Papers and articles in reviews by KLAUS-JÜRGEN NAGEL

This paper analyses the possible existence of a Bavarian right to decide, including the independe... more This paper analyses the possible existence of a Bavarian right to decide, including the independence option. In conclusion, there is no such right under international law or the German constitution. Bavaria has not been conquered, nor has the German fiscal regime been set up without Bavarian representation. In spite of the long political history of the country, Bavarians are not seeing themselves as a “Nation”. The argument is also weakened by existing cultural and linguistic particularities inside the country. If at all, Bavaria’s independence could only be justified by a majority decision, either in a referendum or by parliamentary majority as in the Kosovo case, arguing
at the same time that Bavaria would be a viable state in Europe, and that it would offer inner minorities like the Franconians to decide on their own account whether to remain. However, according to poll data and considering the current party system, there is not the slightest possibility for such a majority for independence.

In the absence of a constitutional right to secede or title of international law, secessionists m... more In the absence of a constitutional right to secede or title of international law, secessionists may look to current theories of secession. But if they go for “independence in Europe”, they may also look to precedent cases of “internal secession”. As it comes out, these two “tracks” entail very different logics. Current theories of secession can be classified as remedial right or primary right theories. Each has its particular problems, but they have in common to consider unilateral secession. In internal secession, where the secessionists carve out a new member state but without leaving the federal system, this is different. There is not much literature on normative aspects of such processes. We look at federal practice, particularly in federations like Switzerland, Canada and India. Federal governments owe loyalty to the member states but also to the secessionists as citizens of the federation. In such circumstances, it becomes easier for secessionist citizens to present a claim. But the population of the seceding area, the member state and the federation (including the totality or majority of the other member states) have to approve. All parties are bound by the federal constitution (in the case of the EU, the Treaties). Internal secessions never can be unilateral; it may be easier to claim but more difficult to achieve than external secession.

Education and health policy are two of the public policies, which in Spain has assigned to the Au... more Education and health policy are two of the public policies, which in Spain has assigned to the Autonomous Communities (AC). This transfer of powers could be considered as proof of the strong "self-rule" of the AC, which in turn shows that Spain could be classified as a federal state. In the following analysis the authors in some parts disagree with that conclusion, showing that considering the education area Spain is "heavy at the top". Due to the state's exclusive power to regulate the basic conditions guaranteeing the equality of all Spanish citizens, the important and final decisions are taken at the center through the framework legislation. The AC play a minor role in the legislation process, they have to adopt the center decisions. De-centralization and extension of the framework legislation are highly connected: The central state reacted with strong framework legislation to the stages of the educational decentralization process. In addition, the concentration of important framing powers within the central state does not make educational reforms more infrequent. However, such reforms are the results of a competition between the parties, and not between the AC or between the AC and the central state. 1 2 One may take issue with some of these arguments, particularly on what "autonomy" means, how constitutional the "guarantees" for competences and resource allocations have to be, etc. 3 Answering the question, if Spanish AC should have a higher degree of autonomy, about 31,6% of Spaniards answered, that their wish a stronger autonomy for the AG, about 41,6% were content with the current situation and about 16,5 % would prefer a weaker autonomy. Moreover, 47,9% of the Spaniards see the establishment and development of the AG as positive and 26,4 % as negative, Centro de Investigaciones
El sistema de finançament dels Länder alemanys sempre se sol presentar com l'exemple a seguir qua... more El sistema de finançament dels Länder alemanys sempre se sol presentar com l'exemple a seguir quan busquem referents internacionals per trobar una sortida al dèficit fiscal que pateixen els Paï-sos Catalans. Un sistema redistributiu que a ulls de l'opinió pública catalana troba el punt d'equili-bri entre la solidaritat interterritorial i els serveis que ofereix a la ciutadania. Però aquesta imatge no correspon a la realitat, i el que des d'aquí es percep com un sistema just, des de diferents Län-der es posa en qüestió la seva viabilitat. Solidaritat territorial a Alemanya: quan el sud paga el nord (i l'est)
RECHT AUF PERSPEKTIVE. Minderheiten. Sorben

Education and health policy are two of the public policies, which in Spain have been assigned to ... more Education and health policy are two of the public policies, which in Spain have been assigned to the Autonomous Communities (AC). This transfer of powers could be considered a proof for the strong " self-rule " of the AC, which in turn shows that Spain could be classified as a federal state. In the following analysis the authors in some parts disagree with that conclusion, showing that considering the education area Spain is " heavy at the top ". Due to the state's exclusive power to regulate the basic conditions guaranteeing the equality of all Spanish citizens, the important and final decisions are taken at the center through the framework legislation. The AC play a minor role in the legislation process, they have to adopt the center decisions. Decentralization and extension of the framework legislation are highly connected: The central state reacted with strong framework legislation to the stages of the educational decentralization process. In addition, the concentration of important framing powers within the central state does not make educational reforms more infrequent. However, such reforms are the results of a competition between the parties, and not between the AC or between the AC and the central state. 1
Political Theory Working Paper Capital cities of federations. On the way to analysing the normati... more Political Theory Working Paper Capital cities of federations. On the way to analysing the normative base of their asymmetrical status GRUP DE RECERCA EN TEORIA POLÍTICA Departament de Ciències Polítiques i Socials
Catalonia, Scotland, Wales - EU integration
Political Theory Working Paper The Nationalism of stateless nations and Europe. The Catalan case
L'intervento delle Regioni nella política europea. Un'analisi comparata
Secession campaign Catalonia
Books and chapters by KLAUS-JÜRGEN NAGEL
in: Jorge Cagiao y Conde/Gennaro Ferraiuolo/Patrizio Rigobon (Hrsg.): La nazione catalana. Storia... more in: Jorge Cagiao y Conde/Gennaro Ferraiuolo/Patrizio Rigobon (Hrsg.): La nazione catalana. Storia, lingua, politica, costituzione nella prospettiva plurinazionale, Napoli: Editoriale Scientifica 2018, pp. 193-226.
Gemeinden im Europäischen Mehrebenensystem: Herausforderungen im 21. Jahrhundert, 2014

Individuare soluzioni coerenti con gli schemi delle democrazie pluraliste alle problematiche post... more Individuare soluzioni coerenti con gli schemi delle democrazie pluraliste alle problematiche poste dalla questione catalana richiede di considerare la stessa in tutta la sua complessità e profondità storica. La lingua, che da elemento culturale e identitario si fa rivendicazione di politiche linguistiche e poi rivendicazione politica tout court (Bosch, Branchadell e Rigobon); le attitudini nel tempo manifestate in Catalogna di fronte ai processi migratori (Cattini); le strategie politiche del catalanismo, nel relazionarsi al nazionalismo spagnolo (Geniola), nella sua evoluzione storica (Nagel) e con un’attenzione particolare alle vicende più recenti (Sanjaume); il modo in cui la complessità nazionale ha trovato accomodamento entro le strutture ordinamentali (Cagiao e Ferraiuolo): sono questi i diversi piani tenuti insieme nel volume, attraverso un approccio pluridisciplinare, nel tentativo di ricostruire – per riprendere l’introduzione di Gagnon – i termini della sfida plurinazionale che l’ordinamento spagnolo è chiamato oggi ad affrontare.
Introduction to text edition "Otto Bauer/Karl Renner: Escrits sobre nació i federalisme. Selecció... more Introduction to text edition "Otto Bauer/Karl Renner: Escrits sobre nació i federalisme. Selecció de textos d’autors austromarxistes", translation by Pilar Estelrich i Arce, Barcelona: Institut d’Estudis de l’Autogovern/Generalitat de Catalunya 2016, 566 p. (p. 1-51).
A Bavarian right to decide?
Catalonia in Spain and Europe Is There a Way to Independence? Index
Descentralització, asimetries i processos de resimmetrització a Europa: Bèlgica, Regne Unit, Itàl... more Descentralització, asimetries i processos de resimmetrització a Europa: Bèlgica, Regne Unit, Itàlia i Espanya
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Papers and articles in reviews by KLAUS-JÜRGEN NAGEL
at the same time that Bavaria would be a viable state in Europe, and that it would offer inner minorities like the Franconians to decide on their own account whether to remain. However, according to poll data and considering the current party system, there is not the slightest possibility for such a majority for independence.
Books and chapters by KLAUS-JÜRGEN NAGEL
at the same time that Bavaria would be a viable state in Europe, and that it would offer inner minorities like the Franconians to decide on their own account whether to remain. However, according to poll data and considering the current party system, there is not the slightest possibility for such a majority for independence.