Papers by Tristan Boursier
Temporalities of Diversity, 2022
To be published in fall 2022 in Kaiser, Charlotte ; Khiari, Ouennassa ; Lühr, Viktoria Sophie (éd... more To be published in fall 2022 in Kaiser, Charlotte ; Khiari, Ouennassa ; Lühr, Viktoria Sophie (éds.) : Temporalities of Diversity. Münster : Waxmann
Oppositional, racist discourses have accompanied the emergence of postcolonial worldviews in the public sphere. Despite policies against racism, White supremacist discourses remain present in the public sphere and continue to propose a racist reading of history. This chapter focuses on a specific type of supremacist discourse, namely French-language videos published on YouTube. The study of these discourses highlights argumentative strategies of time distortion and erasure that lead to what could be called a supremacist temporality of Western history. This strategy consists of a discursive reversal of postcolonialism, allowing supremacists to appropriate victim status. The study thus contributes to the literature on supremacist rhetorical strategies used on mainstream platforms where hate speech is normally outlawed.
Lectures, 2019
Dans ce livre, finaliste du Prix des libraires du Quebec, le politologue Francis Dupuis-Deri deco... more Dans ce livre, finaliste du Prix des libraires du Quebec, le politologue Francis Dupuis-Deri deconstruit le discours d’une identite masculine, qui serait menacee par les revendications des feministes pour atteindre l’egalite entre les genres. Il mobilise les resultats empiriques de plusieurs travaux en etudes feministes et de ses propres recherches sur l’antifeminisme, afin de montrer que les hommes « ne sont pas en crise, [mais qu’] ils font des crises » (p. 312). En analysant le presuppose ...
Books and Ideas, 2020
When we look at the progress made in gender equality, it is sometimes tempting to forget that fem... more When we look at the progress made in gender equality, it is sometimes tempting to forget that feminism still faces influential and powerful opponents. Referred to in this work as “antifeminists”, ever since their emergence, these adversaries have left lasting marks on the fight for equality. The word “feminism” itself came out of this antifeminist movement: from 1872, Alexandre Dumas fils spread the term to describe what he called “the enterprise of negation” of the natural difference between the sexes (p. 9). Ironically, it was therefore the adversaries of feminism who created the term for it, before this name was reclaimed by the French suffragettes, in the writings of Hubertine Auclert in 1882.
Lecture, 2020
Il n’est plus question aujourd’hui de remettre en cause l’inexistence biologique de la race chez ... more Il n’est plus question aujourd’hui de remettre en cause l’inexistence biologique de la race chez l’humain. Pourtant, comment expliquer la pregnance des comportements qui se referent a la race que cela soit pour denoncer la perpetuation des blackfaces ou l’utilisation du terme « controle au facies » pour parler de profilage racial dans le contexte francais ? Meme si nous savons que la race n’est qu’une construction politique, comment se fait-il que nous ayons toujours l’impression que nos yeux...
Lectures, 2021
La république est régulièrement évoquée, voire invoquée par les acteurs politiques, mais son cont... more La république est régulièrement évoquée, voire invoquée par les acteurs politiques, mais son contenu est rarement précisé. Le terme est parfois utilisé à la manière d’une injonction : « il faut être républicain face à l’ennemi ! », que celui-ci soit le Rassemblement national, l’abstention, ou la perte de principes tels que laïcité et la liberté d’expression. Ces appels et leur caractère versatile sont autant de rappels que le républicanisme est un projet politique qui nécessite un effort permanent afin d’être défini et renouvelé, sans quoi il risque de périr. Tel est le message principal de l’ouvrage de Jean Picq, juriste de formation, ancien fonctionnaire et professeur associé à Sciences Po.
Lectures, 2019
Loin des tentatives classiques de construction d’une histoire homogene du republicanisme, cet ouv... more Loin des tentatives classiques de construction d’une histoire homogene du republicanisme, cet ouvrage demultiplie les analyses de cas aussi riches que diverses, s’inscrivant ainsi dans la litterature contemporaine qui voit le republicanisme non comme un programme, mais comme un langage. Le republicanisme est ainsi apprehende comme un projet multiple qui a su faire face a des contextes historiques varies et qui peut fournir des reponses a des problematiques contemporaines : solidarite, laicite...
Lectures, 2019
Dans la préface de la traduction française de son ouvrage initialement publié en 1997, Helena Ros... more Dans la préface de la traduction française de son ouvrage initialement publié en 1997, Helena Rosenblatt rappelle que la pensée de Rousseau suscita des admirations aussi diverses politiquement que celles de Fidel Castro et de John Adams. L’actualité récente n’échappe pas à ce constat. En (re)découvrant cet ouvrage, le lecteur français de 2019 aura peut-être à l’esprit certaines des revendications des Gilets jaunes réclamant plus de démocratie directe et une taxation plus juste afin de « transformer des charges onéreuses en d’utiles règlements de police, & de faire douter au peuple si de tels établissements n’ont pas eu pour fin le bien de la nation plutôt que le produit des taxes »1. Outre cet écho à l’actualité immédiate, l’ouvrage d’Helena Rosenblatt se situe dans un débat désormais bien connu en sciences sociales : dans quelle mesure le contexte influence la pensée des philosophes ? S’inscrivant dans l’école contextualiste de Cambridge, l’auteure propose d’expliquer les apparentes contradictions dans la pensée du philosophe en prenant en compte le contexte politique et socio-économique de Genève. Pour Helena Rosenblatt « certaines de ses idées les plus originales lui sont venues alors qu’il cherchait à résoudre les problèmes qu’il avait identifiés dans le fonctionnement de sa ville natale » (p. 17). Grâce à cette étude du contexte genevois, l’auteure espère ainsi apporter une réponse aux accusations d’incohérence au sein de la pensée de Rousseau qui, par exemple, a tantôt été lu comme un défenseur des droits de l’individu (dans le Second discours), tantôt comme un ennemi de ceux-ci (dans le Discours sur l’économie politique et le Contrat social).
Lectures
Cet ouvrage collectif, codirige par trois membres de l’European Research Network for Social and E... more Cet ouvrage collectif, codirige par trois membres de l’European Research Network for Social and Economic Policy (Erensep) de Londres, affiche clairement son ambition politique. Il entend ouvrir les perspectives politiques d’une gauche europeenne qui « apparait perdue et fascinee par la montee de l’extreme droite » (p. 69). Il propose donc des alternatives democratiques aux politiques europeennes actuelles, decrites comme capitalistes et autoritaires. Les auteurs se situent ouvertement engages...
Peace has often been a positively perceived concept. Yet all peace is not equal. Napoleon often... more Peace has often been a positively perceived concept. Yet all peace is not equal. Napoleon often proclaimed that he wanted only peace for Europe, a French peace. This peace could not hardly be described as just, because it was unilateral and imposed by force. This work deals with the criteria of justice that we should follow in a peace process. The discussion of these criteria starts with the Just Peace Theory developed by Allan and Keller (2006) and aims to go beyond this theory by highlighting its strengths and weaknesses. If the Just Peace Theory makes it possible to overcome the cleavage between cosmopolitans and communitarians by giving a relational (maybe tautological) definition of justice, this leads to epistemological and ontological gaps. The work concluded on the necessity for the Just Peace Theory to adjust this relational vision of justice in order to acquire a clearer ontology of its units, to develop a clearer articulation of its cosmopolitan and communitarian components and Retaining and reinforcing its ethical dimension on recognition without falling into strategic recognition.
Chapter 7 Greece p.185-202
During the economic crisis, which in the case of Greece became a sove... more Chapter 7 Greece p.185-202
During the economic crisis, which in the case of Greece became a sovereign debt crisis, the Greek economy lost more than 25% of its GDP, while unemployment rose to 25% (and to over 60% for the younger generation).Since 2012, the inflow of migrants and refugees to Greece has dramatically increased. More specifically, according to the UNHCR, 851,319 migrants arrived in Greece during 2015 alone.Greek society has only faced situations such as these during or after wars. The interviews we conducted in the context of the TransSOL project are very much set in a context of enormous economic constraints
combined with an urgent need for humanitarian intervention. Concerning the purposive sample, representatives from thirty groups, ten from each of
the fields, were interviewed. The majority of TSO activists/representatives we interviewed identify themselves as protest/policy-oriented (18 out of 30) while the remaining 12 are oriented towards charity/practical help. In terms of organisational
structure, there is equilibrium between formal and informal groups in our sample (16 and
14, respectively). In terms of gender, there is a balance between women and men
interviewees. The age range of our interviewees varies from 25 to 70 years old, with the majority of participants being in their forties and fifties. None of our interviewees comes from an ethnic diaspora, while very few of them are parents or relatives of disabled persons, and even fewer are unemployed.
In the unemployment sample: In sharp contrast to the disabilities sample, the vast majority of the unemployment sample falls under the “protest/ social movement/ policy – oriented” category. Most of the groups there are either trade unions or worker’s clubs
and initiatives that have as their main concern the representation of working class people
irrespective of whether they are employed, unemployed or precarious workers. All the groups we have selected to conduct interviews with also offer some kind of practical help and services to their members as well as to other refugees. Six of the interviewees were men and four were women. The age range was between 32-55 years, and they were all active members or activists in the field. The interviews were conducted between September 8 th and November 15 th , depending on the availability of the groups and the interviewees. Many groups never replied to e-mails, did not answer phone calls, while others also turned down the opportunity to participate in the research. In one case, the group’s general assembly had to approve their participation in the interview. Most of the
interviews were carried out in coffee shops in Athens, some of them at the residence of the interviewees and very few of them in the groups’ offices.
This report contains a discussion of the main findings emerging from a study of the role of young... more This report contains a discussion of the main findings emerging from a study of the role of young people in the student mobilizations in Ireland in 2010 and 2011. After a brief discussion of how the recent economic crisis sharpened young people’s social and labor market exclusion resulting in high levels of emigration, we offer a comprehensive analysis of the main domestic factors – both policy (factors related to labour market and social inclusion) and organizational (factors to pertaining social and political engagement) – that affected youth activism and provided the backdrop of the student mobilizations. In the final parts, the particular characteristics and events of the 2010/2011 student protests are elaborated. The report concludes by delving into the transformative impact of the student mobilizations and their effects on the national context.
This report contains a discussion of the main findings emerging from a study of the role of young... more This report contains a discussion of the main findings emerging from a study of the role of young people in the “Tropical Spring” mobilizations in Brazil. After a brief discussion of the general socio-economic and political context and issues affecting young people’s labour market exclusion, we offer a comprehensive analysis of the main domestic factors – both policy (factors related to labour market and social inclusion) and organizational (factors to pertaining social and political engagement) – that affected youth grievances and activism and provided the backdrop of the 2013 mobilizations. In the final parts, the particular characteristics and events of the June-July 2013 protests are elaborated. The report concludes by delving into the transformative impact of the student mobilizations and their effects on the national context.
This report contains a discussion of the main findings emerging from a study of the role of young... more This report contains a discussion of the main findings emerging from a study of the role of young people in the Greek anti-austerity mobilizations in 2011. After a brief discussion of how the recent economic crisis sharpened young people’s social and labor market exclusion, we undertake an analysis of the main domestic factors – both policy (factors related to labour market and social inclusion) and organizational (factors to pertaining social and political engagement) – that provided the backdrop of young people’s radicalization and their participation in the Greek Indignant movement. In the final parts, the particular characteristics and events of the May/July 2011 mobilizations are elaborated. The report concludes by delving into the transformative impact of the anti-austerity movement and its effects on the national context.
This report contains a discussion of the main findings emerging from a comparative study conducte... more This report contains a discussion of the main findings emerging from a comparative study conducted in the context of Work Package 5, “Global Youth”. The aim of the report is to draw key conclusions from the experiences of youth mobilization and socio-economic transformation in Greece, Ireland, Brazil and to assess their relevance to the challenges facing the youth in the South East Mediterranean (SEM) region. After a general presentation of the selection of the three country cases and the methodology applied, we offer a synthetic presentation of the three case studies, looking at key critical junctures of youth discontent and their mobilization’s transformative impact. We conclude by highlighting the main lessons learned from the three country cases and their implications for, and relevance to, the challenges facing the youth in the SEM region.
If solidarity is to be considered the element holding society together, the moral value committin... more If solidarity is to be considered the element holding society together, the moral value committing people to mutual support, even in the absence of legal obligations and communitarian links (Supiot 2015, Musso 2015), civil society as associational life is a critical component of it. Actually, the voluntaristic nature of associational membership is considered by some as the quintessential form of solidarity where people engage not under the obligation of an authority nor following utilitarian calculations, but do so in accordance with the social spirit which is an intimate component of human beings (Rodotà 2014:44).
In other words, civil society provides solidarity with the organisational infrastructure it needs to be transferred from the spiritual to the ‘real’ world, as its deployment enables people to act collectively to achieve a given social or community benefit (for the TRANSSOL operational definitions of solidarity please see the project reports delivered for Work Packages 1 and 2 at http://transsol.eu/outputs/reports/).
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Papers by Tristan Boursier
Oppositional, racist discourses have accompanied the emergence of postcolonial worldviews in the public sphere. Despite policies against racism, White supremacist discourses remain present in the public sphere and continue to propose a racist reading of history. This chapter focuses on a specific type of supremacist discourse, namely French-language videos published on YouTube. The study of these discourses highlights argumentative strategies of time distortion and erasure that lead to what could be called a supremacist temporality of Western history. This strategy consists of a discursive reversal of postcolonialism, allowing supremacists to appropriate victim status. The study thus contributes to the literature on supremacist rhetorical strategies used on mainstream platforms where hate speech is normally outlawed.
During the economic crisis, which in the case of Greece became a sovereign debt crisis, the Greek economy lost more than 25% of its GDP, while unemployment rose to 25% (and to over 60% for the younger generation).Since 2012, the inflow of migrants and refugees to Greece has dramatically increased. More specifically, according to the UNHCR, 851,319 migrants arrived in Greece during 2015 alone.Greek society has only faced situations such as these during or after wars. The interviews we conducted in the context of the TransSOL project are very much set in a context of enormous economic constraints
combined with an urgent need for humanitarian intervention. Concerning the purposive sample, representatives from thirty groups, ten from each of
the fields, were interviewed. The majority of TSO activists/representatives we interviewed identify themselves as protest/policy-oriented (18 out of 30) while the remaining 12 are oriented towards charity/practical help. In terms of organisational
structure, there is equilibrium between formal and informal groups in our sample (16 and
14, respectively). In terms of gender, there is a balance between women and men
interviewees. The age range of our interviewees varies from 25 to 70 years old, with the majority of participants being in their forties and fifties. None of our interviewees comes from an ethnic diaspora, while very few of them are parents or relatives of disabled persons, and even fewer are unemployed.
In the unemployment sample: In sharp contrast to the disabilities sample, the vast majority of the unemployment sample falls under the “protest/ social movement/ policy – oriented” category. Most of the groups there are either trade unions or worker’s clubs
and initiatives that have as their main concern the representation of working class people
irrespective of whether they are employed, unemployed or precarious workers. All the groups we have selected to conduct interviews with also offer some kind of practical help and services to their members as well as to other refugees. Six of the interviewees were men and four were women. The age range was between 32-55 years, and they were all active members or activists in the field. The interviews were conducted between September 8 th and November 15 th , depending on the availability of the groups and the interviewees. Many groups never replied to e-mails, did not answer phone calls, while others also turned down the opportunity to participate in the research. In one case, the group’s general assembly had to approve their participation in the interview. Most of the
interviews were carried out in coffee shops in Athens, some of them at the residence of the interviewees and very few of them in the groups’ offices.
In other words, civil society provides solidarity with the organisational infrastructure it needs to be transferred from the spiritual to the ‘real’ world, as its deployment enables people to act collectively to achieve a given social or community benefit (for the TRANSSOL operational definitions of solidarity please see the project reports delivered for Work Packages 1 and 2 at http://transsol.eu/outputs/reports/).
Oppositional, racist discourses have accompanied the emergence of postcolonial worldviews in the public sphere. Despite policies against racism, White supremacist discourses remain present in the public sphere and continue to propose a racist reading of history. This chapter focuses on a specific type of supremacist discourse, namely French-language videos published on YouTube. The study of these discourses highlights argumentative strategies of time distortion and erasure that lead to what could be called a supremacist temporality of Western history. This strategy consists of a discursive reversal of postcolonialism, allowing supremacists to appropriate victim status. The study thus contributes to the literature on supremacist rhetorical strategies used on mainstream platforms where hate speech is normally outlawed.
During the economic crisis, which in the case of Greece became a sovereign debt crisis, the Greek economy lost more than 25% of its GDP, while unemployment rose to 25% (and to over 60% for the younger generation).Since 2012, the inflow of migrants and refugees to Greece has dramatically increased. More specifically, according to the UNHCR, 851,319 migrants arrived in Greece during 2015 alone.Greek society has only faced situations such as these during or after wars. The interviews we conducted in the context of the TransSOL project are very much set in a context of enormous economic constraints
combined with an urgent need for humanitarian intervention. Concerning the purposive sample, representatives from thirty groups, ten from each of
the fields, were interviewed. The majority of TSO activists/representatives we interviewed identify themselves as protest/policy-oriented (18 out of 30) while the remaining 12 are oriented towards charity/practical help. In terms of organisational
structure, there is equilibrium between formal and informal groups in our sample (16 and
14, respectively). In terms of gender, there is a balance between women and men
interviewees. The age range of our interviewees varies from 25 to 70 years old, with the majority of participants being in their forties and fifties. None of our interviewees comes from an ethnic diaspora, while very few of them are parents or relatives of disabled persons, and even fewer are unemployed.
In the unemployment sample: In sharp contrast to the disabilities sample, the vast majority of the unemployment sample falls under the “protest/ social movement/ policy – oriented” category. Most of the groups there are either trade unions or worker’s clubs
and initiatives that have as their main concern the representation of working class people
irrespective of whether they are employed, unemployed or precarious workers. All the groups we have selected to conduct interviews with also offer some kind of practical help and services to their members as well as to other refugees. Six of the interviewees were men and four were women. The age range was between 32-55 years, and they were all active members or activists in the field. The interviews were conducted between September 8 th and November 15 th , depending on the availability of the groups and the interviewees. Many groups never replied to e-mails, did not answer phone calls, while others also turned down the opportunity to participate in the research. In one case, the group’s general assembly had to approve their participation in the interview. Most of the
interviews were carried out in coffee shops in Athens, some of them at the residence of the interviewees and very few of them in the groups’ offices.
In other words, civil society provides solidarity with the organisational infrastructure it needs to be transferred from the spiritual to the ‘real’ world, as its deployment enables people to act collectively to achieve a given social or community benefit (for the TRANSSOL operational definitions of solidarity please see the project reports delivered for Work Packages 1 and 2 at http://transsol.eu/outputs/reports/).