
Jed Adam Gross
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Papers by Jed Adam Gross
Legislators responded to diverse complaints by introducing measures to unify and strengthen the nation’s organ-sharing infrastructure. NOTA’s best-known provision, outlawing the exchange of “valuable consideration” for organs, represented a vision of system integrity. Congress overwhelmingly approved an Act that addressed egregious instances of waste and misaligned incentives, while leaving difficult, politically-charged questions to an appointed taskforce. This delegation of responsibility for organ allocation policies set a pattern for ongoing collaboration between public officials and quasi-governmental administrators under NOTA. The division of labor helps to explain disagreement about what, exactly, NOTA sought to accomplish and whether the allocation system has remained faithful to its envisioned mission.
This essay seeks interpretive guidance from the history of compromises, coalitions, and pronouncements giving rise to Social Security, the Americans with Disabilities Act, and the Ticket to Work and Work Incentives Improvement Act of 1999.
Perhaps surprisingly, a shared set of organizing ideas is recognizable in these disparate legislative initiatives. Among these core understandings are a social-contract conception of long-term employment, a functional understanding of disability, a goal of enlarging individuals’ self-determination through economic security, and a preference for rehabilitation and reemployment when practicable. I suggest that attention to these ideas could partly resolve a split among appellate courts in their handling of actual cases. At the same time, some complex and borderline cases are more appropriately left to the discretion of the executive agencies administering the programs, as the U.S. Supreme Court affirmed in Barnhart v. Thomas (2003).
Moreno and Berger have identified an important intellectual development in the emergence of a distinct new school of conservative thought about biotechnology. My comment challenges their genealogy and the normative cues they would take from the neoconservative school. In short, I read the neoconservative critique as a species of identity politics aiming to police the human identity. Although the movement’s expositors make use of Marxian terms such as “alienation,” these commentators also draw extensively on Aristotelian virtue ethics, Judeo-Christian religious themes such as the divine image, and late twentieth-century ideas about representation and belonging. Such ideas are historically- and culturally-situated, even if they have stood the test of time. People of any ideological stripe should appreciate that (1) our ability to shape distant “ends” is constrained by the limits of foresight and (2) self-government is a process, not a singular event. Hence, in a liberal democracy such as ours, the development and regulation of technology should be tentative, pluralistic, unpredictable, and unending."
Legislators responded to diverse complaints by introducing measures to unify and strengthen the nation’s organ-sharing infrastructure. NOTA’s best-known provision, outlawing the exchange of “valuable consideration” for organs, represented a vision of system integrity. Congress overwhelmingly approved an Act that addressed egregious instances of waste and misaligned incentives, while leaving difficult, politically-charged questions to an appointed taskforce. This delegation of responsibility for organ allocation policies set a pattern for ongoing collaboration between public officials and quasi-governmental administrators under NOTA. The division of labor helps to explain disagreement about what, exactly, NOTA sought to accomplish and whether the allocation system has remained faithful to its envisioned mission.
This essay seeks interpretive guidance from the history of compromises, coalitions, and pronouncements giving rise to Social Security, the Americans with Disabilities Act, and the Ticket to Work and Work Incentives Improvement Act of 1999.
Perhaps surprisingly, a shared set of organizing ideas is recognizable in these disparate legislative initiatives. Among these core understandings are a social-contract conception of long-term employment, a functional understanding of disability, a goal of enlarging individuals’ self-determination through economic security, and a preference for rehabilitation and reemployment when practicable. I suggest that attention to these ideas could partly resolve a split among appellate courts in their handling of actual cases. At the same time, some complex and borderline cases are more appropriately left to the discretion of the executive agencies administering the programs, as the U.S. Supreme Court affirmed in Barnhart v. Thomas (2003).
Moreno and Berger have identified an important intellectual development in the emergence of a distinct new school of conservative thought about biotechnology. My comment challenges their genealogy and the normative cues they would take from the neoconservative school. In short, I read the neoconservative critique as a species of identity politics aiming to police the human identity. Although the movement’s expositors make use of Marxian terms such as “alienation,” these commentators also draw extensively on Aristotelian virtue ethics, Judeo-Christian religious themes such as the divine image, and late twentieth-century ideas about representation and belonging. Such ideas are historically- and culturally-situated, even if they have stood the test of time. People of any ideological stripe should appreciate that (1) our ability to shape distant “ends” is constrained by the limits of foresight and (2) self-government is a process, not a singular event. Hence, in a liberal democracy such as ours, the development and regulation of technology should be tentative, pluralistic, unpredictable, and unending."