History

This article addresses the meaning of community in an area of the ancient world that is normally seen to diverge from the paradigm of the classical city-state, by examining the role of sanctuaries in the articulation of identity and belonging. The focus is on Samnium (central Italy) in the last four centuries BC, where archaeological and historical evidence, including a wealth of recent discoveries, supports a dynamic view of a region that is traditionally associated with a cohesive ethnic group. Whilst it is true that the major sanctuary at Pietrabbondante fostered the construction of Samnite ethnic identity as a form of resistance to Roman expansion, this article highlights the importance of other types and levels of belonging in light of a broader range of cult sites. The concept of ‘nested identities’ (a scenario where individuals identify simultaneously with overlapping groups) can bring about a more nuanced view of how cult served to negotiate belonging on ethnic and non-ethnic levels. I hope to show that local communities, and particularly the local elites, were able to function independently rather than simply as the building blocks of the Samnite ethnos.

This article approaches gender as a means of understanding cultural identity in Italy before the Roman conquest. Most scholars have assumed based on written sources that the ancient inhabitants of Samnium, who are noted for their fierce resistance to Rome, shared a gender system in which men were primarily regarded as warriors and women as caretakers of the household. Archaeological support for this view has been sought in the contrast between burials containing weapons (assumed to belong to men) and those containing jewelry or personal ornaments (attributed to women). In line with recent studies that challenge such a view, I employ statistical methods to verify correlations between grave goods, sex, age, and social status. Results reveal that cultural attitudes toward gender among the Samnites were complex. In many cases, gender configurations were structured in such a way that both men and women performed similar social activities and may have participated as equals in commensal politics. These findings demonstrate the potential for quantitative archaeological analysis to enhance our knowledge of cultural identity and social organization in an area of the ancient world for which there is very little written evidence.* introduction Ancient Samnium, which corresponds to presentday Molise, south Abruzzo, and north Campania (fig. 1), is described in ancient historical writing as the homeland of the Samnites. Authors such as Livy,

Rome’s encroachment on Italy is often seen as the process by which a unique city-state conquered the entire peninsula in a surprisingly short period of time. Yet in many ways the Roman expansion was an Italian phenomenon, in the sense that Italian communities and institutions had a decisive impact on the development of Roman hegemony from the outset. The Roman drive towards expansion can to some extent be understood as a product of the harsh interstate environment of Archaic Italy, where constant warfare encouraged aggressive competition (Eckstein 2006). The city’s expansion was possible because Italian communities supplied the necessary manpower and resources, fought the wars, and participated in colonisation schemes of various kinds (Cornell 1989; Bradley and Wilson 2006). The means by which Rome maintained its dominance with the cooperation of Italian aristocracies owed much to earlier forms of elite collaboration from the Archaic period (Gabba 1989), and helped to preserve the social structure of many Italian communities (Terrenato 2007). It was not inevitable that Rome should emerge as the sole hegemonic power. In the fourth and early third centuries the Romans encroached on Italy almost as much as Italians encroached on Rome and on each other. It was only after the Hannibalic war (202 BC) that Rome became the political hub of the peninsula, but even then we have evidence that many Italian states behaved as independent partners rather than dependents.
For much of the twentieth century, the Roman expansion in Italy was seen as a steady process of unification, not just in a political sense but socio-cultural as well (e.g. Sherwin-White 1973, 159). This view can be traced back to nineteenth-century Germany, and particularly to the work of Theodor Mommsen. His idea that Italian communities almost inevitably converged under Roman leadership was probably influenced by the atmosphere of German national unification in his own day, and the modern expectations of nation building under the guidance of a dominant state, in this case Prussia (Mouritsen 2006).
Yet on a deeper level, this teleological view of Roman encroachment reflects the surviving historical narratives from antiquity, which were the chief sources available to Mommsen. The ancient historical accounts portray the Roman “conquest” of Italy as the first stage in the city’s inevitable rise to world domination. Whilst such narratives offer an invaluable basis for understanding how Rome extended its territory and power, they also pose serious challenges. With the exception of Polybius, most of the surviving texts were written from the mid-first century BC onwards, at least 200 years after the events that they describe. These authors wrote about the mid-Republican past in view of their own political agendas and anxieties as upper-class Romans of the late Republic and Principate (Dench 2005, 152 ff; Kraus and Woodman 1997). Although individuals such as Livy were eager to understand how Roman hegemony had come about, they were mostly unconcerned with social and administrative transformations. They offer vivid accounts of battles and wars, but only faint sketches of the political settlements between Rome and Italian communities.
On the other hand, a growing body of epigraphic, numismatic, and archaeological sources – from survey data to ceramics and architecture – offer a rich evidence base that is contemporaneous with the process of Roman encroachment. This material allows us to explore the social and cultural transformations that Italian communities experienced, ultimately supporting alternative histories of Republican Italy. Yet the fragmentary nature of the archaeological and epigraphic record also makes for very challenging problems of interpretation, as we shall see below.
This chapter discusses the role of Italian communities in Rome’s rise as a hegemonic power between the fifth and early second centuries BC, and how this process transformed Italy as a result. I begin by sketching a narrative of events that mark the extension of Roman territory and power in Italy, from the founding of the Republic (509 BC) to the start of the first Punic war (264 BC) – seeking, whenever possible, to reconstruct the Italian perspective on these events. The second part of the chapter discusses the social and political impact of Roman dominance between the late fourth and early second centuries. I emphasise the current shift towards a new narrative of Roman hegemony in third-century Italy, where colonisation, extensions of citizenship, and alliances are being approached not simply as instruments of Roman oppression, but also as complex and changing phenomena in which Italians as well as Romans played a key role. Whilst colonisation surely helped to consolidate Roman territorial expansion at the expense of Italian communities, the colonies themselves were autonomous communities with permeable borders, which included large numbers of Italians – both locals and migrants (Bradley and Wilson 2006; Coles 2009). Colonies and the extension of citizenship promoted new patterns of integration and mobility across the peninsula through trade, intermarriage, and army service, which affected Rome as well as Italy (Roselaar, ed. 2012). Growing knowledge of such mobility allows us to rethink the link between Roman hegemony and the cultural changes that we see in the material record of Italy in the fourth-second centuries, which is discussed towards the end of this chapter.

Ideological obsolescence, faltering powers and accelerated socio-political change: Case studies from Iron Age Italy SESSION 3 RECKONING WITH ROME Dr FRANK DAUBNER (Universität Stuttgart) Continuity and change in Macedonian society after the Roman conquest Dr MAURIZIO BUORA (Società Friulana di Archeologia) and Dr STEFANO MAGNANI (Università degli Studi di Udine) Forms of interaction and integration between indigenous and Roman settlers in the territory of Aquileia during the second and first centuries BC SESSION 4 (UN)STABLE ÉLITES Dr GUY BRADLEY (Cardiff University) Fluidity, mobility and social crisis in archaic central Italian élites Dr VERA ZANONI (University of Pavia) Beyond the graves. Crisis and continuity in the Hellenistic funerary contexts from the Calvario cemetery (Tarquinia, VT) Prof. MARIASSUNTA CUOZZO (Università del Molise) (TO BE CONFIRMED) Dialettica interculturale, dinamiche di interazione e resistenza nelle comunità della Campania al passaggio tra Prima età del Ferro e Orientalizzante

Este artigo visa analisar o histórico e os atrasos referentes à implantação da linha 4-Amarela do Metrô de São Paulo, que, além de considerada estruturante dentro do planejamento de transporte da capital por se conectar às demais linhas, a sua criação é considerada a primeira Parceria Público Privada do Brasil, que objetiva a rapidez na implantação dos serviços, saindo da esfera pública. A linha ainda é marcada por sucessivos atrasos referentes à sua inauguração em suas fases, sendo postergada pelo governo diversas vezes, ora por problemas técnicos, políticos ou econômicos.

The present study aims to analyze the actions of the Ministry of Cities in the theme of urban mobility, under the management of the National Secretariat of transit and of urban mobility-SEMOB-in the Metropolitan Region of São Paulo (MRSP) during its 15 years of existence (2003-2018). The mobility gained notoriety in recent years due to social pressure exerted by sectors of civil society that fought for improvements and expansion of the system of national urban public transport. The mobility enters the agenda of government as an issue to be discussed and resolved before the bottlenecks faced by the population, mainly the poorest workers, in major Brazilian cities. The displacements rights in cities along with other bottlenecks faced by most marginalized populations (housing and sanitation) formed set of guidelines that culminated in the creation of the Ministry of Cities, in 2003, the first Lula government (2003-2006).The Ministry fulfilled the real function of management and supervision of the urban policies neglected by the Union since the end of military dictatorship (1964-1985), segmented into various departments without a specific folder. In the case of paulista public transport, major changes after the decade of 2000 aimed at improving the transport, since the expansion to the modernization of the system. Investments of the most varied sources reconciled with the promulgation of the National Policy of Urban Mobility-PNMU (2012), the choice of São Paulo to be the host city of World Cup 2014, the protests of June 2013 against the increase of bus tickets and the promulgation of the Statute of the Metropolis in 2015 contributed in addition to the expansion of the metropolitan transport system, but a new vision of mobility, founded under new means of locomotion, especially the collective motorized, non-motorized and electrical (VASCONCELLOS, 2012, 2015). Even with such advances, we still inserted in an urban logic based on the car, where the city was molded to cars and not the reverse, leading the formation of a metropolis scattered, unequal and excluding, made for the elite and the middle class, and extensive peripheral areas deprived of public services, locus of labor employed worker, dependent on the collective transport.

Este artigo visa analisar o historico e os atrasos referentes a implantacao da linha 4 – Amarela do Metro de Sao Paulo, que, alem de considerada estruturante dentro do planejamento de transporte da capital por se conectar as demais linhas, a sua criacao e considerada a primeira Parceria Publico Privada do Brasil, que objetiva a rapidez na implantacao dos servicos, saindo da esfera publica. A linha ainda e marcada por sucessivos atrasos referentes a sua inauguracao em suas fases, sendo postergada pelo governo diversas vezes, ora por problemas tecnicos, politicos ou economicos.