Peer-reviewed articles by Ville Suuronen
The European Legacy, 2024
In light of the new developments in biotechnologies in recent years
and their potentialities for ... more In light of the new developments in biotechnologies in recent years
and their potentialities for human enhancement, the traditional division
between conservative and progressive thinking has acquired
new nuances. This article offers a historical examination of bioconservatism—
the specific kind of conservatism that has developed in
response to these technologies, the aim of which is to resist their
potential future adverse effects. I differentiate between two types of
bioconservatism: the one based on a defense of the anthropological
openness of human beings and the conditions that make ethical
existence possible (Hannah Arendt and Jürgen Habermas), and the
other based on a more traditionally conservative defense of human
nature (Francis Fukuyama). By proposing a more concise definition of
bioconservatism, this article deepens our understanding of the new
conservative responses to the accelerating rate of biotechnological
developments and the rise of the intellectual movements of transhumanism
and posthumanism.
De Gruyter Oldenbourg: Helsinki Yearbook of Intellectual History, 2024
Since Plato defined, in Phaedo, philosophy as the art of "practicing for/of death" (meletē thanat... more Since Plato defined, in Phaedo, philosophy as the art of "practicing for/of death" (meletē thanatou), as the art that aims to look for knowledge, particularly in contemplation, which would go beyond the deceitful senses, death and philosophy have shared an intimate, almost self-evident connection. 1 If philosophy begins from contemplation, as affirmed by both Plato and Aristotle, it is precisely the finite nature of human life, the very fact of mortality, which sparks the quest for the most fundamental questions concerning human life, as noted by Hannah Arendt (1906-1975). 2 Even if one agrees that philosophy "always reappropriates the discourse that delimits it," 3 there is no doubt that in historical terms, this Platonic definition of philosophy has had an "immense echo within occidental philosophy," as the ancient historian Pierre Hadot argues. 4 In terms of understanding and evaluating the role of death for human life, the Western tradition of philosophy indeed shows a remarkable consistencywhether one thinks of the Hellenic schools of philosophy or such modern thinkers as Martin Heidegger (1889-1976) and his description of Dasein's being-towarddeath. 5 To take an almost random example, consider the following words from Early Modern writer Michel de Montaigne (1533-1592):
New German Critique 49 (2), 15-48, 2022
Drawing on a large array of lesser-known materials, this article offers a new comparison of Carl ... more Drawing on a large array of lesser-known materials, this article offers a new comparison of Carl Schmitt and Hannah Arendt by focusing on their opposing understandings of National Socialism as a novel political ideology. While Schmitt's Nazi writings theorize a new kind of racial politics under Nazi rule, Arendt's political thought develops as a systematic critique and response to the histories of antisemitism, imperialism, and totalitarianism. After joining the Nazi party in 1933 Schmitt endorsed the expulsion of Jewish intellectuals from Germany, celebrated the burning of their writings (including those of Arendt), and supported the process of Gleichschaltung as the first steps in creating a nazified Germany. While Schmitt claimed that the Jews have no access to the German substance, culture and language, noting that "the Jew lies when he speaks German," Arendt, always emphasized that for her Germany meant precisely "the mother tongue, the philosophy and the poetry." Relying on thus far unacknowledged biographical and theoretical contrasts, this article aims to show that Schmitt and Arendt understand the political meanings of race and language in a radically different manner.
Frontiers in Political Science, 2022
This paper argues that twentieth-century fascist political theory is characterised by the systema... more This paper argues that twentieth-century fascist political theory is characterised by the systematic attempt to abolish communication from the public realm. By offering a novel reading of one the most systematic fascist thinkers, Carl Schmitt, who is compared with Søren Kierkegaard, Aristotle, Hannah Arendt, and Walter Benjamin as well as with the Italian dictator Benito Mussolini, it is argued that Schmitt's Weimar era thought offers a many-sided challenge to the Western tradition of political thought. Against the Aristotelian notion of politics as rhetorical persuasion and speech, Schmitt mobilises the anti-Aristotelian political theorist, Thomas Hobbes, and an array of other thinkers for his own purposes in order to redefine “the political” as a realm of silence. For Schmitt, and for fascists more generally, the realm of the political appears as an arena in which absolute and non-negotiable existential truths collide—truths, which every political community must necessarily embody in both its constitution and spirit. Reinterpreting Schmitt's central works by relying on a broad array of rare materials, I maintain that Schmitt's famous criterion of the “the political” discloses the crucial moment in which communicative speech becomes impossible. It is argued that understanding the internal mechanics of twentieth century fascist political thought can be highly useful for grasping the momentum that especially far-right movements are experiencing today.
Global Intellectual History, 2022
Carl Schmitt read The Origins of Totalitarianism (1951), Eichmann in
Jerusalem: A Report on the ... more Carl Schmitt read The Origins of Totalitarianism (1951), Eichmann in
Jerusalem: A Report on the Banality of Evil (1963), and several essays
from Hannah Arendt. By utilizing Schmitt’s extensive comments on
Arendt and other novel materials, this essay reconstructs a ‘debate
in absence’ between Schmitt and Arendt concerning the nature of
totalitarianism, political power, and banality of evil. First, I
demonstrate how Schmitt became greatly excited about The
Origins, which he (mis)read as an exculpatory document that
allowed him to draw an absolute distance between himself and
the more racist strains of Nazism. Second, I show how and why
Schmitt’s understanding of Arendt became more reserved after
he read Eichmann in Jerusalem. Beyond offering a novel empirical
starting point for comparing Schmitt and Arendt and providing a
comparative account of their understandings of Nazi
totalitarianism, power, and political responsibility under
totalitarian regimes, the article also contributes to the broader
discussions surrounding the nature totalitarianism and on the
debates around Arendt’s report on Eichmann.
History of European Ideas, 2020
This article offers a new reading of Carl Schmitt and his Nazi engagement by
chronologically exam... more This article offers a new reading of Carl Schmitt and his Nazi engagement by
chronologically examining the changing uses of Roman law in his Weimar
and Nazi thought. I argue that Schmitt’s different ways of narrating the
modern reception of Roman law disclose, first, the Nazification of his
thought in the spring of 1933, and second, the partial and apologetic de-
Nazification of his thinking in the 1940s. While Schmitt’s Weimar-era
works are defined by a positive use of Roman imagery, ranging from
Schmitt’s support to the Catholic Church to his endorsement of Benito
Mussolini’s ‘total state’ in Italy, Schmitt’s Nazi writings from 1933 to 1936
describe the reception of Roman law as an anti-German virus that must
be overcome by the Nazi movement. This shift mirrors Schmitt’s
transformation from an authoritarian thinker sympathetic to Italian
Fascism into a devoted Nazi. However, once Schmitt begins to see that
Germany will lose World War II, he recalibrates his position. While
Schmitt’s earlier Nazi writings offered a negative estimation of the
historical school of Friedrich Carl von Savigny, in his 1943/44 book on
European legal science, Schmitt portrays Savigny as the paradigmatic
European, whose work opens the path for a renewed legal science.
Alternatives: Global, Local, Political. Volume: 43 issue: 1, page(s): 35-53, 2018
Hannah Arendt’s support for the “right to have rights” arises as a critical response to the moder... more Hannah Arendt’s support for the “right to have rights” arises as a critical response to the modern biopolitical human condition. While Arendt’s reflections on human rights have received broad recognition, the question concerning the economic preconditions of citizenship in her work remains an unduly neglected subject. This article takes up this issue and argues that, for Arendt, the fulfillment of basic social rights is the sine qua non without which the fulfillment of political rights is impossible. Thinking with and against Arendt, I show that her famous distinction between the private, the social, and the political can be fruitfully reinterpreted as an argument for basic income. When Arendt’s reflections on human rights are read in the light of her ideas concerning technology and automation, she no longer appears as a theorist who ignores social justice, but as a thinker who seeks to counter the modern biopolitical human condition and open up new realms for democratic political action. Instead of ignoring social questions, Arendt argues that with the help of technology, we can strive to politicize fundamental social questions in a way that they would achieve a self-evident stature as human rights, and as fundamental human rights, rise above political debate, even though we would remain conscious of their political origins. Arendt does not simply exclude “the social questions” from politics but argues that this is what all technologically developed societies can strive to do. In Arendt’s futuristic vision, the private life of citizens will be politicized through technological intervention: ancient slaves will be replaced by machines. By comparing Arendt with Foucault and Agamben, I maintain that a critical reading of her work can provide us with a pathway toward understanding the right to life’s basic necessities, to zoe, as a future human right.
Contemporary Political Theory, 2020
Carl Schmitt sees the 1933 Nazi seizure of power as a revolution that inaugurates an entirely new... more Carl Schmitt sees the 1933 Nazi seizure of power as a revolution that inaugurates an entirely new era of political-legal order. Analyzing Schmitt’s rarer Nazi-texts, diaries, and correspondence, I argue that from 1933 to 1936 Schmitt attempts to theorize the Nazi revolution by developing an entirely new political language of Nazism, cleansed from non-German ways of thinking, especially nineteenth-century liberalism. I focus on three conceptual transformations through which Schmitt understands the remaking of the German state: (1) The shift from the liberal democratic neutral state to a new one-party state or a Führer-state dominated by a movement – a shift symbolized by the “death of Hegel”; (2) the transformation of sovereign power into Führertum (“leadershipness”), represented by the symbolical deaths of Jean Bodin and Thomas Hobbes, whose thought cannot comprehend the totality of the Nazi movement, and (3) the perversion of the liberal-democratic equality before the law to the völkisch equality of the race (Artgleichheit) as the basis of all Nazi political–legal life. Criticizing previous interpretations of Schmitt’s Nazi thinking, I demonstrate that when Schmitt abandons his own decicionist thought in favor of concrete order thinking in 1933/1934 the idea of race becomes the basis of his political–legal thought.
Political Theory, 2019
This essay argues that Carl Schmitt’s postwar writings offer an original
critique of biotechnolog... more This essay argues that Carl Schmitt’s postwar writings offer an original
critique of biotechnology and utopian thinking. Examining the classics of
utopian literature from Plato to Thomas More and Aldous Huxley, Schmitt
illustrates the rise of utopianism that aims to transform human nature and even
produce an artificial “human-machine.” Schmitt discovers a counterimage to
the emerging era of biotechnology from a katechontic form of Christianity
and maintains that human beings must recognize their shared humanity in
God, warning us that without a realm of transcendence, the enemy no longer
offers an existential mirror but begins to incarnate foreign values, which
must be destroyed completely. By comparing Schmitt with Michel Foucault
and Donna Haraway, it is also argued that Schmitt’s thinking unlocks a novel
path to exploring the meaning and histories of biopolitics and posthumanism.
From a Schmittian perspective, Foucault’s depiction of biopolitics appears
as a mere prelude to the coming age of biotechnology that will lead us
into a posthuman era. Demonstrating interesting contrasts with Haraway’s
utopian vision of the cyborg, it is maintained that Schmitt’s thinking offers a
distinctively conservative-Christian critique of posthumanism.
niin & näin 3/2019: pp. 91-102, 2019
Carl Schmittin (1888–1985) ja Hannah Arendtin (1906–1975) poliittinen ajattelu avaa
ajankohtaisen... more Carl Schmittin (1888–1985) ja Hannah Arendtin (1906–1975) poliittinen ajattelu avaa
ajankohtaisen näkökulman keskusteluun Euroopan ja lännen käsitteistä. Sekä Schmittin
että Arendtin poliittisen teorian ytimessä on kertomus eurooppalaisen politiikkatradition
synnystä ja sen kriisiytymisestä modernina aikakautena. He tarjoavat kaksi erilaista tapaa
ymmärtää länsimaista historiaa, 1900-luvun poliittista maailmaa ja sen erilaisia kriisejä
sekä kansainvälisen politiikan tulevaisuutta.
Politiikka 60:4: pp. 290–307, 2018
This paper examines the downfall of the state as the traditional political concept during the twe... more This paper examines the downfall of the state as the traditional political concept during the twentieth- century by delivering a critical analysis of the writings of the German political theorist and lawyer Carl Schmitt. I argue that Schmitt can be interpreted as a thinker of international relations who develops an original vision of a global political order beyond the Westphalian model. The aim of this article is to show that Schmitt is one of the founding fathers of contemporary Pan-European nationalism and a thinker who envisions a politically unified Europe as one of the potential rising superpowers already early in the twentieth-century. Dividing Schmitt’s oeuvre into four different periods, I examine how his thinking develops and how his writings respond to different political crises and situations, beginning from the Weimar period all the way into the 1970s. To conclude, I explore the actuality of Schmitt’s ideas from today’s perspective, arguing that while we must be deeply critical of Schmitt’s works, he nevertheless remains a timely thinker who recognizes that politics must be more than economics. Schmitt reminds us of the fundamental importance and constitutive role of ideas to the field of politics.
Kulttuuripolitiikan tutkimuksen vuosikirja 2016: pp. 52-66
This article examines Hannah Arendt as thinker of cultural philosophy by focusing on her
reflecti... more This article examines Hannah Arendt as thinker of cultural philosophy by focusing on her
reflections on culture and art. Even though Arendt is known primarily as a political theorist
one can also read hear work in a broader sense as a philosophy of culture. This
article discusses how Arendt´s various narratives of Western history are animated by
the attempt to explain how we can come to terms with our fragmented past after what
Arendt calls the breakdown of the Western cultural tradition in the modern age. The
meaning of culture, narrativity and art as concepts for Arendt as well as her analysis
of various art forms are dealt with in detail. I focus especially on the narrative and
metaphorical aspects of art and philosophy in Arendt´s writings.
Tiede & Edistys 43/4: pp. 271-305, 2018
This article argues that Carl Schmitt’s political thought is defined by an original and continuou... more This article argues that Carl Schmitt’s political thought is defined by an original and continuous critique of individualism and universalism, which arises from his famous definition of the political as the distinction between the friend and the enemy. We examine the historical context from which Schmitt’s ideas arise and we offer a critical interpretation of Schmitt’s most important academic, political and ideological enemies (the liberal, the parliamentarian, the romantic aesthete, the normativist/positivist and the leftist). To conclude, the article explores the various ways Schmitt’s radical political pluralism has influenced and continues to impact the field of contemporary political thought at both ends of the political spectrum.
Tämä artikkeli argumentoi, että Schmittin poliittisen ajattelun keskeinen määrittävä tekijä on systemaattinen individualismin ja universalismin kritiikki, joka nousee hänen kuuluisasta poliittisen määritelmästä ystävän ja vihollisen välisenä erotteluna. Tutkimalla sitä historiallista taustaa, jota vasten Schmittin poliittisen ajattelun keskeiset teesit rakentuvat sekä analysoimalla Schmittin keskeisiä akateemisia, poliittisia ja ideologisia vihollisia, esitän että hänen poliittista ajatteluaan määrittää radikaali poliittinen pluralismi ja moninapaisen poliittisen maailman puolustus. Päätän artikkelin tutkimalla lyhyesti kuinka Schmittin ajattelu on vaikuttanut nykypäivän kannalta merkittäviin oikeistolaisiin ja vasemmistolaisiin politiikan teoreetikoihin.
Alternatives: Global, Local, Political
Hannah Arendt’s support for the “right to have rights” arises as a critical response to the moder... more Hannah Arendt’s support for the “right to have rights” arises as a critical response to the modern biopolitical human condition. While Arendt’s reflections on human rights have received broad recognition, the question concerning the economic preconditions of citizenship in her work remains an unduly neglected subject. This article takes up this issue and argues that, for Arendt, the fulfillment of basic social rights is the sine qua non without which the fulfillment of political rights is impossible. Thinking with and against Arendt, I show that her famous distinction between the private, the social, and the political can be fruitfully reinterpreted as an argument for basic income. When Arendt’s reflections on human rights are read in the light of her ideas concerning technology and automation, she no longer appears as a theorist who ignores social justice, but as a thinker who seeks to counter the modern biopolitical human condition and open up new realms for democratic political a...
Ph.D, 2021 by Ville Suuronen
Helsingin yliopisto, Nov 19, 2021
This study analyzes and compares the political thought of Carl Schmitt (1888-1985) and Hannah Are... more This study analyzes and compares the political thought of Carl Schmitt (1888-1985) and Hannah Arendt (1906-1975). Consisting of six peer-reviewed articles and of a broad introductory/summary chapter, the study provides a series of critical interventions that offer novel analyses and comparisons of the works of Schmitt and Arendt. The research utilizes a broad array of research materials that have remained underused or unacknowledged in previous studies on the subject. The basic methodological starting point of the dissertation is the conviction that one must approach the works of Schmitt and Arendt from a holistic perspective-from a point of view that considers the writings of these authors in a historically contextualized manner while also being aware of the contents of their works as broader totalities. In analyzing and comparing the works of Schmitt and Arendt from this holistic point of view, the study combines insights and approaches from different fields of research ranging from political theory and political science to intellectual history and philosophy.
Edited volumes by Ville Suuronen
Frontiers in Political Science, 2022
https://www.frontiersin.org/research-topics/28135/conservative-dispositions-in-continental-though... more https://www.frontiersin.org/research-topics/28135/conservative-dispositions-in-continental-thought
Conservative thinkers on the European continent have generally been less prone to compromise with the political Enlightenment than their Anglo-American counterparts. Since the eighteenth century, they have been profoundly influenced by the relativist and antirationalist intellectual currents designated by Isaiah Berlin as the "Counter-Enlightenment" and extending via nineteenth-century Romanticism and vitalism to the "conservative revolution" of Weimar-era Germany. If such an uncompromising stance towards the main tenets of progressive thought constituted a liability in the aftermath of the Second World War, soon their fundamental questioning of liberal principles acquired a new – and perhaps unexpected – audience among left-leaning democratic theorists and critics of modernity. Today, with the resurgence of nationalism, nativism, and cultural and ethnic particularism, it is safe to argue that such a thinking is far from being old news.
The volume engages in a discussion of conservative topics and thinkers on the European continent from 1789 to the present. It addresses issues such as attitudes towards change, conceptions of time, sovereignty and democracy, the role of conflict, the limits of reason, and the relation between the individual and the community, as they have been interpreted and reinterpreted from conservative points of view. In addition, close attention is paid to the links of conservative thought to late modern strands of continental philosophy – nihilism, relativism and historicism, among others – and to its permeation by ideational components stemming from the universes of liberalism, socialism, nationalism and fascism. The contributions will mainly draw on the resources of political philosophy, conceptual history, and ideological analysis. They assess the relevance of the continental varieties of conservatism for – and their impact on – contemporary discussions in and beyond Europe. The main aim of the volume is to shed new light on the conservative intellectual lineages of various topical notions in today’s political disputes.
The focus of the volume is on conservative political movements, ideologies, thinkers, and intellectual currents on the European continent (as opposed to Anglo-American political conservatism) from the 1789 French Revolution to the present day. In particular, the volume explores the ways in which continental political conservatism was influenced by the Counter-Enlightenment. The emphasis is on original research articles in the fields of political philosophy and theory and intellectual history, but empirical studies as well as systematic review and review articles will also be welcomed. Relevant topics include but are not limited to:
- The proto-Romantic German Counter-Enlightenment and its conservative political legacy.
- French counterrevolutionary conservatism and its legacy.
- Conservative political legacy of German idealism and Romanticism.
- Conservative political legacy of historicism.
- Conservative political legacy of Lebensphilosophie and Nietzsche.
- The German "conservative revolution" of the Weimar period and its legacy.
- Postwar and contemporary "radical conservatism".
Jussi Backman and Pedro T. Magalhães:
Editorial: Conservative Dispositions in Continental Thought
https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2022.1095849
Giovanni Damele:
Crowds, Leaders, and Epidemic Psychosis: The Relationship Between Crowd Psychology and Elite Theory and Its Contemporary Relevance
https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2022.1009181
Timo Pankakoski:
What is Conservative and Revolutionary about the "Conservative Revolution"? Argument-Level Evidence from Three Thinkers
https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2022.959411
Ville Suuronen:
Why Are Political Discussions with Fascists Impossible? Reflections on the Far-Right Politics of Silence
https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2022.951236
Hjalmar Falk:
The Modern Epimetheus: Carl Schmitt's Katechontism as Reactionary Chronopolitics
https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2022.957094
Jussi Backman:
Radical Conservatism and the Heideggerian Right: Heidegger, de Benoist, Dugin
https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2022.941799
Pedro T. Magalhães:
Beyond the Reactionary Sea Change: Antimodern Thought, American Politics, and Political Science
https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2022.954668
Tuukka Brunila:
Depoliticization of Politics and Power: Mouffe and the Conservative Disposition in Postfoundational Political Theory
https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2022.974065
Biopolitics and Ancient Thought. Edited by Jussi Backman and Antonio Cimino. (Classics in Theory.) Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2022., 2022
The volume studies, from different perspectives, the relationship between ancient thought and bio... more The volume studies, from different perspectives, the relationship between ancient thought and biopolitics, that is, theories, discourses, and practices in which the biological life of human populations becomes the focal point of political government. It thus continues and deepens the critical examination, in recent literature, of Michel Foucault's claim concerning the essentially modern character of biopolitics. The nine contributions comprised in the volume explore and utilize the notions of biopolitics and biopower as conceptual tools for articulating the differences and continuities between antiquity and modernity and for narrating Western intellectual and political history in general. Without committing itself to any particular thesis or approach, the volume evaluates both the relevance of ancient thought for the concept and theory of biopolitics and the relevance of biopolitical theory and ideas for the study of ancient thought. The volume is divided into three main parts: part I studies instances of biopolitics in ancient thought; part II focuses on aspects of ancient thought that elude or transcend biopolitics; and part III discusses several modern interpretations of ancient thought in the context of biopolitical theory.
PART I: BIOPOLITICS IN ANCIENT THOUGHT
1:Biopolitics and the "boundless people": An Iliadic model (Sara Brill)
2:Plato and the biopolitical purge of the city-state (Mika Ojakangas)
3:Sovereign power and social justice: Plato and Aristotle on justice and its biopolitical basis in heterosexual copulation, procreation, and upbringing (Kathy L. Gaca)
PART II: ANCIENT THOUGHT BEYOND BIOPOLITICS
4:Otherwise than (bio)politics: Nature and the sacred in tragic life (Kalliopi Nikolopoulou)
5:Beyond biopolitics and juridico-institutional politics: Aristotle on the nature of politics (Adriel M. Trott)
6:Bene vivere politice: On the (meta)biopolitics of "happiness" (Jussi Backman)
PART III: BIOPOLITICAL INTERPRETATIONS OF ANCIENT THOUGHT
7:Hannah Arendt's genealogy of biopolitics: From Greek materialism to modern human superfluity (Ville Suuronen)
8:From biopolitics to biopoetics and back again: On a counterintuitive continuity in Foucault's thought (Sergei Prozorov)
9:Agamben's Aristotelian biopolitics: Conceptual and methodological problems (Antonio Cimino)
https://global.oup.com/academic/product/biopolitics-and-ancient-thought-9780192847102?cc=nl&lang=en
https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192847102.001.0001
Review by Morten S. Thaning in Foucault Studies:
https://doi.org/10.22439/fs.i35.7083
Papers by Ville Suuronen
The European Legacy, 2023
Timo Miettinen's recent book aims to re-articulate Edmund Husserl's whole phenomenological projec... more Timo Miettinen's recent book aims to re-articulate Edmund Husserl's whole phenomenological project by reading him as a "universalist cosmopolitan" thinker (123). Drawing on Husserl's late works, especially his diagnosis concerning the crisis of Europe, 1 Miettinen offers new perspectives on Husserl's ideas on historicity, generativity, teleology, his concept of intersubjectivity, his peculiar reading of Greek philosophy, as well as his notion of the community of love. Beyond discussing Husserl, the book also offers a very rich and intellectually stimulating historical contextualization of his ideas on the crisis of Europe by comparing Husserl with Plato, Kant, Hegel, Nietzsche, Spengler, Heidegger, Arendt, and Schmitt, among others. As Miettinen emphasizes, at the heart of Husserl's theoretical venture to understand Europe is the attempt to "treat the history of European universalism as a lesson to be learned" and to understand Europe as a "question to be asked" (4-5). For Husserl this referred to the attempt to "rearticulate the ideals of rational humanity" (13) during the crisis that had come to define the European intellectual landscape after World War I. Miettinen also shows how Husserl's phenomenological reflections on Europe and their intellectual heritage aimed to confront this crisis by providing a "counter-discourse to the violent and unilateral history of European modernization" (15). This reading of Husserl is timely not only because it emphasizes the need to be critical toward the history of what Husserl called the spectacle of Europeanization in the forms of imperialism and colonialism, but because at the same time it also aims to salvage an idealistic vision for another Europe. In this review I will focus on the way in which Miettinen's reading of Husserl offers a counternarrative to the fascist understandings of Europe and of politics more generally that developed in the 1920s and 1930s. In doing so, I take my cue from the Miettinen's comparisons of Husserl and Carl Schmitt, after which I will expand on these comparisons by looking at some of the central motifs of the book. As Miettinen argues, there is a radical contrast between Schmitt's theory of the political that is based on an existential conflict between friends and enemies, and between Husserl's cosmopolitanism that aimed to overcome or at least relativize the divisions
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Peer-reviewed articles by Ville Suuronen
and their potentialities for human enhancement, the traditional division
between conservative and progressive thinking has acquired
new nuances. This article offers a historical examination of bioconservatism—
the specific kind of conservatism that has developed in
response to these technologies, the aim of which is to resist their
potential future adverse effects. I differentiate between two types of
bioconservatism: the one based on a defense of the anthropological
openness of human beings and the conditions that make ethical
existence possible (Hannah Arendt and Jürgen Habermas), and the
other based on a more traditionally conservative defense of human
nature (Francis Fukuyama). By proposing a more concise definition of
bioconservatism, this article deepens our understanding of the new
conservative responses to the accelerating rate of biotechnological
developments and the rise of the intellectual movements of transhumanism
and posthumanism.
Jerusalem: A Report on the Banality of Evil (1963), and several essays
from Hannah Arendt. By utilizing Schmitt’s extensive comments on
Arendt and other novel materials, this essay reconstructs a ‘debate
in absence’ between Schmitt and Arendt concerning the nature of
totalitarianism, political power, and banality of evil. First, I
demonstrate how Schmitt became greatly excited about The
Origins, which he (mis)read as an exculpatory document that
allowed him to draw an absolute distance between himself and
the more racist strains of Nazism. Second, I show how and why
Schmitt’s understanding of Arendt became more reserved after
he read Eichmann in Jerusalem. Beyond offering a novel empirical
starting point for comparing Schmitt and Arendt and providing a
comparative account of their understandings of Nazi
totalitarianism, power, and political responsibility under
totalitarian regimes, the article also contributes to the broader
discussions surrounding the nature totalitarianism and on the
debates around Arendt’s report on Eichmann.
chronologically examining the changing uses of Roman law in his Weimar
and Nazi thought. I argue that Schmitt’s different ways of narrating the
modern reception of Roman law disclose, first, the Nazification of his
thought in the spring of 1933, and second, the partial and apologetic de-
Nazification of his thinking in the 1940s. While Schmitt’s Weimar-era
works are defined by a positive use of Roman imagery, ranging from
Schmitt’s support to the Catholic Church to his endorsement of Benito
Mussolini’s ‘total state’ in Italy, Schmitt’s Nazi writings from 1933 to 1936
describe the reception of Roman law as an anti-German virus that must
be overcome by the Nazi movement. This shift mirrors Schmitt’s
transformation from an authoritarian thinker sympathetic to Italian
Fascism into a devoted Nazi. However, once Schmitt begins to see that
Germany will lose World War II, he recalibrates his position. While
Schmitt’s earlier Nazi writings offered a negative estimation of the
historical school of Friedrich Carl von Savigny, in his 1943/44 book on
European legal science, Schmitt portrays Savigny as the paradigmatic
European, whose work opens the path for a renewed legal science.
critique of biotechnology and utopian thinking. Examining the classics of
utopian literature from Plato to Thomas More and Aldous Huxley, Schmitt
illustrates the rise of utopianism that aims to transform human nature and even
produce an artificial “human-machine.” Schmitt discovers a counterimage to
the emerging era of biotechnology from a katechontic form of Christianity
and maintains that human beings must recognize their shared humanity in
God, warning us that without a realm of transcendence, the enemy no longer
offers an existential mirror but begins to incarnate foreign values, which
must be destroyed completely. By comparing Schmitt with Michel Foucault
and Donna Haraway, it is also argued that Schmitt’s thinking unlocks a novel
path to exploring the meaning and histories of biopolitics and posthumanism.
From a Schmittian perspective, Foucault’s depiction of biopolitics appears
as a mere prelude to the coming age of biotechnology that will lead us
into a posthuman era. Demonstrating interesting contrasts with Haraway’s
utopian vision of the cyborg, it is maintained that Schmitt’s thinking offers a
distinctively conservative-Christian critique of posthumanism.
ajankohtaisen näkökulman keskusteluun Euroopan ja lännen käsitteistä. Sekä Schmittin
että Arendtin poliittisen teorian ytimessä on kertomus eurooppalaisen politiikkatradition
synnystä ja sen kriisiytymisestä modernina aikakautena. He tarjoavat kaksi erilaista tapaa
ymmärtää länsimaista historiaa, 1900-luvun poliittista maailmaa ja sen erilaisia kriisejä
sekä kansainvälisen politiikan tulevaisuutta.
reflections on culture and art. Even though Arendt is known primarily as a political theorist
one can also read hear work in a broader sense as a philosophy of culture. This
article discusses how Arendt´s various narratives of Western history are animated by
the attempt to explain how we can come to terms with our fragmented past after what
Arendt calls the breakdown of the Western cultural tradition in the modern age. The
meaning of culture, narrativity and art as concepts for Arendt as well as her analysis
of various art forms are dealt with in detail. I focus especially on the narrative and
metaphorical aspects of art and philosophy in Arendt´s writings.
Tämä artikkeli argumentoi, että Schmittin poliittisen ajattelun keskeinen määrittävä tekijä on systemaattinen individualismin ja universalismin kritiikki, joka nousee hänen kuuluisasta poliittisen määritelmästä ystävän ja vihollisen välisenä erotteluna. Tutkimalla sitä historiallista taustaa, jota vasten Schmittin poliittisen ajattelun keskeiset teesit rakentuvat sekä analysoimalla Schmittin keskeisiä akateemisia, poliittisia ja ideologisia vihollisia, esitän että hänen poliittista ajatteluaan määrittää radikaali poliittinen pluralismi ja moninapaisen poliittisen maailman puolustus. Päätän artikkelin tutkimalla lyhyesti kuinka Schmittin ajattelu on vaikuttanut nykypäivän kannalta merkittäviin oikeistolaisiin ja vasemmistolaisiin politiikan teoreetikoihin.
Ph.D, 2021 by Ville Suuronen
Edited volumes by Ville Suuronen
Conservative thinkers on the European continent have generally been less prone to compromise with the political Enlightenment than their Anglo-American counterparts. Since the eighteenth century, they have been profoundly influenced by the relativist and antirationalist intellectual currents designated by Isaiah Berlin as the "Counter-Enlightenment" and extending via nineteenth-century Romanticism and vitalism to the "conservative revolution" of Weimar-era Germany. If such an uncompromising stance towards the main tenets of progressive thought constituted a liability in the aftermath of the Second World War, soon their fundamental questioning of liberal principles acquired a new – and perhaps unexpected – audience among left-leaning democratic theorists and critics of modernity. Today, with the resurgence of nationalism, nativism, and cultural and ethnic particularism, it is safe to argue that such a thinking is far from being old news.
The volume engages in a discussion of conservative topics and thinkers on the European continent from 1789 to the present. It addresses issues such as attitudes towards change, conceptions of time, sovereignty and democracy, the role of conflict, the limits of reason, and the relation between the individual and the community, as they have been interpreted and reinterpreted from conservative points of view. In addition, close attention is paid to the links of conservative thought to late modern strands of continental philosophy – nihilism, relativism and historicism, among others – and to its permeation by ideational components stemming from the universes of liberalism, socialism, nationalism and fascism. The contributions will mainly draw on the resources of political philosophy, conceptual history, and ideological analysis. They assess the relevance of the continental varieties of conservatism for – and their impact on – contemporary discussions in and beyond Europe. The main aim of the volume is to shed new light on the conservative intellectual lineages of various topical notions in today’s political disputes.
The focus of the volume is on conservative political movements, ideologies, thinkers, and intellectual currents on the European continent (as opposed to Anglo-American political conservatism) from the 1789 French Revolution to the present day. In particular, the volume explores the ways in which continental political conservatism was influenced by the Counter-Enlightenment. The emphasis is on original research articles in the fields of political philosophy and theory and intellectual history, but empirical studies as well as systematic review and review articles will also be welcomed. Relevant topics include but are not limited to:
- The proto-Romantic German Counter-Enlightenment and its conservative political legacy.
- French counterrevolutionary conservatism and its legacy.
- Conservative political legacy of German idealism and Romanticism.
- Conservative political legacy of historicism.
- Conservative political legacy of Lebensphilosophie and Nietzsche.
- The German "conservative revolution" of the Weimar period and its legacy.
- Postwar and contemporary "radical conservatism".
Jussi Backman and Pedro T. Magalhães:
Editorial: Conservative Dispositions in Continental Thought
https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2022.1095849
Giovanni Damele:
Crowds, Leaders, and Epidemic Psychosis: The Relationship Between Crowd Psychology and Elite Theory and Its Contemporary Relevance
https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2022.1009181
Timo Pankakoski:
What is Conservative and Revolutionary about the "Conservative Revolution"? Argument-Level Evidence from Three Thinkers
https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2022.959411
Ville Suuronen:
Why Are Political Discussions with Fascists Impossible? Reflections on the Far-Right Politics of Silence
https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2022.951236
Hjalmar Falk:
The Modern Epimetheus: Carl Schmitt's Katechontism as Reactionary Chronopolitics
https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2022.957094
Jussi Backman:
Radical Conservatism and the Heideggerian Right: Heidegger, de Benoist, Dugin
https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2022.941799
Pedro T. Magalhães:
Beyond the Reactionary Sea Change: Antimodern Thought, American Politics, and Political Science
https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2022.954668
Tuukka Brunila:
Depoliticization of Politics and Power: Mouffe and the Conservative Disposition in Postfoundational Political Theory
https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2022.974065
PART I: BIOPOLITICS IN ANCIENT THOUGHT
1:Biopolitics and the "boundless people": An Iliadic model (Sara Brill)
2:Plato and the biopolitical purge of the city-state (Mika Ojakangas)
3:Sovereign power and social justice: Plato and Aristotle on justice and its biopolitical basis in heterosexual copulation, procreation, and upbringing (Kathy L. Gaca)
PART II: ANCIENT THOUGHT BEYOND BIOPOLITICS
4:Otherwise than (bio)politics: Nature and the sacred in tragic life (Kalliopi Nikolopoulou)
5:Beyond biopolitics and juridico-institutional politics: Aristotle on the nature of politics (Adriel M. Trott)
6:Bene vivere politice: On the (meta)biopolitics of "happiness" (Jussi Backman)
PART III: BIOPOLITICAL INTERPRETATIONS OF ANCIENT THOUGHT
7:Hannah Arendt's genealogy of biopolitics: From Greek materialism to modern human superfluity (Ville Suuronen)
8:From biopolitics to biopoetics and back again: On a counterintuitive continuity in Foucault's thought (Sergei Prozorov)
9:Agamben's Aristotelian biopolitics: Conceptual and methodological problems (Antonio Cimino)
https://global.oup.com/academic/product/biopolitics-and-ancient-thought-9780192847102?cc=nl&lang=en
https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192847102.001.0001
Review by Morten S. Thaning in Foucault Studies:
https://doi.org/10.22439/fs.i35.7083
Papers by Ville Suuronen
and their potentialities for human enhancement, the traditional division
between conservative and progressive thinking has acquired
new nuances. This article offers a historical examination of bioconservatism—
the specific kind of conservatism that has developed in
response to these technologies, the aim of which is to resist their
potential future adverse effects. I differentiate between two types of
bioconservatism: the one based on a defense of the anthropological
openness of human beings and the conditions that make ethical
existence possible (Hannah Arendt and Jürgen Habermas), and the
other based on a more traditionally conservative defense of human
nature (Francis Fukuyama). By proposing a more concise definition of
bioconservatism, this article deepens our understanding of the new
conservative responses to the accelerating rate of biotechnological
developments and the rise of the intellectual movements of transhumanism
and posthumanism.
Jerusalem: A Report on the Banality of Evil (1963), and several essays
from Hannah Arendt. By utilizing Schmitt’s extensive comments on
Arendt and other novel materials, this essay reconstructs a ‘debate
in absence’ between Schmitt and Arendt concerning the nature of
totalitarianism, political power, and banality of evil. First, I
demonstrate how Schmitt became greatly excited about The
Origins, which he (mis)read as an exculpatory document that
allowed him to draw an absolute distance between himself and
the more racist strains of Nazism. Second, I show how and why
Schmitt’s understanding of Arendt became more reserved after
he read Eichmann in Jerusalem. Beyond offering a novel empirical
starting point for comparing Schmitt and Arendt and providing a
comparative account of their understandings of Nazi
totalitarianism, power, and political responsibility under
totalitarian regimes, the article also contributes to the broader
discussions surrounding the nature totalitarianism and on the
debates around Arendt’s report on Eichmann.
chronologically examining the changing uses of Roman law in his Weimar
and Nazi thought. I argue that Schmitt’s different ways of narrating the
modern reception of Roman law disclose, first, the Nazification of his
thought in the spring of 1933, and second, the partial and apologetic de-
Nazification of his thinking in the 1940s. While Schmitt’s Weimar-era
works are defined by a positive use of Roman imagery, ranging from
Schmitt’s support to the Catholic Church to his endorsement of Benito
Mussolini’s ‘total state’ in Italy, Schmitt’s Nazi writings from 1933 to 1936
describe the reception of Roman law as an anti-German virus that must
be overcome by the Nazi movement. This shift mirrors Schmitt’s
transformation from an authoritarian thinker sympathetic to Italian
Fascism into a devoted Nazi. However, once Schmitt begins to see that
Germany will lose World War II, he recalibrates his position. While
Schmitt’s earlier Nazi writings offered a negative estimation of the
historical school of Friedrich Carl von Savigny, in his 1943/44 book on
European legal science, Schmitt portrays Savigny as the paradigmatic
European, whose work opens the path for a renewed legal science.
critique of biotechnology and utopian thinking. Examining the classics of
utopian literature from Plato to Thomas More and Aldous Huxley, Schmitt
illustrates the rise of utopianism that aims to transform human nature and even
produce an artificial “human-machine.” Schmitt discovers a counterimage to
the emerging era of biotechnology from a katechontic form of Christianity
and maintains that human beings must recognize their shared humanity in
God, warning us that without a realm of transcendence, the enemy no longer
offers an existential mirror but begins to incarnate foreign values, which
must be destroyed completely. By comparing Schmitt with Michel Foucault
and Donna Haraway, it is also argued that Schmitt’s thinking unlocks a novel
path to exploring the meaning and histories of biopolitics and posthumanism.
From a Schmittian perspective, Foucault’s depiction of biopolitics appears
as a mere prelude to the coming age of biotechnology that will lead us
into a posthuman era. Demonstrating interesting contrasts with Haraway’s
utopian vision of the cyborg, it is maintained that Schmitt’s thinking offers a
distinctively conservative-Christian critique of posthumanism.
ajankohtaisen näkökulman keskusteluun Euroopan ja lännen käsitteistä. Sekä Schmittin
että Arendtin poliittisen teorian ytimessä on kertomus eurooppalaisen politiikkatradition
synnystä ja sen kriisiytymisestä modernina aikakautena. He tarjoavat kaksi erilaista tapaa
ymmärtää länsimaista historiaa, 1900-luvun poliittista maailmaa ja sen erilaisia kriisejä
sekä kansainvälisen politiikan tulevaisuutta.
reflections on culture and art. Even though Arendt is known primarily as a political theorist
one can also read hear work in a broader sense as a philosophy of culture. This
article discusses how Arendt´s various narratives of Western history are animated by
the attempt to explain how we can come to terms with our fragmented past after what
Arendt calls the breakdown of the Western cultural tradition in the modern age. The
meaning of culture, narrativity and art as concepts for Arendt as well as her analysis
of various art forms are dealt with in detail. I focus especially on the narrative and
metaphorical aspects of art and philosophy in Arendt´s writings.
Tämä artikkeli argumentoi, että Schmittin poliittisen ajattelun keskeinen määrittävä tekijä on systemaattinen individualismin ja universalismin kritiikki, joka nousee hänen kuuluisasta poliittisen määritelmästä ystävän ja vihollisen välisenä erotteluna. Tutkimalla sitä historiallista taustaa, jota vasten Schmittin poliittisen ajattelun keskeiset teesit rakentuvat sekä analysoimalla Schmittin keskeisiä akateemisia, poliittisia ja ideologisia vihollisia, esitän että hänen poliittista ajatteluaan määrittää radikaali poliittinen pluralismi ja moninapaisen poliittisen maailman puolustus. Päätän artikkelin tutkimalla lyhyesti kuinka Schmittin ajattelu on vaikuttanut nykypäivän kannalta merkittäviin oikeistolaisiin ja vasemmistolaisiin politiikan teoreetikoihin.
Conservative thinkers on the European continent have generally been less prone to compromise with the political Enlightenment than their Anglo-American counterparts. Since the eighteenth century, they have been profoundly influenced by the relativist and antirationalist intellectual currents designated by Isaiah Berlin as the "Counter-Enlightenment" and extending via nineteenth-century Romanticism and vitalism to the "conservative revolution" of Weimar-era Germany. If such an uncompromising stance towards the main tenets of progressive thought constituted a liability in the aftermath of the Second World War, soon their fundamental questioning of liberal principles acquired a new – and perhaps unexpected – audience among left-leaning democratic theorists and critics of modernity. Today, with the resurgence of nationalism, nativism, and cultural and ethnic particularism, it is safe to argue that such a thinking is far from being old news.
The volume engages in a discussion of conservative topics and thinkers on the European continent from 1789 to the present. It addresses issues such as attitudes towards change, conceptions of time, sovereignty and democracy, the role of conflict, the limits of reason, and the relation between the individual and the community, as they have been interpreted and reinterpreted from conservative points of view. In addition, close attention is paid to the links of conservative thought to late modern strands of continental philosophy – nihilism, relativism and historicism, among others – and to its permeation by ideational components stemming from the universes of liberalism, socialism, nationalism and fascism. The contributions will mainly draw on the resources of political philosophy, conceptual history, and ideological analysis. They assess the relevance of the continental varieties of conservatism for – and their impact on – contemporary discussions in and beyond Europe. The main aim of the volume is to shed new light on the conservative intellectual lineages of various topical notions in today’s political disputes.
The focus of the volume is on conservative political movements, ideologies, thinkers, and intellectual currents on the European continent (as opposed to Anglo-American political conservatism) from the 1789 French Revolution to the present day. In particular, the volume explores the ways in which continental political conservatism was influenced by the Counter-Enlightenment. The emphasis is on original research articles in the fields of political philosophy and theory and intellectual history, but empirical studies as well as systematic review and review articles will also be welcomed. Relevant topics include but are not limited to:
- The proto-Romantic German Counter-Enlightenment and its conservative political legacy.
- French counterrevolutionary conservatism and its legacy.
- Conservative political legacy of German idealism and Romanticism.
- Conservative political legacy of historicism.
- Conservative political legacy of Lebensphilosophie and Nietzsche.
- The German "conservative revolution" of the Weimar period and its legacy.
- Postwar and contemporary "radical conservatism".
Jussi Backman and Pedro T. Magalhães:
Editorial: Conservative Dispositions in Continental Thought
https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2022.1095849
Giovanni Damele:
Crowds, Leaders, and Epidemic Psychosis: The Relationship Between Crowd Psychology and Elite Theory and Its Contemporary Relevance
https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2022.1009181
Timo Pankakoski:
What is Conservative and Revolutionary about the "Conservative Revolution"? Argument-Level Evidence from Three Thinkers
https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2022.959411
Ville Suuronen:
Why Are Political Discussions with Fascists Impossible? Reflections on the Far-Right Politics of Silence
https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2022.951236
Hjalmar Falk:
The Modern Epimetheus: Carl Schmitt's Katechontism as Reactionary Chronopolitics
https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2022.957094
Jussi Backman:
Radical Conservatism and the Heideggerian Right: Heidegger, de Benoist, Dugin
https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2022.941799
Pedro T. Magalhães:
Beyond the Reactionary Sea Change: Antimodern Thought, American Politics, and Political Science
https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2022.954668
Tuukka Brunila:
Depoliticization of Politics and Power: Mouffe and the Conservative Disposition in Postfoundational Political Theory
https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2022.974065
PART I: BIOPOLITICS IN ANCIENT THOUGHT
1:Biopolitics and the "boundless people": An Iliadic model (Sara Brill)
2:Plato and the biopolitical purge of the city-state (Mika Ojakangas)
3:Sovereign power and social justice: Plato and Aristotle on justice and its biopolitical basis in heterosexual copulation, procreation, and upbringing (Kathy L. Gaca)
PART II: ANCIENT THOUGHT BEYOND BIOPOLITICS
4:Otherwise than (bio)politics: Nature and the sacred in tragic life (Kalliopi Nikolopoulou)
5:Beyond biopolitics and juridico-institutional politics: Aristotle on the nature of politics (Adriel M. Trott)
6:Bene vivere politice: On the (meta)biopolitics of "happiness" (Jussi Backman)
PART III: BIOPOLITICAL INTERPRETATIONS OF ANCIENT THOUGHT
7:Hannah Arendt's genealogy of biopolitics: From Greek materialism to modern human superfluity (Ville Suuronen)
8:From biopolitics to biopoetics and back again: On a counterintuitive continuity in Foucault's thought (Sergei Prozorov)
9:Agamben's Aristotelian biopolitics: Conceptual and methodological problems (Antonio Cimino)
https://global.oup.com/academic/product/biopolitics-and-ancient-thought-9780192847102?cc=nl&lang=en
https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192847102.001.0001
Review by Morten S. Thaning in Foucault Studies:
https://doi.org/10.22439/fs.i35.7083