Papers by Karolina Borońska-Hryniewiecka
Parliamentary Affairs, 2024
In the academic debate about the deficits of representative democracy in the European Union, the ... more In the academic debate about the deficits of representative democracy in the European Union, the views of members of parliaments about their EU-oriented roles remain largely unknown. Against this background, we exploit a novel dataset from an author-designed survey conducted in seven national parliaments to unravel MPs' preferences with regard to their EUoriented empowerment. Our findings allow us to identify the dominant cognitive schemas mobilised among parliamentarians which attribute particular legitimacy-related meanings to proposed institutional reforms. They point to a stronger explanatory power of party ideological position over national constitutional orientations, with right-wing parties being more supportive towards parliamentary empowerment than their centre and centre-left counterparts, and mainstream parties being more sceptical of it than radical groups on both sides of the spectrum.
The Journal of Legislative Studies
The article introduces the special issue ‘Parliaments in times of crises: democratic accountabili... more The article introduces the special issue ‘Parliaments in times of crises: democratic accountability in the EU economic governance from the euro to the COVID crisis’ explaining how it seeks to make a novel contribution in the field of parliamentary studies. It first explains the trajectory of the crisisdriven institutional changes affecting parliaments from the great financial crisis to the COVID pandemic. It then introduces the concept of democratic accountability as a guiding notion of the special issue and differentiates among its various dimensions as well as potential outstanding gaps in the area of EU economic governance. Finally, it demonstrates in what ways particular contributions of this collection address the under-researched questions related to the abovementioned dimensions of EU democratic accountability
To quote: K. Borońska-Hryniewiecka, A New Player in the ‘Multi-Level Parliamentary Field’ . Coope... more To quote: K. Borońska-Hryniewiecka, A New Player in the ‘Multi-Level Parliamentary Field’ . Cooperation and Communication of Regional Parliaments in the Post-Lisbon Scenario, in National and Regional Parliaments in the EU-Legislative Procedure Post-Lisbon: The Impact of the Early Warning Mechanism (eds) Anna Jonsson Cornell and Marco Goldoni, Hart Publishing (forthcoming)
European Administrative Governance, 2019
The Journal of Legislative Studies
The Franco-German Parliamentary Assembly (FGPA) set up in March 2019 is the result of an unpreced... more The Franco-German Parliamentary Assembly (FGPA) set up in March 2019 is the result of an unprecedented collaboration between the parliaments of the two most powerful member states of the European Union (EU). While this bi-parliamentary assembly has received some attention by political think tanks, we know very little about its potential transformative effect on bilateral executive accountability as well as on the accountability and the salience of EU economic governance in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic. Based on an extensive document analysis and on semi-structured interviews with FGPA members and staff, we show that to a large extent the FGPA has become a forum of transnational accountability that cuts across the traditional domestic and EU channels of executive oversight. Our findings also reveal that the pandemic has increased the FGPA’s oversight activity and allowed for the (re-)emergence of EMU matters on the shared parliamentary and executive agenda. Available in open access
The Journal of Legislative Studies , Sep 1, 2022
The Franco-German Parliamentary Assembly (FGPA) set up in March 2019 is the result of an unpreced... more The Franco-German Parliamentary Assembly (FGPA) set up in March 2019 is the result of an unprecedented collaboration between the parliaments of the two most powerful member states of the European Union (EU). While this bi-parliamentary assembly has received some attention by political think tanks, we know very little about its potential transformative effect on bilateral executive accountability as well as on the accountability and the salience of EU economic governance in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic. Based on an extensive document analysis and on semi-structured interviews with FGPA members and staff, we show that to a large extent the FGPA has become a forum of transnational accountability that cuts across the traditional domestic and EU channels of executive oversight. Our findings also reveal that the pandemic has increased the FGPA’s oversight activity and allowed for the (re-)emergence of EMU matters on the shared parliamentary and executive agenda.
Available in open access
Negotiations between the European Commission, the EU Council and the European Parliament on the n... more Negotiations between the European Commission, the EU Council and the European Parliament on the new Inter-institutional Agreement on Better Regulation are unlikely to be concluded, as originally planned, before the end of 2015. An overview of the positions of these three parties reveals conflicting approaches to how the EU legislative process should work. It also exposes a clear case of power play between the institutions, and poses the question of whether EU policymaking should evolve in a more political or technocratic direction. It is in the interest of Poland, as a member of the Council supporting the community method, to advocate for more expertise in EU policymaking, but not to the detriment of democratic principles of EU governance
Supplemental material, sj-pdf-1-eep-10.1177_08883254211012770 for Actions Speak Louder Than Words... more Supplemental material, sj-pdf-1-eep-10.1177_08883254211012770 for Actions Speak Louder Than Words? The Untapped Potential of V4 Parliaments in EU Affairs by Karolina Borońska-Hryniewiecka and Jan Grinc in East European Politics & Societies and Cultures
National Parliaments after the Lisbon Treaty and the Euro Crisis, 2017
Over the next five years, the new European Commission will have to address several issues of an e... more Over the next five years, the new European Commission will have to address several issues of an existential nature such as boosting the sluggish EU economy, preventing a British exit from the bloc, restoring European citizens’ faith in the EU project, and delivering a strategic vision of Europe in the world. These objectives cannot be achieved without improving the overall quality of EU governance. This can be done without reforming the existing treaties. In fact, only within the remit of the Commission’s competence is there still significant room for manoeuvre. A stronger Commission also should be in the interest of Poland as a country that supports the Community method.
The majority of European Union (EU) studies tend to be critical of the Early Warning System (EWS)... more The majority of European Union (EU) studies tend to be critical of the Early Warning System (EWS) for subsidiarity control, deeming it as ineffective in blocking unwanted EU legislation. Against this background, the aim of this paper is to identify and discuss several transformative effects of the EWS connected with the quality and democratic character of the EU governance, beyond the tool’s legislative veto power. A critical review of the EWS’ interpretations as an accountability mechanism, Europeanization engine, parliamentary autonomy enhancing tool, platform of politicization of Europe, as well as an instrument improving the Commission’s regulatory culture reveals that –although flawed by design– the modus operandi of the EWS has in fact contributed to reinforcing the input legitimacy of the EU. The argument is also made that the EWS should be viewed as a sort of ‘reality-check’ for the EU’s legislative moderation, thus enhancing the ‘perceived output legitimacy’ of the EU polic...
The European Citizens’ Initiative (ECI), which allows one million citizens to prompt policy solut... more The European Citizens’ Initiative (ECI), which allows one million citizens to prompt policy solutions, has become a beacon of hope for increasing the democratic legitimacy of the European Union. This chapter dissects its potential effects for democratic legitimacy, arguing that any comprehensive evaluation of the mechanism should be in broader than just legislative terms. It proposes an extended conceptualization of the ECI as a legislative instrument and also a dialogue-enhancing tool, a deliberative space or an agenda-setting mechanism. The chapter presents the perceptions on the ECI of various actors involved in its design and functioning, and concludes that while the ECI has the potential to perform various democratic roles beyond policy initiation, these are still limited by technical hurdles and inadequate legislative design.
RVAP 89, 2011
LABURPENA: Artikulu honek, Euskadi adibidetzat hartuta, gaur egungo nazioz azpiko erregionalismoa... more LABURPENA: Artikulu honek, Euskadi adibidetzat hartuta, gaur egungo nazioz azpiko erregionalismoaren izaera aldakorra aztertzen du. Eta erakusten du euskal eskualde-estrategien bilakaera, eta nola lehengo jarrera probintziaren aldekoa bazen eta elkarren arteko lehia bultzatzen bazuen, oraingoa, berriz, irekia, kooperatiboa eta berritzailea dela, hobeto moldatzen dena Europako gobernantza-modu berrietara. Gaur egungo eskualde-ikerketek eskaintzen dituzten tresna teorikoak oinarri hartuta, artikulu honek euskal erregionalismotik sortzen den jarrera hibridoa aztertzen du. Horren osagaiak berriak, postmodernoak eta nazioz haraindikoak dira, eta eskualdearen ahalmen ekonomiko, politiko eta soziala indartzeko eta Europako kontuetan jokalari aktibo izateko balio dute. Europar Batasuneko eskualdeestrategien norabideak garrantzi berezia dauka Europan sortu den maila anitzeko gobernantza dela-eta, zeinetan agintea gobernu zentraletatik aldendu baita: gorantz, nazioz gaindiko mailara; beherant...
Journal of European Integration, 2020
ABSTRACT Have national parliaments become ‘multi-arena players’ in the field of EU affairs? Throu... more ABSTRACT Have national parliaments become ‘multi-arena players’ in the field of EU affairs? Through the means of cross-country comparison of Poland and France this study probes how national parliaments juggle their activities between domestic and EU-level realms with regard to four EU-oriented arenas: ex-ante scrutiny of national governments, the Early Warning Mechanism for subsidiarity control, the political dialogue with the European Commission, and the ‘green card’ initiative. The paper detects what conditions parliamentary activity in particular arenas and to what extent domestic legislatures act autonomously within them. The findings are counterintuitive and yet clearly demonstrate that what drives parliamentary mobilization in EU affairs is not the institutional strength of a parliament in EU scrutiny, but rather Member of Parliament’s perception of their institutions’ EU-related roles.
European Administrative Governance, 2019
Poland faces with Brexit the loss of one of its most important political and economic partners in... more Poland faces with Brexit the loss of one of its most important political and economic partners in the European Union (EU). Poland has had a trade surplus in goods and services with the United Kingdom (UK), with the latter also being the top destination of Polish emigration and constituting one of the biggest net contributors to the EU budget of which Poland is so far the largest recipient. Moreover, both countries have usually shared similar visions of the Single Market and the future direction of European integration. For this reason, the Polish government considers the negotiation of the UK withdrawal from the EU as well as forging the new UK-EU relationship as crucial processes for its national interests. The aim of this chapter is to account for the role of the Polish parliament in these procedures. The analysis of actual parliamentary engagement in the oversight of Brexit negotiations reveals that its role in the process is limited to mere monitoring and receipt of governmental information, despite the parliament’s fairly strong scrutiny powers in EU affairs. While the members of parliament are not able to influence the process by mandating the executive, the level of politicization of Brexit in the parliamentary arena is quite high, with the governing and opposition parties exploiting the topic for their own political gains.
Przegląd Europejski, 2017
This paper proposes a research design which allows for a comprehensive assessment of the effectiv... more This paper proposes a research design which allows for a comprehensive assessment of the effectiveness of the European citizens’ initiative (ECI) – the first EU transnational participatory tool. It provides an analytical framework based on a broader conceptualisation of the notion of “effectiveness” which goes beyond the sole legislative function of the ECI. Consequently, the paper suggests to evaluate the ECI in five different dimensions: as a dialogue and communication enhancing tool, an awareness-raising tool, a deliberative space, a citizen-activating mechanism, as well as an agenda-setting instrument. Operationalisation of the dependent variable through a set of democratic functions that the ECI might perform allows not only to evaluate its capacity to enhance the democratic legitimacy of the EU but also to identify the tool’s limitations and propose ways of improvement. The paper also suggests a qualitative method of testing the hypothesised effects of the ECI.
Cuadernos Europeos de Deusto, 2011
Este artículo ofrece una aproximación conceptual de la gobernanza multi-nivel (GMN) en la Unión E... more Este artículo ofrece una aproximación conceptual de la gobernanza multi-nivel (GMN) en la Unión Europea y su aplicación como herramienta analítica en el estudio de la participación de los entes subestatales en el proceso de construcción europea. Con este fin, el artículo proporciona una serie de indicadores para «medir» la GMN y evalúa ciertos desarrollos institucionales hacia GMN, al tiempo que pretende determinar las implicaciones de la GMN en el poder regional. El estudio llega a la conclusión de que a pesar de la existencia de estímulos e incentivos relevantes para promover una mayor cooperación, partenariado e inclusión, el proyecto de la gobernanza multi-nivel europea no se ha institucionalizado todavía. Para valorar en términos cualitativos la GMN, este trabajo propone tomar en cuenta la amplia gama de indicadores de naturaleza normativa, sistémica y procedimental presentes en un específico contexto doméstico, o aplicables a una determinada política, para ponerlos a prueba en...
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Papers by Karolina Borońska-Hryniewiecka
Available in open access
Available in open access
in the process of EU policymaking. I am particularly interested
in addressing the little-explored question about the implications
of the European system of multilevel governance for
Basque regional empowerment. I investigate the vertical relationship
between the Basque Country, the Spanish government, and
EU institutions, as well as the horizontal relations with other
autonomous communities and as non-state actors. In doing
so, I take into consideration a range of questions concerning
the three interrelated aspects of political mobilization, policymaking,
and polity restructuring in the Basque-Spanish
context:
• What are the implications of European integration for
Basque regional objectives and strategies?
• In what ways has the EU system of governance affected
the vertical relationship between the Basque and
Spanish governments, on the one hand, and the horizontal
relations with other autonomous communities,
on the other? Did EU membership create conflicts between
levels of governance and, if so, what measures
have been undertaken to solve them?
• What are the channels of Basque participation in domestic
EU policymaking? Are they legally and institutionally
sanctioned or rather contingent upon the will
of legislative majorities or fluctuating partisan interests?
• Do domestic institutional adaptations allow central
and regional authorities to share power and influence
in EU decision-making, and if so, in what ways?
• What facilitating institutions have been established to
improve the efficiency in elaborating and implementing
EU policies with high territorial impact?
• What is the role of the private sector in regional policymaking,
and might it have significant implications
for implementation of EU policies?
The second aim of this book is to determine the possible implications of MLG
for the Basque Country and its regional empowerment. In order to do this, I examine several cases of Basque EU-oriented activity such as management
of EU cohesion policy, implementation of regional development
strategies, participation in the control of the principle
of subsidiarity and involvement in transnational networks
of cooperation. This case selection allows me to account for
“MLG effects” for regional empowerment at the various stages
of the policymaking process such as policy creation, implementation,
and control.
The book is available upon request: [email protected]