Teaching Documents by Carmen Mosley
Research Interests: Biocultural approaches to health, Hispanic and Latinx ethnicity, social deter... more Research Interests: Biocultural approaches to health, Hispanic and Latinx ethnicity, social determinants of health, health disparities, qualitative and quantitative approaches, dried blood spot markers, human biology
Course Description How has evolution molded human biological and cultural diversity? What are the... more Course Description How has evolution molded human biological and cultural diversity? What are the broader implications of our evolutionary history? This class seeks answers to these enduring questions. Divided into four units, we begin by studying Darwin's ideas about natural selection and the challenges his ideas have faced over the past 150 years. The second unit examines how evolution has shaped the anatomy and behavior of our closest living relatives, non-human primates. The third unit of the class is devoted to investigating the human fossil record and tracing the physical and behavioral evolution of our species over the past five million years. In the fourth unit, we focus on the breadth of human variation and explore the broader social implications of our evolved behavior.
This is a course syllabus for an introduction to medical anthropology course taught at Earlham Co... more This is a course syllabus for an introduction to medical anthropology course taught at Earlham College in Spring 2015
Conference Presentations by Carmen Mosley
To gauge reactions to the return of genetic ancestry results in a scientific study, we administer... more To gauge reactions to the return of genetic ancestry results in a scientific study, we administered a three-part survey to subjects in a larger research project that included continental genetic ancestry analyses. The first survey was administered to adult New Mexicans of Spanish-speaking descent before results were provided. The second survey was administered shortly after results were disseminated; the third administered six months later. Of the 90 respondents to the first survey, 80% agreed or agreed strongly (A/AS) they have a strong sense of belonging to their ethnic group. Similarly, 80% A/AS they understood what their ethnic group membership meant to them. Only 34.5% of respondents reported expectations that the results of their genetic ancestry study would be 90% or more accurate.
In the second survey (n=54), 66.7% A/AS they have a strong sense of belonging to their ethnic group; 83.3% A/AS understood what their ethnic group membership meant to them. Responses do not differ significantly between surveys (ANOVA; p=0.49). 68.3% of respondents were surprised by their genetic ancestry results. 20 participants were happy about how their results differed from expected, including 16 who had more Native American ancestry than expected; two were unhappy. In the third survey (n=30), only one respondent expressed a negative reaction to results, while nine were happy their results differed from expected. These results indicate that providing genetic ancestry results to subjects in some scientific research settings is unlikely to change the ways participants think about themselves and is unlikely to result in negative experiences.
New Mexico has the largest proportion of Census-identified Hispanic residents in the US (46.3%), ... more New Mexico has the largest proportion of Census-identified Hispanic residents in the US (46.3%), but not all identify as “Hispanic”. Prevailing thoughts surrounding Hispanic identity in New Mexico focus on a dichotomous model including direct descendants of early Spanish colonists and more recent immigrants from Mexico. Using data from 495 New Mexicans of Spanish-speaking descent (NMS), this paper will: 1) present evidence that many NMS recognize multiple distinctive ethnic subgroups, 2) demonstrate that these subgroups significantly vary in some, not all, cultural and biological features, and 3) discuss how socioeconomic status, education, and genetic ancestry shape one’s ethnic identity.
Poster Presentations by Carmen Mosley
88th Annual Meeting of the American Association of Physical Anthropologists, 2019
Allostatic load (AL), a cumulative measure of exposure to repeated external and internal stressor... more Allostatic load (AL), a cumulative measure of exposure to repeated external and internal stressors, is often used to identify the social, demographic, and biological factors that contribute to racial differences in health risk. However, AL has yet to be widely used to explore causes of poorer health outcomes in U.S. populations of Hispanic, Latino, or Spanish origin (HLS). Here, we examine the association of AL with six chronic health conditions (abdominal obesity, hypertension, diabetes, cardiovascular disease, cancer, and gallbladder disease) in a sample of 439 New Mexicans of Spanish-speaking descent. Summary AL scores were calculated from nine biomarkers across physiological systems relevant to disease risk. AL scores were then grouped into five categories (0+1, 2, 3, 4, and ≥5). Using logistic regression models fitted to estimate odds ratios (OR) and 95% confidence intervals, we evaluated the association of each health condition with AL, controlling for age, sex, and current smoking status.
AL scores of 3 (4.17) and ≥5 (8.42) were significantly associated (p≤0.05) with gallbladder disease compared to participants with 0 or 1 AL scores (reference group). Individuals with AL scores of 2 (2.24), 3 (3.13), 4 (5.19) and ≥5 (4.59) were significantly more likely to have abdominal obesity than those in the reference group. AL score was not significantly associated with any other chronic conditions. This is one of few studies to demonstrate a direct relationship between AL and chronic disease.
National Science Foundation (BCS 0962825) and the University of New Mexico Graduate Research Development Grant.
Papers by Carmen Mosley
Biodemography and Social Biology , 2018
This study examines associations between ethnic identity, regional
history, and genomic ancestry ... more This study examines associations between ethnic identity, regional
history, and genomic ancestry in New Mexicans of Spanish-speaking
descent (NMS). In structured interviews, we asked 507 NMS to select
from a list of eight ethnic identity terms identified in previous
research. We estimated genomic ancestry for each individual from
291,917 single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs) and compared
genomic ancestry, age, and birthplace between groups of individuals
who identified using each ethnic identity term. Eighty-eight per cent
of NMS who identified as “Hispanic,” “Nuevomexicano/a,” and
“Spanish,” on average, were born in New Mexico, as were the vast
majority of their parents and grandparents. Thirty-three per cent of
NMS who identified as “Mexican” and “Mexican American” were born
in Mexico, as were 59 per cent of their parents and 67 per cent of
their grandparents. Average Native American and African ancestry
proportions in “Hispanic” (0.26, 0.02, respectively), “Spanish” (0.25,
0.01), and “Nuevomexicano/a” (0.24, 0.01) NMS were significantly
lower than in “Mexican American” (0.37, 0.04) NMS. Significant age
differences between older “Spanish” and younger “Nuevomexicano/
a” individuals, combined with widespread use of the term “Hispanic,”
may reflect ongoing nomenclature changes. Patterns of correspondence between ethnic identity, ethnic nomenclatures, and genomic
ancestry reflect historical patterns of migration, colonization, and
cultural change.
Human Biology, 2017
In this study, we evaluated the extent to which regional history has shaped the social identity n... more In this study, we evaluated the extent to which regional history has shaped the social identity nomenclature in New Mexicans of Spanish-speaking descent (NMSD). We asked 507 NMSD to list the social-identity terms they used to describe themselves and their parents, and we examined the correspondence between these choices and family ties to the region, birthplace, and continental ancestry. NMSD frequently identified using the regional terms “Nuevomexicano/a” (15%) and “Spanish” (12%). These individuals reported family ties to the region that predate New Mexican statehood. They and their parents were frequently born in New Mexico, frequently chose the other of the two terms as a secondary descriptor, and frequently ascribed one of the two terms to their parents. About 10% of NMSD identified as “Mexican American” and “Mexican.” About 25% of these individuals, and more than half of their parents, were born in Mexico. They also frequently chose the other of the two terms as a secondary descriptor and frequently ascribed one of the two terms to their parents. Compared to NMSD who identified as “Mexican” and “Mexican American,” individuals who identified as “Nuevomexicano/a” and “Spanish” had higher European ancestry and lower Native American and African ancestry. Our results also suggest that the term “Hispanic,” frequently chosen as both a primary and secondary social identity term by NMSD, may, as it continues to rise in prominence, mask more deeply rooted and potential socially relevant aspects of social identity in New Mexico. More broadly, these results indicate that regional history influences social identity nomenclatures in ways that are potentially incompatible with US Office of Management and Budget standards. This incompatibility may adversely affect the ability of researchers in the social sciences to assess the causes of social inequality and health disparities in individuals of Spanish-speaking descent in different regions of the United States. We argue that future studies would benefit from more fine-grained, region-specific analyses of social identity.
Uploads
Teaching Documents by Carmen Mosley
Conference Presentations by Carmen Mosley
In the second survey (n=54), 66.7% A/AS they have a strong sense of belonging to their ethnic group; 83.3% A/AS understood what their ethnic group membership meant to them. Responses do not differ significantly between surveys (ANOVA; p=0.49). 68.3% of respondents were surprised by their genetic ancestry results. 20 participants were happy about how their results differed from expected, including 16 who had more Native American ancestry than expected; two were unhappy. In the third survey (n=30), only one respondent expressed a negative reaction to results, while nine were happy their results differed from expected. These results indicate that providing genetic ancestry results to subjects in some scientific research settings is unlikely to change the ways participants think about themselves and is unlikely to result in negative experiences.
Poster Presentations by Carmen Mosley
AL scores of 3 (4.17) and ≥5 (8.42) were significantly associated (p≤0.05) with gallbladder disease compared to participants with 0 or 1 AL scores (reference group). Individuals with AL scores of 2 (2.24), 3 (3.13), 4 (5.19) and ≥5 (4.59) were significantly more likely to have abdominal obesity than those in the reference group. AL score was not significantly associated with any other chronic conditions. This is one of few studies to demonstrate a direct relationship between AL and chronic disease.
National Science Foundation (BCS 0962825) and the University of New Mexico Graduate Research Development Grant.
Papers by Carmen Mosley
history, and genomic ancestry in New Mexicans of Spanish-speaking
descent (NMS). In structured interviews, we asked 507 NMS to select
from a list of eight ethnic identity terms identified in previous
research. We estimated genomic ancestry for each individual from
291,917 single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs) and compared
genomic ancestry, age, and birthplace between groups of individuals
who identified using each ethnic identity term. Eighty-eight per cent
of NMS who identified as “Hispanic,” “Nuevomexicano/a,” and
“Spanish,” on average, were born in New Mexico, as were the vast
majority of their parents and grandparents. Thirty-three per cent of
NMS who identified as “Mexican” and “Mexican American” were born
in Mexico, as were 59 per cent of their parents and 67 per cent of
their grandparents. Average Native American and African ancestry
proportions in “Hispanic” (0.26, 0.02, respectively), “Spanish” (0.25,
0.01), and “Nuevomexicano/a” (0.24, 0.01) NMS were significantly
lower than in “Mexican American” (0.37, 0.04) NMS. Significant age
differences between older “Spanish” and younger “Nuevomexicano/
a” individuals, combined with widespread use of the term “Hispanic,”
may reflect ongoing nomenclature changes. Patterns of correspondence between ethnic identity, ethnic nomenclatures, and genomic
ancestry reflect historical patterns of migration, colonization, and
cultural change.
In the second survey (n=54), 66.7% A/AS they have a strong sense of belonging to their ethnic group; 83.3% A/AS understood what their ethnic group membership meant to them. Responses do not differ significantly between surveys (ANOVA; p=0.49). 68.3% of respondents were surprised by their genetic ancestry results. 20 participants were happy about how their results differed from expected, including 16 who had more Native American ancestry than expected; two were unhappy. In the third survey (n=30), only one respondent expressed a negative reaction to results, while nine were happy their results differed from expected. These results indicate that providing genetic ancestry results to subjects in some scientific research settings is unlikely to change the ways participants think about themselves and is unlikely to result in negative experiences.
AL scores of 3 (4.17) and ≥5 (8.42) were significantly associated (p≤0.05) with gallbladder disease compared to participants with 0 or 1 AL scores (reference group). Individuals with AL scores of 2 (2.24), 3 (3.13), 4 (5.19) and ≥5 (4.59) were significantly more likely to have abdominal obesity than those in the reference group. AL score was not significantly associated with any other chronic conditions. This is one of few studies to demonstrate a direct relationship between AL and chronic disease.
National Science Foundation (BCS 0962825) and the University of New Mexico Graduate Research Development Grant.
history, and genomic ancestry in New Mexicans of Spanish-speaking
descent (NMS). In structured interviews, we asked 507 NMS to select
from a list of eight ethnic identity terms identified in previous
research. We estimated genomic ancestry for each individual from
291,917 single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs) and compared
genomic ancestry, age, and birthplace between groups of individuals
who identified using each ethnic identity term. Eighty-eight per cent
of NMS who identified as “Hispanic,” “Nuevomexicano/a,” and
“Spanish,” on average, were born in New Mexico, as were the vast
majority of their parents and grandparents. Thirty-three per cent of
NMS who identified as “Mexican” and “Mexican American” were born
in Mexico, as were 59 per cent of their parents and 67 per cent of
their grandparents. Average Native American and African ancestry
proportions in “Hispanic” (0.26, 0.02, respectively), “Spanish” (0.25,
0.01), and “Nuevomexicano/a” (0.24, 0.01) NMS were significantly
lower than in “Mexican American” (0.37, 0.04) NMS. Significant age
differences between older “Spanish” and younger “Nuevomexicano/
a” individuals, combined with widespread use of the term “Hispanic,”
may reflect ongoing nomenclature changes. Patterns of correspondence between ethnic identity, ethnic nomenclatures, and genomic
ancestry reflect historical patterns of migration, colonization, and
cultural change.