The essay by Murillo, Shrank, and Luna constitutes a much-needed and welcome wake-up call for tho... more The essay by Murillo, Shrank, and Luna constitutes a much-needed and welcome wake-up call for those of us who study Latin America—and for political scientists more generally. The authors make a plea for “a rigorous, comparative, and empirically grounded” study of Latin American political economy. I fully agree with their diagnosis of this field and their recommendations. I also praise the authors for defining political economy broadly—rather than narrowly, through a focus on research methods. They understand political economy to encompass all the economic, social, and political factors that are either contextual conditions or consequences of major macroeconomic transformations. Thus the authors lay out an important research agenda for the study of Latin American political economy that includes not only issues of economic development and inequality, but also patterns of democratic politics, state capacities, the rule of law, identity politics, and international linkages, among others...
Why and how do institutions strengthen? This article offers an explanation of institutional stren... more Why and how do institutions strengthen? This article offers an explanation of institutional strength based on the study of participatory institutions. Combining the insights of historical institutionalism and participatory democracy literatures, the authors propose an endogenous theory of participation and argue that the strength of participatory institutions depends on the historic process of their creation and the subsequent political incorporation of the mobilized groups that bring them about. The authors comparatively study prior consultation in Bolivia and Ecuador since its inception in the 1990s. This institution is highly relevant in Latin America, particularly as countries in the region intensify the extraction of nonrenewable resources. The article shows that different paths of political incorporation of the groups mobilized for institutional adoption were consequential to the resulting institutional strength. The findings shed light on the tensions between participatory de...
I extensively agree with Lieberman’s main argument and especially with his recommendations to gra... more I extensively agree with Lieberman’s main argument and especially with his recommendations to graduate students and journal editors, which come at a critical time for our discipline’s development and future relevance. However, I depart from Lieberman on two issues. First, I argue that the research cycle is circular, and not teleological as Lieberman implies. For instance, randomized control trial (RCT) studies could be the start (and not the end) of a research cycle that leads to more descriptive and qualitative analysis in order to improve our understanding of causality. Second, I believe that the size of effects in RCT studies does matter, among other reasons because small effects might be symptoms of defective conceptualization of the main research problem.
Historical institutionalism has steadily expanded its empirical scope and refined its analytical ... more Historical institutionalism has steadily expanded its empirical scope and refined its analytical toolbox since it crystallized as a tradition of political analysis during the “new institutionalisms” debate. This chapter details the origins and evolution of historical institutionalism, placing particular emphases on the temporal concepts that inform its analytical toolbox. It begins with a discussion of historical institutionalims’s evolving relationship with other varieties of institutional analysis, before debating temporal concepts such as critical junctures, path dependence, intercurrence, and modes of gradual change. A third section identifies analytical, methodological, and empirical areas of potential growth.
... Retour. [ 11] Pour des définitions plus détaillées, des exemples et l'ordonnance... more ... Retour. [ 11] Pour des définitions plus détaillées, des exemples et l'ordonnancement des préférences des types de décentralisation, voir Tulia Falleti, « A Sequential Theory of Decentralization : Latin American Cases in Comparative Perspective », American Political Science ...
Con el propósito de simplificar nos referiremos al nivel intermedio de gobierno (entre los nivele... more Con el propósito de simplificar nos referiremos al nivel intermedio de gobierno (entre los niveles central y local) como "provincias", tanto para referirnos a Argentina (donde este término es utilizado) como para otros países donde términos como "estado", "cantón", "república" denotan a este tipo de entidad subnacional.
Whereas studies of electoral participation abound, little attention has been paid to non-electora... more Whereas studies of electoral participation abound, little attention has been paid to non-electoral and non-contentious participation. Latin American countries have recently promoted participatory institutions and become ideal contexts to probe participation questions. Since the mid 1990s, Bolivia has been at the forefront of institutional creation for participation. We analyze the determinants of local community participation through individual survey data spanning from 1998 to 2010. Our contribution is two-fold. First, we ask whether Bolivia’s new participatory regime reproduces the socioeconomic biases prevalent in developed societies. We find no evidence of a high social-class bias in Bolivia’s participatory regime. Second, we analyze whether Bolivia’s left turn has produced changes in the levels or predictors of participation, as expected in the “left turn” literature. Contrary to expectations, the levels of local community participation have not changed, albeit the participants are slightly younger, more indigenous, and rural than before the left turn.
The essay by Murillo, Shrank, and Luna constitutes a much-needed and welcome wake-up call for tho... more The essay by Murillo, Shrank, and Luna constitutes a much-needed and welcome wake-up call for those of us who study Latin America—and for political scientists more generally. The authors make a plea for “a rigorous, comparative, and empirically grounded” study of Latin American political economy. I fully agree with their diagnosis of this field and their recommendations. I also praise the authors for defining political economy broadly—rather than narrowly, through a focus on research methods. They understand political economy to encompass all the economic, social, and political factors that are either contextual conditions or consequences of major macroeconomic transformations. Thus the authors lay out an important research agenda for the study of Latin American political economy that includes not only issues of economic development and inequality, but also patterns of democratic politics, state capacities, the rule of law, identity politics, and international linkages, among others...
Why and how do institutions strengthen? This article offers an explanation of institutional stren... more Why and how do institutions strengthen? This article offers an explanation of institutional strength based on the study of participatory institutions. Combining the insights of historical institutionalism and participatory democracy literatures, the authors propose an endogenous theory of participation and argue that the strength of participatory institutions depends on the historic process of their creation and the subsequent political incorporation of the mobilized groups that bring them about. The authors comparatively study prior consultation in Bolivia and Ecuador since its inception in the 1990s. This institution is highly relevant in Latin America, particularly as countries in the region intensify the extraction of nonrenewable resources. The article shows that different paths of political incorporation of the groups mobilized for institutional adoption were consequential to the resulting institutional strength. The findings shed light on the tensions between participatory de...
I extensively agree with Lieberman’s main argument and especially with his recommendations to gra... more I extensively agree with Lieberman’s main argument and especially with his recommendations to graduate students and journal editors, which come at a critical time for our discipline’s development and future relevance. However, I depart from Lieberman on two issues. First, I argue that the research cycle is circular, and not teleological as Lieberman implies. For instance, randomized control trial (RCT) studies could be the start (and not the end) of a research cycle that leads to more descriptive and qualitative analysis in order to improve our understanding of causality. Second, I believe that the size of effects in RCT studies does matter, among other reasons because small effects might be symptoms of defective conceptualization of the main research problem.
Historical institutionalism has steadily expanded its empirical scope and refined its analytical ... more Historical institutionalism has steadily expanded its empirical scope and refined its analytical toolbox since it crystallized as a tradition of political analysis during the “new institutionalisms” debate. This chapter details the origins and evolution of historical institutionalism, placing particular emphases on the temporal concepts that inform its analytical toolbox. It begins with a discussion of historical institutionalims’s evolving relationship with other varieties of institutional analysis, before debating temporal concepts such as critical junctures, path dependence, intercurrence, and modes of gradual change. A third section identifies analytical, methodological, and empirical areas of potential growth.
... Retour. [ 11] Pour des définitions plus détaillées, des exemples et l'ordonnance... more ... Retour. [ 11] Pour des définitions plus détaillées, des exemples et l'ordonnancement des préférences des types de décentralisation, voir Tulia Falleti, « A Sequential Theory of Decentralization : Latin American Cases in Comparative Perspective », American Political Science ...
Con el propósito de simplificar nos referiremos al nivel intermedio de gobierno (entre los nivele... more Con el propósito de simplificar nos referiremos al nivel intermedio de gobierno (entre los niveles central y local) como "provincias", tanto para referirnos a Argentina (donde este término es utilizado) como para otros países donde términos como "estado", "cantón", "república" denotan a este tipo de entidad subnacional.
Whereas studies of electoral participation abound, little attention has been paid to non-electora... more Whereas studies of electoral participation abound, little attention has been paid to non-electoral and non-contentious participation. Latin American countries have recently promoted participatory institutions and become ideal contexts to probe participation questions. Since the mid 1990s, Bolivia has been at the forefront of institutional creation for participation. We analyze the determinants of local community participation through individual survey data spanning from 1998 to 2010. Our contribution is two-fold. First, we ask whether Bolivia’s new participatory regime reproduces the socioeconomic biases prevalent in developed societies. We find no evidence of a high social-class bias in Bolivia’s participatory regime. Second, we analyze whether Bolivia’s left turn has produced changes in the levels or predictors of participation, as expected in the “left turn” literature. Contrary to expectations, the levels of local community participation have not changed, albeit the participants are slightly younger, more indigenous, and rural than before the left turn.
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