Christopher Alcantara
Christopher Alcantara is associate professor in the department of political science at Western University. Much of his research examines the roots of collective action and intergovernmental cooperation in Canada, especially between Indigenous communities and the other three levels government (e.g. federal, provincial/territorial and municipal). He also writes about the importance of institutional design and the dynamics of institutional change using a variety of theoretical (e.g. rational choice, historical institutionalism, and political economy), conceptual (e.g. multilevel governance), and methodological approaches (e.g. archival research, elite interviews, experiments, and statistical analysis, the latter of which he relies heavily on his generous and talented co-authors!). He has also come to appreciate and to emphasize in his research the important role of agency in a variety of Canadian political arenas. He has written three books, A Quiet Evolution: The Emergence of Indigenous-Local Intergovernmental Partnerships in Canada (UTP: 2016, co-authored with Jen Nelles), Negotiating the Deal: Comprehensive Land Claims Agreements in Canada (UTP: 2013) and Beyond the Indian Act: Restoring Aboriginal Property Rights (MQUP: 2010), the latter of which was coauthored with Tom Flanagan and Andre Le Dressay. He has published numerous journal articles in Canadian Journal of Political Science, Canadian Public Administration, Electoral Studies, Journal of Elections, Public Opinion, and Parties, Public Choice, Publius: Journal of Federalism, Regional and Federal Studies, and Urban Affairs Review, among others. His research was a finalist for the Donald Smiley Prize in 2014, the Donner Prize in 2011 and the McMenemy Prize in 2013 and has won the 2014 International Council for Canadian Studies Pierre Savard Award for the best book in Canadian Studies, the 2014 Canadian Studies Network-Réseau d’études canadiennes Prize for the best book in Canadian Studies, the J.E. Hodgetts Award for best article in the journal, Canadian Public Administration, and the David Watson Memorial Award for "the paper published in the Queen's Law Journal judged to make the most significant contribution to legal scholarship.”
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Each chapter draws upon contemporary events and literature to frame the issues and strategies. The findings suggest that not all of the assumptions that people have about the best strategies for winning and keeping political power hold up to empirical scrutiny. In fact, some work in ways that many readers may find surprising.
Original and innovative in its use of experimental methods, Winning and Keeping Power in Canadian Politics is a persuasive analysis of some of our most prominent and long-standing political myths. It will be a "go to" resource for journalists, strategists, scholars, and general readers alike.
Indigenous communities have successfully mobilized to negotiate the creation of self-governing regions. Policymakers and politicians have responded by situating almost all these regions politically and institutionally within existing constituent units of the Canadian federation. The varied governance arrangements emerging as a result are forms of nested federalism, a new and largely unexplored model of government that is transforming Canada as it reformulates the relationship between Indigenous peoples and the state.
Following the development trajectories of these three northern regions, Gary Wilson, Christopher Alcantara, and Thierry Rodon investigate their internal dynamics and their relationships with other levels of government in several key policy areas. This meticulous analysis offers new insight into the evolution of Indigenous self-government, as well as its consequences for Indigenous communities and for the future of Canadian federalism.
This book will appeal to scholars and students of political science, public administration, public policy, and Indigenous and northern studies, as well as to Indigenous policymakers and residents of the territorial and provincial North.
Using in-depth interviews with Indigenous, federal, provincial, and territorial officials, Christopher Alcantara compares the experiences of four Aboriginal groups: the Kwanlin Dün First Nation (with a completed treaty) and the Kaska Nations (with incomplete negotiations) in Yukon Territory, and the Inuit (completed) and Innu (incomplete) in Newfoundland and Labrador. Based on the experiences of these groups, Alcantara argues that scholars and policymakers need to pay greater attention to the institutional framework governing treaty negotiations and, most importantly, to the active role that Aboriginal groups play in these processes."
The authors not only investigate the current forms of property rights on reservations but also expose the limitations of each system, showing that customary rights are insecure, certificates of possession cannot be sold outside the First Nation, and leases are temporary. As well, analysis of legislation, court decisions, and economic reports reveals that current land management has led to unnecessary economic losses. The authors propose creation of a First Nations Property Ownership Act that would make it possible for First Nations to take over full ownership of reserve lands from the Crown, arguing that permitting private property on reserves would provide increased economic advantages.
An engaging and well-reasoned book, Beyond the Indian Act is a bold argument for a new system that could improve the quality of life for First Nations people in communities across the country."
modern day municipalities. While these individuals play a critical role in the future direction and
success of their organizations, data pertaining to their pending retirement in Ontario is a cause
for concern. These trends are particularly troubling for Ontario’s small municipalities who
already face challenges pertaining to the recruitment and retention of staff.
The CAO position has undergone a dynamic shift over the past two decades. Research
has shown that ideas and practices related to New Public Management (NPM) and New Public
Service (NPS) have directly impacted the position, moving it away from being one of purely
management to a combination of management and strategic leadership. In order for Ontario’s
small municipalities to continue serving their citizens effectively, they need to develop
strategies aimed at obtaining ‘top talent’ to fill the CAO position.
Through an analysis of the research currently available on this topic, this study
recommends a number of best practices that small municipalities should consider adopting to
maintain future stability at the senior leadership level. In addition, case studies for two
municipalities were developed based one-on-one interviews with elected officials and
administrators to ascertain what these organizations are doing to address this issue.
This paper explores the reactions of Ontario school board officials to the internal audit function imposed on them in 2009. Specifically, it seeks to answer the following question: “What explains variation (if any) in Ontario school boards responses to recommendations by the regional internal audit teams to reform governance policies and processes”? Data for this research were gathered from an online survey conducted by the researcher and sent to employees at 59 Ontario school boards. It was expected that there would be a clear difference of opinion between larger and smaller school boards about the internal audit process. This, however, was not the case. Survey responses showed no major variation in opinions about this imposed function. Instead, school board employees across the province, like the auditors surveyed in other academic research, saw value in the internal audit process. Some respondents did indicate some frustration with the lack of resources to participate fully in the initiative. The Ministry’s recent appointment of an internal audit coordinator to help facilitate this process demonstrates that the problems with this mandated process may be the result of flawed policy implementation rather than a principal-agent conflict.
Judicial impartiality is at the heart of the Canadian court system, yet there is popular demand for more diversity on the bench. In acknowledging that judges cannot be expected to completely ignore their personal experiences and values, an impartial bench must therefore consist of a diversity of views that could balance out any existing biases. Since the turn of the century, the representation of women has increased significantly. Considering the principles of judicial objectivity, political scientists are interested in discovering the role that female judges play in defining Canadian jurisprudence. Given that the Alberta Court of Appeal has had a female Chief Justice since 1992, Madam Catherine A. Fraser, and that the Court has a high proportion of female judges on the bench, the Alberta Court of Appeal makes a good case to study the role of female judges. Women can make a difference on the bench by introducing a unique perspective and further diversifying the voice of the court. One way female justices have been found to make a difference is through increased levels of communication and consensus. Sample data collected from eight different years under Chief Justice Catherina A. Fraser and her processor, Chief Justice James Herbert Laycraft, is used to compare the consensus rates and women’s presence on the panels. The findings are that there is no difference in consensus rates under the male and female Chief Justice. While the gender composition of the court has changed significantly throughout the years, little to no statistical evidence was found to confirm any differences between the courts under each Chief Justice.
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