History

On the 13th of July, 494, two wealthy Alexandrians paid off part of a debt they owed to a certain Flavius Maximus, scholasticus and advocate in the court of praefectus Augustalis. The two debtors were themselves wealthy and powerful men in the city. Flavius Olympiodorus was, like Maximus, an advocate and scholasticus.

This essay is an early version of a revised and extended discussion to appear in my forthcoming monograph, Between the Clashing Rocks: Small Kingdoms, Great Powers, and Cultural Identity in Late Antiquity (The Johns Hopkins University Press).  – CJH

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The unique political career of philanthropist Countess Sofia Panina in 1917 provides insight into the problem of women’s political participation in the Revolution. Panina could be found in almost all of Petrograd’s major power centers: the Kadet Central Committee, the Petrograd Duma, and the Provisional Government, where she was the only female assistant minister. Yet her political involvement before October was mainly limited to the feminine sphere of education and social service. After the Bolshevik takeover she turned the connections and status she had achieved through government and party service into a leading role in the anti-Bolshevik opposition movement.

While scholarship on Russian women's history has flourished in recent decades, the participation of women in the 1917 Revolution continues to be under-researched and poorly understood. This article explores various reasons for the marginalization of women in studies of the revolution. It reviews promising recent research that recovers women's experiences and voices, including work on women in the wartime labor force and soldiers' wives, and argues for the usefulness of a feminist and gendered approach to studying 1917.

argues that British hatred of Catholicism was due largely to the anti-national character of that religion,"for Catholicism was feared not only as an antagonistic theology, but also as a force through which the English government itself was to be overthrown." Anti-Catholicism was "a patriotic as well as religious concern." Anti-popery, then, contained an element which could be called nativism-a cultural trait which John Higham describes as "intense opposition to an internal minority on the ground of its foreign.. . connections." Strangers in the Land: Patterns of American Nativism, 1860-1925 (N.Y., 1970), 4. Higham sees anti-Catholicism as just one element in nativism, and not the other way around. Loyalty to Protestantism in England was wedded to patriotism in the person of Elizabeth I by the Act of Supremacy, by that sovereign's national popularity, and by the longing of the English for stability. Anti-nationalism and treason were fixed on Catholicism by the Rising of the North in 1569, by Pope Pius V's bull Regnans in Excelsis (1570) which released English subjects from allegiance to their sovereign, by the Spanish Armada of 1588, and by the 1605 Gunpowder Plot-a conspiracy by disaffected Catholics to blow up Parliament with King, Lords, and Commons inside. Henry Gee and