Lehava’s members and
press articles which describe the organization’s actions. Analysis of the foregoing
materials and comparison with Kahane’s ideology shows that Lehava is an extremist
organization. It promotes xenophobia, racism and nationalism, which is directed
against Arab society and other minorities in Israel. The organization has also created
a wide network of contacts which can be dangerous for the state and society.
The article analyzes the history of the Golani Brigade and the changes that occurred since 1948 to the present day. During the 68 years of its existence the unit was involved in every Israeli-Arab conflict in the Middle East. It built its elitist character and has gained recognition among the public. During this time in Chatiwat Golani has changed structure, way of training, and its objectives. De-scription of this unit shows how Israel adapts its army to the changing requirements of the battlefield, since 1948 to the present. The article presents the history of unit, its structure and the role it plays in the Israel Defense Army.
Polski:
Artykuł analizuje historię Brygady Golani oraz zmiany, jakie w niej zachodziły od 1948 po czasy współczesne. W trakcie 68lat jej istnienia jednostka brała udział w każdym konflikcie izraelsko-arabskim na Bliskim Wschodzie, dzięki czemu zbudowała swój elitarny charakter i zdobyła uznanie wśród społeczeństwa. W tym okresie w Chatiwat Golani zaszło wiele zmian pod względem struktury, szkolenia, a także przeznaczenia. Opis niniejszego związku taktycznego pokazuje zatem, jak Izrael dostosowuje swoją armię do zmieniających się wymogów pola walki, począwszy od 1948 roku do czasów współczesnych. W artykule zaprezentowano rys historyczny jednostki, jej strukturę oraz rolę, jaką odgrywa w Armii Obrony Izraela wraz ze strukturą samej Brygady Golani.
Popular science by Paweł Pokrzywiński
the case of defense and arms industry. A basis of materials for following research are armaments’ contracts and joint military trainings. The newly shaping relations after 1989 and international surroundings of Poland and Israel allow to present following hypothesis that, despite uneasy political relations, both states perceive themselves as strategical partners, and the cooperation becomes more deeper. The Polish Republic considers Israel as the source of good quality military technology, in turn, the State of Israel regards Poland as absorptive and perspective market for the Israeli arms industry. Application of comparative and constructivist methods allowed to conclude that relations which are shaped on the basis of analyzed cases could be the basis for strengthening the Polish-Israeli relations. Such relations could be also used for achieving political advantages on the international scene.
עורכים: יעל זרובבל ואמיר גולדשטיין
Tel Hai: 1920-2020: Between History and Memory
Editors: Yael Zerubavel and Amir Goldstein
YAD IZHAK BEN-ZVI • JERUSALEM @ The Chaim Weizmann Institute for the Study of Zionism and Israel
POLSKI: Niniejszy artykuł związany jest ze współczesną sceną polityczną Izraela, która jest bardzo zróżnicowana i nie mieści się w wielu europejskich czy amerykańskich podziałach ideologicznych. Analiza ta przeprowadzona jest na przykładzie działania religijnej partii Szas w XXI wieku. Autorzy chcą zbadać jaki wpływ posiadają tego typu ugrupowania na współczesną politykę wewnętrzną Izraela. W celu zapoznania czytelnika z genezą Szasu użyto metody historyczno-opisowej, w dalszej części pracy analizie poddano: wypowiedzi oraz opinie polityków i przywódców duchowych, a także programy i spoty wyborcze partii. Z przeprowadzonych badań stwierdzono, że Szas, mimo małej reprezentacji w Knesecie w stosunku do innych partii, posiada znaczny wpływ na politykę kraju. Zajmowanie kluczowych ministerstw jak np. Ministerstwo ds. Religijnych czy Ministerstwo Spraw Wewnętrznych zapewnia ortodoksyjną kontrolę nad konwersjami, przyznawaniem obywatelstwa, akceptacją lub nie żydowskiego pochodzenia oraz dominację wśród innych nurtów judaizmu.
National-religious settlement in the West Bank, being the subject of the analysis of this chapter, from the beginning of its existence in the Israeli reality was characterized by radical views and postulates. The number of settlers in this area (excluding Jerusalem) is 406,302. According to the calculations of the Peace Now organization, they can cast 4.14% of the votes in the parliamentary elections (about 5 representatives). This causes that Jews living in the West Bank constitute a group that can exert real influence on state policy. Author will describe the elements that make up the overall coherent ideology created by the described movement. Throughout the years of functioning, characteristic attitudes, values and principles have been shaped among the Israeli society, according to which national and religious environments are progressing.
POLSKI:
Osadnictwo narodowo-religijne na Zachodnim Brzegu Jordanu, będące przedmiotem analizy niniejszego rozdziału, od początku swojego istnienia w izraelskiej rzeczywistości charakteryzowało się radykalnymi poglądami oraz postulatami. Liczba osadników na tym terenie (z wyłączeniem Jerozolimy) wynosi 406 302. Według obliczeń organizacji Peace Now mogą oni oddać 4,14% głosów w wyborach do parlamentu (około 5 przedstawicieli). Powoduje to, że Żydzi zamieszkujący Zachodni Brzeg stanowią grupę, która może wywierać realny wpływ na politykę państwa. Autor opisze elementy składające się na całokształt spójnej ideologii wykreowanej przez opisywany ruch. Przez lata funkcjonowania wśród izraelskiego społeczeństwa ukształtowano charakterystyczne postawy, wartości oraz zasady, wedle których postępują środowiska narodowo-religijne
of the Lehava organization, whose full name is Prevention of Assimilation in
the Holy Land. It also attempts to test Ami Pedahzur’s thesis, which claims that
Kahanism in Israel is still alive as an ideology within Israeli society and links
together extremist formations and organizations from the peripheries of that society.
Working on the hypothesis that Lehava’s actions and aims are only a facade which justifies violence and Meir Kahane’s ideology, the article critically scrutinizes how
Lehava acts and how it builds its impact. It also examines the impact of Lehava on
the Israeli-Palestinan conflict. Applying desk research methodology, the author used
Hebrew-language materials from the official website of Lehava, documentaries about
the organization made by Israeli television, statements of Lehava’s members and
press articles which describe the organization’s actions. Analysis of the foregoing
materials and comparison with Kahane’s ideology shows that Lehava is an extremist
organization. It promotes xenophobia, racism and nationalism, which is directed
against Arab society and other minorities in Israel. The organization has also created
a wide network of contacts which can be dangerous for the state and society.
The article analyzes the history of the Golani Brigade and the changes that occurred since 1948 to the present day. During the 68 years of its existence the unit was involved in every Israeli-Arab conflict in the Middle East. It built its elitist character and has gained recognition among the public. During this time in Chatiwat Golani has changed structure, way of training, and its objectives. De-scription of this unit shows how Israel adapts its army to the changing requirements of the battlefield, since 1948 to the present. The article presents the history of unit, its structure and the role it plays in the Israel Defense Army.
Polski:
Artykuł analizuje historię Brygady Golani oraz zmiany, jakie w niej zachodziły od 1948 po czasy współczesne. W trakcie 68lat jej istnienia jednostka brała udział w każdym konflikcie izraelsko-arabskim na Bliskim Wschodzie, dzięki czemu zbudowała swój elitarny charakter i zdobyła uznanie wśród społeczeństwa. W tym okresie w Chatiwat Golani zaszło wiele zmian pod względem struktury, szkolenia, a także przeznaczenia. Opis niniejszego związku taktycznego pokazuje zatem, jak Izrael dostosowuje swoją armię do zmieniających się wymogów pola walki, począwszy od 1948 roku do czasów współczesnych. W artykule zaprezentowano rys historyczny jednostki, jej strukturę oraz rolę, jaką odgrywa w Armii Obrony Izraela wraz ze strukturą samej Brygady Golani.
Wywiad z Elim Hazanem, dyrektorem ds. komunikacji i relacji międzynarodowych Likudu.