Papers by Nicholas Kiersey
Pluto Press, May 20, 2021
Taylor and Francis Ltd., 2009
Capital & Class, 2016
While the surge in horizontalist activism of the last few years has drawn upon both Marxist and a... more While the surge in horizontalist activism of the last few years has drawn upon both Marxist and anarchist traditions, post-Marxist literature offers a useful guide for evaluating the strategic opportunities available to the movements today. Focusing on the camp and the event as its conceptual reference points, this article contrasts the relative merits of the spatial and chronological strategies of the movements, concluding ultimately in favour of a longer-term strategy of withdrawal, or ‘exodus’, for its ability to sustain parallel forms of community and provide longer-term support for radical politics. We conclude with a brief commentary applying these arguments to the predicaments faced today by movements in Spain and Greece.
![Research paper thumbnail of Power and international relations theory [electronic resource] : why the 'debate about empire' matters? /](https://a.academia-assets.com/images/blank-paper.jpg)
This dissertation explores how different understandings of power in IR theory lead to different u... more This dissertation explores how different understandings of power in IR theory lead to different understandings of world order. In particular, I examine how notions of power have informed recent 'debate about empire' and what the term empire might usefully mean in the context of contemporary international relations. I start by investigating how power is understood in relation to the role of shared understandings. Mainstream or 'Rationalist' scholars of IR have argued that shared norms and principles are epiphenomenal, existing only to the extent that sovereign states find utility in them. 'Reflectivist' scholars, on the other hand, have suggested that we attribute a much greater degree of autonomy to what they call 'constitutive knowledge'. That is, the intersubjective and historically contingent truths about world politics that inform the values and norms of state behavior. What is noteworthy about the recent debates about 'empire' is that, fo...
Global Discourse, 2014
ABSTRACT Discussing their hopes for a horizontalist mode of politics, Hardt and Negri envision a ... more ABSTRACT Discussing their hopes for a horizontalist mode of politics, Hardt and Negri envision a grand, kairotic event that will announce the ‘becoming prince’ of the multitude. This article reflects on this idea in light of the strategies and discourses of Ireland’s Occupy Dame Street (ODS) activists. Starting with a brief account of the rise and fall of the ODS movement, as it struggled to engage the political imagination of a nation beset by financial crisis, the article explores the extent to which the actions of the movement conformed to ‘multitudinal ideals.’ It suggests that, in a way, and quite unconsciously, dominant factions in the movement came to embrace a kind of ‘event politics’ of their own – a turn which posed a barrier to the movement’s success, in a way with which occupy movements elsewhere simply did not have to contend. Taking this story as an opportunity to reflect on the place of the event in Hardt and Negri’s work, the article then discusses two alternative approaches to horizontal politics. Turning first to Eugene Holland’s concept of the Slow-Motion General Strike, we find a more experimental and piecemeal approach to social transformation. This approach, it is concluded, has the virtue of retaining Hardt and Negri’s enthusiastic rejection of hegemonic thinking while avoiding becoming caught up in a debate over the relative merits of passively waiting for a constitutive event over reform or revolution. That said, in Ireland at least, there is a certain danger that a ‘chronological’ approach can cede too much, especially in a time of general neoliberal expropriation of public space. With this urgency in mind, a second position is staked out. While in some ways reasserting the importance of kairotic time, this position borrows from anarchist understandings of public space, and puts a strong focus on tactics. As the article concludes, the actions of ODS-affiliated activists to expose the blatantly undemocratic operations of the country’s National Asset Management Agency by occupying vacant commercial properties in Dublin suggest a continuing relevance for direct-action tactics in Irish public space.
Global Society, 2014
ABSTRACT A range of scholars embrace the concept of economic subjectivity in their analysis of re... more ABSTRACT A range of scholars embrace the concept of economic subjectivity in their analysis of relations of economic power and knowledge. They tend to do so, however, in a way that focuses on the inculcation of norms of individual accountability and self-empowerment. Addressing cases drawn from Irish ‘Reality TV’ programming in the context of the current financial crisis, this article seeks to expand our understanding of the stakes of economic subjectification by looking at the importance Reality TV also ascribes to capacities of affective labour. The article borrows from Foucault, as well as several autonomist Marxist sources, to make an argument that these cases indicate not only the subsumption of a wide swathe of social life into the domain of neoliberal governmentality but also the self-conscious turn towards affective labour as a way of refloating the Irish economy. Such a move is significant insofar as it suggests the reinvestment of subjects in a regime of valorisation that has proven to be emotionally and financially oppressive, not to mention unstable, all at a time when the capacity of the institutions of the Irish state to equitably distribute social wealth has been called into question.
New Political Science, 2014
David Eden Autonomy: Capitalism, Class and Politics, Ashgate: Farnham, 2012; 283 pp: 1409411741, ... more David Eden Autonomy: Capitalism, Class and Politics, Ashgate: Farnham, 2012; 283 pp: 1409411741, 60 [pounds sterling] (hbk) Early on in this highly impressive survey of contemporary autonomist thought, David Eden makes the claim that anarchism has come to function as 'the hegemonic ideology of anti-capitalism in the North', with communism--equated with state control--commonly perceived to be 'covered in blood and filth' (p. 7). Around 2011, this claim certainly seemed to be true, with Occupy's non-hierarchical and prefigurative model the spectacularly dominant form of organization, and David Graeber coming to rival Slavoj Zizek as the mainstream media's go-to leftist of choice. Fast-forward a couple of years, however, and the landscape seems to have changed somewhat. Now, the term 'communism' has accrued a viral power in anticapitalist circles--as evidenced quite gloriously by an enormous banner at the anti-privatisation protests at the University of Sussex, demanding (or perhaps announcing) 'COMMUNISM'; and by the memetic power of the phrase 'FULL COMMUNISM' in certain corners of the internet. As Huw Lemmey has pointed out, however, communism-as-meme 'is essentially contentless ... To actually begin to define the ambition would cause the fragmentation of the community' (2012, online at ). Yet defining ambitions is precisely the task facing those who seek communism, and this fragmentation can easily be seen in the differing paths taken by those mobilising around the term. On one hand, thinkers such as Zizek (2009) and Jodi Dean (2012) argue that communism must entail a return to vanguardism and the primacy of the party as organisational form (initially, at least, retaining the link with state control). For many others, communist practice should maintain a critical distance from the state-and hierarchical organisation more broadly. Situated firmly within the latter approach, Eden's book offers a useful commentary on three dominant 'tendencies' within what he calls 'the perspective of autonomy' (p. 1): those of Antonio Negri and Paolo Virno; the Midnight Notes Collective (MNC); and John Holloway. It offers no easy answers, but aptly demonstrates why engaging with class, capitalism and attendant concepts central to Marxian analysis is a necessity for those on the radical left. Building on Marx and Engels's famous claim that communism constitutes 'the real movement which abolishes the present state of things' (p. 8), Eden's central thesis is that this immanent movement functions differently in the three tendencies of autonomy he outlines. For Negri and Virno, it is a movement beyond capitalism; for the MNC it is a movement outside capitalism; whilst for Holloway, it is a movement against capitalism. Bound up with these understandings are differing visions on the nature and agency of the proletariat. To explicate these differences further, Eden affords each of the tendencies three chapters: one in which to outline the theory, one to consider how it might function in practice, and one for sympathetic (but rigorous) critique. The theory chapters are commendably well researched, with lesser-known and coauthored texts drawn upon extensively alongside each author's better-known texts. Concepts such as 'multitude' and 'commons' are explicated, as are the ways in which Negri, Virno, MNC and Holloway (re)think more traditional Marxist concepts such as subsumption, primitive accumulation and value. Though Eden's explanations are largely clear, the scarcity of examples means that the book may be a struggle for readers lacking previous engagement with the autonomist tradition. Eden also engages with autonomism's non-Marxist influences--Spinoza, Deleuze, Foucault and St. Francis of Assisi all feature--though the focus remains firmly in the tradition of Marxist critique of political economy. Seasoned readers will undoubtedly find minor areas with which to take issue --I would like to see more on Virno's relative pessimism vis-a-vis Negri, and I feel that Eden takes the MNC member p. …
Journal of Cultural Economy, 2014
Review of Mark Blyth, Austerity. The History of a Dangerous Idea, New York: Oxford University Pre... more Review of Mark Blyth, Austerity. The History of a Dangerous Idea, New York: Oxford University Press, 2013, 304 pp., hb, $16.95, ISBN 9780199828302Austerity has stormed back into fashion after the most dramatic financial meltdown in our recent history. Countries in Europe have led the charge in the implementation of austere policies. Portugal, Ireland, Italy, Greece and Spain are the usual suspects, but also other countries, such as Romania, Estonia, Bulgaria, Latvia and Lithuania (REBLL), have adopted austerity as their creed, with the support of the International Monetary Fund, the European Central Bank and the European Commission. These types of policies have also found their intellectual support in the seminal work of Carmen Reinhart and Kenneth Rogoff [1]. These Harvard economists argued back in 2010 that countries with a high debt to GDP ratio will have reduced growth rates. European leaders and policymakers, as well as U.S senators have used Reinhart and Rogoff as ammunition to encourage expenditure cuts and increase taxes.In his new book on this contentious terrain, Mark Blyth carries out a thorough analysis of the origins and evolution of the idea of austerity while delivering a devastating critique of its record. The author provides the intellectual and practical background of this fiscal policy template and shows how it has gained significance both in the United States and in Europe.In the first part of the book, the author analyzes the reasons marshaled by those arguing that the world needs to be austere. Blyth explores, in two different chapters, the causes and consequences of the post-Lehman crisis in America and in Europe. At this point it is clear that, although governments have been pointed at as being the culprits of the crises, the real blame lays on the private sector. The banking sector had to be bailed out in both continents and this eventually led to higher public debt and austerity, especially in Europe.The second part of the book is devoted to what Blyth calls the intellectual and natural history of austerity. First the author traces austerity back to John Locke, David Hume and Adam Smith, passing through the British New Liberalism of the early 20th century, American liquidationism in the late 20s, German ordoliberalism of the midcentury postwar period and, second through the role of the Austrian School of economics in American thinking, Friedman's monetarism, the Washington Consensus and the IMF's monetary model. Through this examination of the intellectual history Blyth shows how austerity gained its pied-a-terre both in America and Europe.Chapter 4 focuses on what Blyth calls the prehistory of austerity (1692-1942). The analysis in this chapter centers on the role of the market and the state. Markets were seen as an antidote to the inefficiency of states, he argues, pointing that Locke and Hume granted the state a minimal role, while Smith acknowledged the importance of the state but worried about the cost of maintaining it. The chapter ends with the twentieth century debate between Keynes and Schumpeter. The story moves forward in Chapter 5 as the author describes how austerity found a home in Germany's ordoliberalism and in Austria's distinct school of liberal economics. Blyth then depicts how austerity was put forth as a set of ideas through the Washington Consensus.Finally, chapter 6 is devoted to what the author calls the "natural" history of austerity. Here he takes the work of the so-called "Bocconi Boys" as reference: founders of a school of public finance started at Bocconi University in Milan and then spread to economics departments in United States and Britain. Blyth convincingly demonstrates how most of the cases shown as supporting the argument that austerity is expansionary (Ireland, Denmark and Australia) are dubious at best and how those conditions are not present in today's Europe. …
Journal of Critical Globalisation Studies (JCGS)
Page 1. Everyday Neoliberalism and the Subjectivity of Crisis,Kiersey 23 Everyday Neoliberalism a... more Page 1. Everyday Neoliberalism and the Subjectivity of Crisis,Kiersey 23 Everyday Neoliberalism and the Subjectivity of Crisis: Post-Political Control in an Era of Financial Turmoil Nicholas J. Kiersey As the financial crisis has ...
Journal of Critical Globalisation Studies, 2012
The idea for this special commentary forum emerged out of a conversation with a number of friends... more The idea for this special commentary forum emerged out of a conversation with a number of friends and colleagues concerning the question of whether or not we were, as scholars of International Relations (IR) and International Political Economy (IPE), at all equipped to teach our students about the significance of the Occupy Wall Street (OWS) movements. During this conversation, the thought emerged that OWS might be taken as a kind of cue for us to check in and think about the relevancy of our work, and our relationships with the world of political activism. In becoming career academics, we had all been guided by the hope that we were doing something good for the world. As wequickly learned, however, this was not an easy or straightforward proposition – academia has its way of letting us know what sort of things we can and can't do if we want to be secure in our positions. As we followed the news about OWS over various networks and,where possible, ventured out to the General Asse...
The SAGE Handbook of Neoliberalism
As the financial crisis has progressed from its immediate origins in 2008 as a US-based credit cr... more As the financial crisis has progressed from its immediate origins in 2008 as a US-based credit crunch to a global economic emergency, Constructivist IPE scholarship has turned to social norms and expectations not only as variables explaining its origins, but also as factors constraining its resolution. In this article I suggest that while such work does usefully identify the role of 'everyday' values, and struggles, in shaping the game of contemporary financial life, it avoids discussing the fundamental role of capitalist practices of valorisation in sustaining this life. To make my case I invoke Foucault's discussion of neoliberal 'crisis subjectivity' and the closely attendant notion of human capital, suggesting a need to examine neoliberal technologies of the self. However, I expand on Foucault's arguments in this respect to show how his comments on neoliberalism posit not only a 'positive' ontology of subjectification but also make strong hints to...
1. Editorial Introduction Nicholas J. Kiersey and Jason R. Weidner 2. Neoliberal Political Econom... more 1. Editorial Introduction Nicholas J. Kiersey and Jason R. Weidner 2. Neoliberal Political Economy and the Subjectivity of Crisis: Why Governmentality is Not Hollow Nicholas J. Kiersey 3. Governmentality, Capitalism, and Subjectivity Jason R. Weidner 4. Governmentality of What? Populations, States and International Organisations Jonathan Joseph 5. Foucault's Concept of Power and the Global Discourse of Human Rights Ivan Manokha 6. Hobbes, War, Movement Leonie Ansems De Vries and Jorg Spieker 7. Taking Foucault beyond Foucault: Inter-state Governmentality in Early Modern Europe Halvard Leira 8. Decentring Global Power: The Merits of a Foucauldian Approach to International Relations Doerthe Rosenow 9. "... we are being left to burn because we do not count": Biopolitics, Abandonment, and Resistance Anna Selmeczi 10. Rethinking Foucault in International Relations: Promiscuity and Unfaithfulness Andrew W. Neal
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Papers by Nicholas Kiersey