The question of the institutionalization or the accommodation of Islam in law can be compatible w... more The question of the institutionalization or the accommodation of Islam in law can be compatible with democracy and the rule oflaw cannot be deduced from some essence of religions supposedly inscribed in the scriptures. Rather, they are the outcome of political struggles that push Islam toward democratic or authoritarian directions.
Wir haben bisher die Objekte und die Subjekte der Aneignung sowie die Kriterien der Allokation be... more Wir haben bisher die Objekte und die Subjekte der Aneignung sowie die Kriterien der Allokation behandelt und wollen nun die Mechanismen der Erlangung und Ubertragung von Verfugungsgewalt (§ 1), die Dauer der Aneignung (§ 2) und die Differenzierung der Verfugungsgewalten (§ 3) analysieren. Die generelle pro-theoretische Analyse dieser Aspekte bietet keine Schwierigkeiten, weshalb wir uns auf abstrakte Kasuistik beschranken konnen. Die Klarung der Fragen: was kann von wem, warum, wie und wie lange, in welchem Grade und in welchen Grenzen angeeignet werden?; bietet uns endlich die Gelegenheit, die — bisher alltagssprachlich verwendeten — zentralen Grundbegriffe der Aneignung und Verfugungsgewalt selber zu prazisieren und einen fur sozialwissenschaftliche Zwecke fruchtbaren Begriff des Eigentums auszuarbeiten (§ 4). Weil der Eigentumsbegriff nicht nur politisch und ideologisch stark geladen, sondern auch wissenschaftlich auserordentlich umstritten ist, wollen wir auf die diesbezuglichen Kontroversen etwas ausfuhrlicher eingehen, um unseren eigenen Vorschlag plausibel und trennscharf begrunden zu konnen.
In den letzten beiden Kapiteln haben wir zu zeigen versucht, wie unsere pro-theoretische Gliederu... more In den letzten beiden Kapiteln haben wir zu zeigen versucht, wie unsere pro-theoretische Gliederung der Ressourcen fur die Analyse spezifischer Machtverhaltnisse fruchtbar gemacht werden kann. In den nun folgenden Kapiteln werden wir uns aus Raumgrunden auf die Behandlung des grundbegrifflichen Gerusts beschranken mussen. Diese Einschrankung wird dadurch ertraglicher, das wir mit der Behandlung der Objekte der Aneignung die wichtigsten theoretischen Schwierigkeiten uberwunden haben. Wir hatten in Kapitel IV ganzlich und in den Kapiteln V und VI weitestgehend abstrahiert von den Fragen, wer Objekte und Positionen warum aneignen oder besetzen kann. Wir wollen nun die moglichen Subjekte der Aneignung (§ 1) und die Ursachen selektiver Allokation (§ 2) diskutieren und dabei die besondere Bedeutung askriptiver Prestigedichotomien und ihrer rechtlichen und staatlichen Sanktionierung herausarbeiten. Auf dieser Grundlage behandeln wir die Kriterien sozialer Schliesung (§ 3). Wir werden mit sozialer Schliesung einen weiteren wichtigen Typus strukturell asymmetrischer Macht kennenlernen, der in neo-weberianischen Theoriestrategien bis zur Ausschlieslichkeit verabsolutiert und in der marxistischen Tradition bisher nahezu ganzlich vernachlassigt wurde. Wir befinden uns von nun an in gut erkundetem und gangbarem Gelande und werden uns daher auf ein Minimum an Erklarungen und Abgrenzungen beschranken.
T HAT MODERN, SECULAR STATES require the complete constitu-tional, legal, administrative, politic... more T HAT MODERN, SECULAR STATES require the complete constitu-tional, legal, administrative, political, and cultural "separation" of state and church is the assumption of most liberal, republican, feminist, and socialist political theories. Two recent debates, however, ...
The question of the institutionalization or the accommodation of Islam in law can be compatible w... more The question of the institutionalization or the accommodation of Islam in law can be compatible with democracy and the rule oflaw cannot be deduced from some essence of religions supposedly inscribed in the scriptures. Rather, they are the outcome of political struggles that push Islam toward democratic or authoritarian directions.
Wir haben bisher die Objekte und die Subjekte der Aneignung sowie die Kriterien der Allokation be... more Wir haben bisher die Objekte und die Subjekte der Aneignung sowie die Kriterien der Allokation behandelt und wollen nun die Mechanismen der Erlangung und Ubertragung von Verfugungsgewalt (§ 1), die Dauer der Aneignung (§ 2) und die Differenzierung der Verfugungsgewalten (§ 3) analysieren. Die generelle pro-theoretische Analyse dieser Aspekte bietet keine Schwierigkeiten, weshalb wir uns auf abstrakte Kasuistik beschranken konnen. Die Klarung der Fragen: was kann von wem, warum, wie und wie lange, in welchem Grade und in welchen Grenzen angeeignet werden?; bietet uns endlich die Gelegenheit, die — bisher alltagssprachlich verwendeten — zentralen Grundbegriffe der Aneignung und Verfugungsgewalt selber zu prazisieren und einen fur sozialwissenschaftliche Zwecke fruchtbaren Begriff des Eigentums auszuarbeiten (§ 4). Weil der Eigentumsbegriff nicht nur politisch und ideologisch stark geladen, sondern auch wissenschaftlich auserordentlich umstritten ist, wollen wir auf die diesbezuglichen Kontroversen etwas ausfuhrlicher eingehen, um unseren eigenen Vorschlag plausibel und trennscharf begrunden zu konnen.
In den letzten beiden Kapiteln haben wir zu zeigen versucht, wie unsere pro-theoretische Gliederu... more In den letzten beiden Kapiteln haben wir zu zeigen versucht, wie unsere pro-theoretische Gliederung der Ressourcen fur die Analyse spezifischer Machtverhaltnisse fruchtbar gemacht werden kann. In den nun folgenden Kapiteln werden wir uns aus Raumgrunden auf die Behandlung des grundbegrifflichen Gerusts beschranken mussen. Diese Einschrankung wird dadurch ertraglicher, das wir mit der Behandlung der Objekte der Aneignung die wichtigsten theoretischen Schwierigkeiten uberwunden haben. Wir hatten in Kapitel IV ganzlich und in den Kapiteln V und VI weitestgehend abstrahiert von den Fragen, wer Objekte und Positionen warum aneignen oder besetzen kann. Wir wollen nun die moglichen Subjekte der Aneignung (§ 1) und die Ursachen selektiver Allokation (§ 2) diskutieren und dabei die besondere Bedeutung askriptiver Prestigedichotomien und ihrer rechtlichen und staatlichen Sanktionierung herausarbeiten. Auf dieser Grundlage behandeln wir die Kriterien sozialer Schliesung (§ 3). Wir werden mit sozialer Schliesung einen weiteren wichtigen Typus strukturell asymmetrischer Macht kennenlernen, der in neo-weberianischen Theoriestrategien bis zur Ausschlieslichkeit verabsolutiert und in der marxistischen Tradition bisher nahezu ganzlich vernachlassigt wurde. Wir befinden uns von nun an in gut erkundetem und gangbarem Gelande und werden uns daher auf ein Minimum an Erklarungen und Abgrenzungen beschranken.
T HAT MODERN, SECULAR STATES require the complete constitu-tional, legal, administrative, politic... more T HAT MODERN, SECULAR STATES require the complete constitu-tional, legal, administrative, political, and cultural "separation" of state and church is the assumption of most liberal, republican, feminist, and socialist political theories. Two recent debates, however, ...
The European Convention on Human Rights guarantees freedom of education, including the opportunit... more The European Convention on Human Rights guarantees freedom of education, including the opportunities to create and operate faith-based schools. However, as European societies become more religiously diverse and ‘less religious’ at the same time, the role of faith-based schools is increasingly being contested. Serious tensions have emerged between those who ardently support religious schools in their various forms, and those who oppose them. Given that faith-based schools enjoy basic constitutional guarantees in Europe, the controversy around them often surrounds issues of public financing, degrees of organisational and pedagogical autonomy, and educational practices and management.
This volume is about the controversies surrounding religious schools in a number of Western European countries. The introductory chapter briefly analyses the structural pressures that affect the position of religious schools, outlining the relevant institutional arrangements in countries such as Denmark, Germany, France, Ireland, the Netherlands, and Scotland. The following chapters provide a detailed analysis of the discussions and controversies surrounding faith-based schools in each country. Finally, the two concluding chapters aim to provide a bigger, comparative picture with regard to these debates about religious education in liberal democratic states and culturally pluralist societies.
In times of a huge and rapidly increasing demand among policy-makers for 'certain' scientific kno... more In times of a huge and rapidly increasing demand among policy-makers for 'certain' scientific knowledge, (social) scientists increasingly recognize that they cannot and should not live up to these expectations because scientific knowledge of complex and contingent processes is very limited, uncertain and contested. The development of complex open social systems cannot be predicted. In order to adequately describe and explain them social sciences have to become explicitly multi-perspectivist, multidisciplinary , and context-sensitive. The more complex the objects, the more often we are confronted with 'trans-scientific problems', the more important it becomes that 'science gets democratized' and that 'real people enter science'. We have to overcome the cognitivist self-misunderstanding of sciences, to revaluate tacit, local, contextual, practical knowledge and experience. Cognitivist rationalism is – quasi 'naturally'-combined with mega-forecasting, mega-planning and, as we increasingly had to learn, with mega-failures and self-made catastrophies. Associative Democracy provides better institutional models for a fruitful and fair interaction between critical expertise and democratic politics because (i) it presents better institutions and policies to tackle deep, structural 'societal background inequalities', and (ii) it provides better institutional models to guarantee both relational cognitive autonomy of science and the systematic incorporation of relevant stakeholders into deliberation and decision making. It also allows to better combine " individual " and/or " institutional autonomy " of science with new forms of responsiveness and accountability.
Global migration, indeed, has become more diversified in the last 25 years – more destination cou... more Global migration, indeed, has become more diversified in the last 25 years – more destination countries, more countries of origin, higher levels of mobility and connectivity, more transnational, more return- and onwards migration – and also the settlement, citizenship and integration package has changed. In this paper, the focus is not mainly on normative and institutional challenges to political philosophy and multiculturalism but rather on some basic issues of misleading conceptual framings that have plagued ‘old’ theories and politics of multiculturalism (MC) and of accommodation of religious diversty (RA), that have contributed to the ‘crisis’ or ‘demise of multiculturalism’ and that also my contaminate attempts of rethinking in a “mobile world”. In section I I present a brief recap of the basic ideal of MC politics and RA politics: the key aim has been to spell out serious ‘cultural inequalities’ under conditions of equal civil and political rights and even absent (or minimal) structural inequalities, and try to find legal and political solutions to address these cultural injustices instead of recognizing collective, cultural ‘identity’-claims as is so often done in’politics of identity’ and ‘theories of recognition’. The consequences of cultural inequalities are – more or less serious – unequal chances for cultural minorities to reproduce or change their cultural practices on their own terms: enforced/imposed cultural assimilation by majorities/states, and/or cultural exclusion or prosecution. The adequate principles of justice cannot be ‘fairness-as-hands-off’ and ‘neutrality’ because a culturally completely neutral state is not only a radical utopia but a non-starter and a dystopia stripping people of all their cultural particularities, histories, languages, religious traditions and practices and so on. Recognizing the inevitable partiality of all cultures we have to reformulate the adequate normative standards as fairness-as-evenhandedness and relational neutrality. In section II, I present my criticism of ‘Recognition-of-Identity’ theories’ (‘Recognition of ‘Identities or Cultures’?) answering questions like recognition of What? When? Where? By whome? How? To which degree? My main claim is: ‘equal respect and full freedoms of political communication’ are crucial. In section III, I adress changes in ‘a mobile world’ for Raising Claims and for Dealing with Claims. If cultural practices get more radically flexible, hybrid and fluid and if, as a consequence, the social conditions of collective cultural identity claims evaporate, less stable claims-making can be expected (and cultural minorities of all kinds, then, would loose ‘collective voice’). Together with more short-term settlement and residence, these processes would result in less stable, more fluid patterns putting more pressure on institutionalized policies of MC and RA. Yet even the most flexible and open versions – such as associational governance defended by myself – require some minimal temporal and social stability. Under such conditions accommodation would not only become more difficult but also less required and needed. The more crucial would become the guarantee of ‘equal respect and full freedoms of political communication’.
Waarom Korver's tekst 'Alle Tijd' brede aandacht verdient, 2024
Waarom 'Alle Tijd', het laatste manuscript van Ton Korver brandend actueel is en brede aandacht v... more Waarom 'Alle Tijd', het laatste manuscript van Ton Korver brandend actueel is en brede aandacht verdient: Dit boek biedt een nieuwe zicht op Marx’s economisch denken en een nieuw perspectief voor de broodnodige kritiek op de heersende leer van de economie. En het boek is - in taal, stijl en inhoud - niet slechts voor academische economen van alle soorten en maten geschreven maar voor een breed Nederlands publiek dat onder de heersende instituties, politieken en praktijken te lijden heeft. Wie naar alternatieven zoekt vindt in dit boek veel onorthodoxe overwegingen en aanbevelingen die ook na het overlijden van Ton Korver brede aandacht verdienen
Uploads
Papers by Veit Bader
This volume is about the controversies surrounding religious schools in a number of Western European countries. The introductory chapter briefly analyses the structural pressures that affect the position of religious schools, outlining the relevant institutional arrangements in countries such as Denmark, Germany, France, Ireland, the Netherlands, and Scotland. The following chapters provide a detailed analysis of the discussions and controversies surrounding faith-based schools in each country. Finally, the two concluding chapters aim to provide a bigger, comparative picture with regard to these debates about religious education in liberal democratic states and culturally pluralist societies.
‘Expertising Democracy’ (brief version published in: Innovation 05/12 2013:
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13511610.2013.835465
The consequences of cultural inequalities are – more or less serious – unequal chances for cultural minorities to reproduce or change their cultural practices on their own terms: enforced/imposed cultural assimilation by majorities/states, and/or cultural exclusion or prosecution. The adequate principles of justice cannot be ‘fairness-as-hands-off’ and ‘neutrality’ because a culturally completely neutral state is not only a radical utopia but a non-starter and a dystopia stripping people of all their cultural particularities, histories, languages, religious traditions and practices and so on. Recognizing the inevitable partiality of all cultures we have to reformulate the adequate normative standards as fairness-as-evenhandedness and relational neutrality. In section II, I present my criticism of ‘Recognition-of-Identity’ theories’ (‘Recognition of ‘Identities or Cultures’?) answering questions like recognition of What? When? Where? By whome? How? To which degree? My main claim is: ‘equal respect and full freedoms of political communication’ are crucial. In section III, I adress changes in ‘a mobile world’ for Raising Claims and for Dealing with Claims. If cultural practices get more radically flexible, hybrid and fluid and if, as a consequence, the social conditions of collective cultural identity claims evaporate, less stable claims-making can be expected (and cultural minorities of all kinds, then, would loose ‘collective voice’). Together with more short-term settlement and residence, these processes would result in less stable, more fluid patterns putting more pressure on institutionalized policies of MC and RA. Yet even the most flexible and open versions – such as associational governance defended by myself – require some minimal temporal and social stability. Under such conditions accommodation would not only become more difficult but also less required and needed. The more crucial would become the guarantee of ‘equal respect and full freedoms of political communication’.