Papers by Alicja Curanović

Religion, State and Society, 2024
Since the beginning of Russia’s full scale invasion of Ukraine,
numerous articles have been writt... more Since the beginning of Russia’s full scale invasion of Ukraine,
numerous articles have been written about the reasons why the
Moscow Patriarchate supports it and how the church is legitimising
the aggression. The usual ideational suspects were named, i.e.
russkiy mir, ‘Holy Rus’ and ‘Moscow, the Third Rome’. In this paper
I draw attention to an important yet overlooked concept which
allows the church’s leadership to present their support for the war
as a noble act. I analyse how the leadership of the Russian Orthodox
Church understands justice in relation to politics, especially the
international order and foreign relations. The goal of the paper is
to reconstruct the justice narrative of the Moscow Patriarchate – its
content, the context in which it appears and its role. The findings
are based on interpretative discourse analysis of a sample of 403
documents retrieved from the official websites of the Moscow
Patriarchate (2000–2023).

Nationalities Papers, 2024
The goal of this article is to show Russia’s civilizational turn in the broader context of imperi... more The goal of this article is to show Russia’s civilizational turn in the broader context of imperial nationalism. The “turn” is a manifestation of imperial nationalism that today feeds not only on political ideas and history but also on geography. In the mass perception, geography is seen as an objective, non-ideologized scientific discipline less prone to political manipulation. Because of this, it can be employed to influence the Russian self-identification process in a much more subtle and efficient way than references to the more abstract notion of civilization. This article presents the Russian Geographical Society (RGS) as an identity entrepreneur managed by the ruling elite with a well-developed regional structure. It functions as a community of imperial practice. With its discursive and material practices, the RGS contributes to reproducing imperial nationalism, including in its civilizational version. The RGS is the keeper of the imperial body. By referring to the imperial body, I mean not just the physical territory but also the ways it is imagined in discourse and made material in numerous practices.

International Relations, 2022
In this paper we analyse a situation wherein the political establishments of Russia and the Unite... more In this paper we analyse a situation wherein the political establishments of Russia and the United Kingdom, in the face of ontological insecurity, use narratives with messianic overtones in their foreign policies. Although these narratives do not feature prominently in the official discourse, they are nevertheless noticeable and provide a valuable insight into dynamics of national identity. We call them 'mission narratives' and interpret their (re)appearance in foreign policy as a reaction to a 'critical situation' which undermines the stability of the autobiographical narrative of both countries. Although different in scope and nature, the fall of the USSR and the Brexit referendum both resulted in the status and identity of the two states being questioned. Both countries reacted by emphasising their special role in the world. Referring to mission in foreign policy strengthens a coherent autobiographic narrative which soothes ontological uncertainties.

Religions, 2021
Much of the research dedicated to recent political changes in Poland emphasises the conservative ... more Much of the research dedicated to recent political changes in Poland emphasises the conservative agenda pursued by the ruling Law and Justice party. Many of the articles briefly mention Ordo Iuris (OI). This non-governmental organisation, established in 2013, deserves a proper analysis as it presents a rare success story of an actor pursuing a pro-life agenda from Poland which is not officially affiliated with the local Catholic Church. Ordo Iuris is not only able to influence domestic socio-political dynamics but has also developed a capacity to act beyond Poland’s borders. This paper focuses on OI’s international activity with two goals in mind. Firstly, it shows how OI—with its narrative, methods and actions—fits into the broader phenomenon of the Global Christian Right. In this regard, the paper draws attention to the similarities as well as the specificities of this Central European NGO. Secondly, it discusses the consequences of entanglement in politics for Ordo Iuris’s agenda.

MGIMO Review of International Relations, 2019
The article offers a critical overview of nine views common in academia related to Russian messia... more The article offers a critical overview of nine views common in academia related to Russian messianism. The main premise of messianism which is important for its political dimension, is: Providence has a plan along which History unfolds, and in this plan the chosen one (individual or collective) has a special role to play (mission). Under «mission» we understand that a certain community (state/nation) is exceptional and that this exceptionality manifests itself in its special destiny. I discern three distinctive, but interconnected, features of «mission»: (1) the conviction of having a special destiny, (2) a sense of moral superiority, (3) the conviction that the state’s activity is motivated not only by its own national interest but also by a higher cause important for a broader (regional, global etc.) community. The first two components of mission express exceptionalism of the mission-beholder, while the third component refers to the universalistic nature of the calling.This select...

Journal "Religions", no. 12., 2021
Much of the research dedicated to recent political changes in Poland emphasises the conservative ... more Much of the research dedicated to recent political changes in Poland emphasises the conservative agenda pursued by the ruling Law and Justice party. Many of the articles briefly mention Ordo Iuris (OI). This non-governmental organisation, established in 2013, deserves a proper analysis as it presents a rare success story of an actor pursuing a pro-life agenda from Poland which is not officially affiliated with the local Catholic Church. Ordo Iuris is not only able to influence domestic socio-political dynamics but has also developed a capacity to act beyond Poland’s borders. This paper focuses on OI’s international activity with two goals in mind. Firstly, it shows how OI—with its narrative, methods and actions—fits into the broader phenomenon of the Global Christian Right. In this regard, the paper draws attention to the similarities as well as the specificities of this Central European NGO. Secondly, it discusses the consequences of entanglement in politics for Ordo Iuris’s agenda.
Вестник Томского государственного университета. История” no. 73, p. 112-119., 2021
Поставлен вопрос: присутствуют ли во внешней политике постсоветской России отсылки к ее особой ми... more Поставлен вопрос: присутствуют ли во внешней политике постсоветской России отсылки к ее особой миссии по отношению к славянам. Анализ содержания официального дискурса российской внешней политики в 2000–2018 гг. позволяет заявить, что мессианский нарратив не является сегодня основным, однако существует на краю риторики государственных институтов. Кроме того, в рамках реконструированных миссий, приписываемых России сегодня ее дипломатами, историческая роль покровителя славян уступила место «особой ответственности» по отношению к исповедующим православие или, шире, к христианам.
Nationalism in a Transnational Age
Religion, State and Society, 2013
The accuracy of the Content should not be relied upon and should be independently verified with p... more The accuracy of the Content should not be relied upon and should be independently verified with primary sources of information. Taylor and Francis shall not be liable for any losses, actions, claims, proceedings, demands, costs, expenses, damages, and other liabilities whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with, in relation to or arising out of the use of the Content. This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution, reselling, loan, sub-licensing, systematic supply, or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden.
Forced Migration and Human Security in the Eastern Orthodox World, 2019
Contemporary Russian Conservatism: Problems, Paradoxes and Perspectives, 2019
“Problems of Post-Communism”, 2020
I argue that the imperial legacy is one of the underpinnings for the ROC’s approach to the state’... more I argue that the imperial legacy is one of the underpinnings for the ROC’s approach to the state’s security today. The imperial past also shows in the nature of the relationship between the Church and the state, which, contrary to the popular belief, is not just about the state instrumentalizing the Church or vice versa. I would argue that it is the shared views of the two parties which provide the fertile ground for their cooperation. As my case study I have chosen the North Caucasus. I trace the “imperial mark” in the ROC’s views and actions

Вестник МГИМО-Университета, 2019
The article offers a critical overview of nine views common in academia related to Russian messia... more The article offers a critical overview of nine views common in academia related to Russian messianism. The main premise of messianism which is important for its political dimension, is: Providence has a plan along which History unfolds, and in this plan the chosen one (individual or collective) has a special role to play (mission). Under «mission» we understand that a certain community (state/nation) is exceptional and that this exceptionality manifests itself in its special destiny. I discern three distinctive, but interconnected, features of «mission»: (1) the conviction of having a special destiny, (2) a sense of moral superiority, (3) the conviction that the state’s activity is motivated not only by its own national interest but also by a higher cause important for a broader
(regional, global etc.) community. The first two components of mission express exceptionalism of the mission-beholder, while the third component refers to the universalistic nature of the calling.
This selection of nine views is not a complete catalogue but it does include the core concepts that may be encountered while reading about Russian messianism. The article seeks to verify and put in order the existing body of knowledge on this topic. The critical verification is based on the material that comes from two main sources. The first
is the existing body of academic literature (in English and Russian) which is used to identify and cross-examine the views circulating among academia. The second source comes with the material gathered as a result of the content and discourse analysis of the official statements of Vladimir Putin. The article is structuralised along the enumeration
of nine popular views on Russian messianism. Each view is critically combined with the academic literature and the empirical data. The views discussed in the article tend to essentialise Russian messianism and essentialise Russia as well.
“Problems of Post-Communism”, 2019
This paper presents a reconstruction of the Russian Orthodox Church’s narrative on mission, inclu... more This paper presents a reconstruction of the Russian Orthodox Church’s narrative on mission, including the evolution and most characteristic features of its content and context. The notion of mission employed in this article combines components of both messianism and missionism. In short, mission is understood as the conviction that a certain community (state/nation) is exceptional and that this exceptionality manifests itself in its special destiny (Russian: osoboe prednaznachenie). As such, it represents a specific component of the identity of a state. In contemporary Russia, mission is seen as a crucial attribute of civilizational distinctiveness and of a major power.

VLADIMIR PUTIN ON-
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Even people who are not experts on contemporary Russia have heard abo... more VLADIMIR PUTIN ON-
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Even people who are not experts on contemporary Russia have heard about the annual phone-in programme Pryamaya Liniya, when Russian citizens may ask their president a question. This event draws attention of the main international mass-media every year. The show itself is a complicated media and political undertaking. This article analyses this programme in its complexity and how it changed through the years (2011-2017) in order to show the changes in Vladimir Putin’s public appearance. Pryamaya Liniya is approached as medium which allows to observe subtle socio-political dynamics characteristic for contemporary Russia. Over 15 editions, the programme has acquired numerous roles. It is a tool to project the leader’s image coherent with tradition, and also a tool to project an image of Russian society. It’s a political ritual which creates/strengthens a sense of national unity (e.g. after the annexation of Crimea). It can also serve as a means of communication with the external environment. Last but not least it is a method of disciplining local elites.
The Shifting Power and Human Rights Diplomacy series focuses on rising powers and their current a... more The Shifting Power and Human Rights Diplomacy series focuses on rising powers and their current and potential roles in the international protection and promotion of human rights. In this volume fourteen authors from Russian, European and the United States academia, think tanks and NGO’s write about Russia’s relation with the European Union, religion and human rights in Russian foreign policy and framing and identity in Russian politics.

The Russian Federation is shaping its religious diplomacy (i.e., in brief, the use of the re... more The Russian Federation is shaping its religious diplomacy (i.e., in brief, the use of the religious factor in foreign policy) and exercises it with a growing efficiency. This is, to a certain degree, a consequence of processes taking place in Russia, namely, first and foremost, the solving of the crisis of identity and values, and, closely connected with this, the renaissance of religion in Russian political and social life. For many Russians, including the political elite, religion is a crucial component of tradition and as such the foundation of values for spiritual recovery of Russian society and Russia's regaining its power status. These internal processes have consequences for Russia's external activity. Religion appears in the state concepts of Russia's policy: Russia is depicted as a “civilisational pole” with its own cultural space (russkiy mir) and mission (i.e. promoting interfaith dialogue). Both (russkiy mir and interfaith dialogue) are connected with state security and soft power.
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Papers by Alicja Curanović
numerous articles have been written about the reasons why the
Moscow Patriarchate supports it and how the church is legitimising
the aggression. The usual ideational suspects were named, i.e.
russkiy mir, ‘Holy Rus’ and ‘Moscow, the Third Rome’. In this paper
I draw attention to an important yet overlooked concept which
allows the church’s leadership to present their support for the war
as a noble act. I analyse how the leadership of the Russian Orthodox
Church understands justice in relation to politics, especially the
international order and foreign relations. The goal of the paper is
to reconstruct the justice narrative of the Moscow Patriarchate – its
content, the context in which it appears and its role. The findings
are based on interpretative discourse analysis of a sample of 403
documents retrieved from the official websites of the Moscow
Patriarchate (2000–2023).
(regional, global etc.) community. The first two components of mission express exceptionalism of the mission-beholder, while the third component refers to the universalistic nature of the calling.
This selection of nine views is not a complete catalogue but it does include the core concepts that may be encountered while reading about Russian messianism. The article seeks to verify and put in order the existing body of knowledge on this topic. The critical verification is based on the material that comes from two main sources. The first
is the existing body of academic literature (in English and Russian) which is used to identify and cross-examine the views circulating among academia. The second source comes with the material gathered as a result of the content and discourse analysis of the official statements of Vladimir Putin. The article is structuralised along the enumeration
of nine popular views on Russian messianism. Each view is critically combined with the academic literature and the empirical data. The views discussed in the article tend to essentialise Russian messianism and essentialise Russia as well.
A
IR
5
A
Even people who are not experts on contemporary Russia have heard about the annual phone-in programme Pryamaya Liniya, when Russian citizens may ask their president a question. This event draws attention of the main international mass-media every year. The show itself is a complicated media and political undertaking. This article analyses this programme in its complexity and how it changed through the years (2011-2017) in order to show the changes in Vladimir Putin’s public appearance. Pryamaya Liniya is approached as medium which allows to observe subtle socio-political dynamics characteristic for contemporary Russia. Over 15 editions, the programme has acquired numerous roles. It is a tool to project the leader’s image coherent with tradition, and also a tool to project an image of Russian society. It’s a political ritual which creates/strengthens a sense of national unity (e.g. after the annexation of Crimea). It can also serve as a means of communication with the external environment. Last but not least it is a method of disciplining local elites.
numerous articles have been written about the reasons why the
Moscow Patriarchate supports it and how the church is legitimising
the aggression. The usual ideational suspects were named, i.e.
russkiy mir, ‘Holy Rus’ and ‘Moscow, the Third Rome’. In this paper
I draw attention to an important yet overlooked concept which
allows the church’s leadership to present their support for the war
as a noble act. I analyse how the leadership of the Russian Orthodox
Church understands justice in relation to politics, especially the
international order and foreign relations. The goal of the paper is
to reconstruct the justice narrative of the Moscow Patriarchate – its
content, the context in which it appears and its role. The findings
are based on interpretative discourse analysis of a sample of 403
documents retrieved from the official websites of the Moscow
Patriarchate (2000–2023).
(regional, global etc.) community. The first two components of mission express exceptionalism of the mission-beholder, while the third component refers to the universalistic nature of the calling.
This selection of nine views is not a complete catalogue but it does include the core concepts that may be encountered while reading about Russian messianism. The article seeks to verify and put in order the existing body of knowledge on this topic. The critical verification is based on the material that comes from two main sources. The first
is the existing body of academic literature (in English and Russian) which is used to identify and cross-examine the views circulating among academia. The second source comes with the material gathered as a result of the content and discourse analysis of the official statements of Vladimir Putin. The article is structuralised along the enumeration
of nine popular views on Russian messianism. Each view is critically combined with the academic literature and the empirical data. The views discussed in the article tend to essentialise Russian messianism and essentialise Russia as well.
A
IR
5
A
Even people who are not experts on contemporary Russia have heard about the annual phone-in programme Pryamaya Liniya, when Russian citizens may ask their president a question. This event draws attention of the main international mass-media every year. The show itself is a complicated media and political undertaking. This article analyses this programme in its complexity and how it changed through the years (2011-2017) in order to show the changes in Vladimir Putin’s public appearance. Pryamaya Liniya is approached as medium which allows to observe subtle socio-political dynamics characteristic for contemporary Russia. Over 15 editions, the programme has acquired numerous roles. It is a tool to project the leader’s image coherent with tradition, and also a tool to project an image of Russian society. It’s a political ritual which creates/strengthens a sense of national unity (e.g. after the annexation of Crimea). It can also serve as a means of communication with the external environment. Last but not least it is a method of disciplining local elites.
dynamics and conservatism in Russian foreign policy, looking
particularly at the Russian Orthodox Church because of its
ability to successfully influence Russian diplomacy and its
role in promoting conservatism in Russian foreign policy.
The aim is to show the complexity of the Church-State
relationship that, despite what Kremlin supporters claim, is not
perfectly harmonious. At the same time, the Church is also no
propaganda machine, as many of its critics argue. The chapter
explores the conservative narrative of the Church and the State
in foreign policy and the modes of bilateral cooperation. The
goal is also to emphasise the often unnoticed dynamic nature of
conservatism in Russian politics, which should not be seen as
static, but as a developing process that has been underway for
over a decade.