ABSTRACT Based on a detailed investigation of the syntax and semantics of two series of person pr... more ABSTRACT Based on a detailed investigation of the syntax and semantics of two series of person proclitics in Blackfoot (Algonquian: Alberta), we argue that in addition to traditional ɸ-features, personal pronouns may also contain a temporal component that conditions their distribution and interpretation. Specifically, we propose that one series of Blackfoot proclitics consists of morphosyntactically simplex pro-ɸPs that only encode person features, while the other series are morphosyntactically complex pro-DPs composed of a ɸP plus a D head. The semantic contribution of the D head is temporal: it restricts the denotation of the proclitic to a contextually relevant stage of an individual. We argue that this restriction conditions the distribution of the long forms; they appear in contexts which only involve a temporally restricted stage of the individual. We discuss three such contexts: inalienable possession, the perfect, and epistemic modality. The short form proclitics, which lack this temporal restriction, appear in contexts that do not refer to specific stage. Regarding their external syntax, we argue that the short form proclitics are introduced directly by a lexical head (N or V), whereas the long forms are introduced higher in the functional structure, by Poss and INFL.
This paper discusses Austro-Bavarian directionals, which adhere to the following pattern: preposi... more This paper discusses Austro-Bavarian directionals, which adhere to the following pattern: preposition plus suffix -a or -i, as for example in auffa (upwards-a) and auffi (upwardsi). These directionals indicate that movement occurs either towards the speaker's location (-a) or towards a location crucially distinct from the speakers location (-i). I propose that this alternation is an overt manifestation of Hale's (1986) semantic universal of central versus non-central coincidence. I analyze them as fully fledged PathPs whose internal syntax is based on Ritter and Wiltschko's (2009) implementation of the coincidence theme. These directionals show that dialectal data can confirm both semantic and syntactic universals that have been argued for on the basis of entirely unrelated domains and languages. * I thank Alexis Dimitriadis and an anonymous reviewer for comments on this paper. All errors are mine. 1 The data are based on written and oral elicitation as well as on personal observation. To the best of my knowledge, they mostly also extend to other Bavarian varieties; this, however, is still subject to further research.
ABSTRACT Based on a detailed investigation of the syntax and semantics of two series of person pr... more ABSTRACT Based on a detailed investigation of the syntax and semantics of two series of person proclitics in Blackfoot (Algonquian: Alberta), we argue that in addition to traditional ɸ-features, personal pronouns may also contain a temporal component that conditions their distribution and interpretation. Specifically, we propose that one series of Blackfoot proclitics consists of morphosyntactically simplex pro-ɸPs that only encode person features, while the other series are morphosyntactically complex pro-DPs composed of a ɸP plus a D head. The semantic contribution of the D head is temporal: it restricts the denotation of the proclitic to a contextually relevant stage of an individual. We argue that this restriction conditions the distribution of the long forms; they appear in contexts which only involve a temporally restricted stage of the individual. We discuss three such contexts: inalienable possession, the perfect, and epistemic modality. The short form proclitics, which lack this temporal restriction, appear in contexts that do not refer to specific stage. Regarding their external syntax, we argue that the short form proclitics are introduced directly by a lexical head (N or V), whereas the long forms are introduced higher in the functional structure, by Poss and INFL.
This paper discusses Austro-Bavarian directionals, which adhere to the following pattern: preposi... more This paper discusses Austro-Bavarian directionals, which adhere to the following pattern: preposition plus suffix -a or -i, as for example in auffa (upwards-a) and auffi (upwardsi). These directionals indicate that movement occurs either towards the speaker's location (-a) or towards a location crucially distinct from the speakers location (-i). I propose that this alternation is an overt manifestation of Hale's (1986) semantic universal of central versus non-central coincidence. I analyze them as fully fledged PathPs whose internal syntax is based on Ritter and Wiltschko's (2009) implementation of the coincidence theme. These directionals show that dialectal data can confirm both semantic and syntactic universals that have been argued for on the basis of entirely unrelated domains and languages. * I thank Alexis Dimitriadis and an anonymous reviewer for comments on this paper. All errors are mine. 1 The data are based on written and oral elicitation as well as on personal observation. To the best of my knowledge, they mostly also extend to other Bavarian varieties; this, however, is still subject to further research.
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Papers by Bettina Gruber