Videos by Jarosław Durka
Wywiad dla Kuriera Galicyjskiego TV w Centrum Kultury Polskiej i Dialogu Europejskiego w Iwano-Fr... more Wywiad dla Kuriera Galicyjskiego TV w Centrum Kultury Polskiej i Dialogu Europejskiego w Iwano-Frankiwsku po prelekcji „Ziemianie – zapomniane dziedzictwo Rzeczypospolitej” z cyklu „Spotkania z historią w 100-lecie Niepodległości Polski”.
© 2018 Kurier Galicyjski TV
redaktor wydania - Eugeniusz Sało, zdjęcia - Leon Tyszczenko
montaż - Eugeniusz Sało
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Books by Jarosław Durka
The dissertation is the first academic study illustrating the life and activities of Janusz Radzi... more The dissertation is the first academic study illustrating the life and activities of Janusz Radziwiłł (1880-1967). Radziwiłł was a representative of the Berlin line of a well-known Lithuanian family, Ordynat (principal heir) of the Olyka Fee Tail, and owner of Nieborow. As the director of the State Department at the Regency Council, he co-founded the Polish diplomatic service in 1918.
Janusz Radziwiłł was a politician with conservative views. Being one of the leaders of the National Right Wing Party, an associate of Józef Piłsudski (after May 1926), and vice-president of the Nonpartisan Bloc for Cooperation with the Government, he played an important role in the political life of the Second Polish Republic. He served as a member of the Sejm from 1928 to 1935 and as a senator from 1935 to 1938. He was imprisoned in Moabit, Germany (1945), and twice in Lubyanka, Soviet Union (1939, 1945). Being held by the Soviet authorities in Krasnogorsk, he returned to his homeland only in 1947. After the war, he remained in Poland, acting as a moral leader of the aristocracy, which, like him, chose not to emigrate.
Particular aspects of Janusz Radziwiłł’s professional activity are presented in five chapters, accompanied by an introduction, conclusion and bibliography.
The authorities of Polish People’s Republic towards Jasna Góra Monastery in 1945–1989
Years of t... more The authorities of Polish People’s Republic towards Jasna Góra Monastery in 1945–1989
Years of the Polish People's Republic existence were characterised by hostile state policy towards the Catholic Church primarily due to ideological reasons. Jasna Góra Monastery, as the most important centre of the Marian cult in the country and a destination of the pilgrimage movement, very often found itself in the middle of the conflict. This sanctuary became a ‘pillar’ of the Catholic faith and was an object of special interest of the state and party institutions which undertook restrictive and repressive actions.
The ceremonies organised by Primate August Hlond in 1946 were the first signal showing the strength of the sanctuary’s impact on the society after the World War II. Since they were attended by many people, the communists began to use different measures to limit the pilgrimage movement, e.g. they increasingly prevented the transport of pilgrims by rail. The range of repressions was extended over time. In 1949, a symbol which was used by the Order of St. Paul the First Hermit (also called Pauline Fathers) and interpreted as the flag of the Vatican State became a pretext. A financial penalty was imposed. A propaganda campaign against organising pilgrimages of children and youth was initiated. An obligation to obtain administrative permits for pilgrimages, of which the authorises took advantage very often, was introduced. The administrative authorities imposed additional taxes on the monastery, which was to limit its financial independence. Activities aiming at intimidating the monastic community even by initiating arsons and thefts took place as well. The authorities personally attacked monks who performed important functions in the monastery. Among them was Father Kajetan Raczyński, prior of the monastery. The pretext was the content of sermons, which were interpreted as politically hostile.
In the early fifties, the authorities of Częstochowa began to realise the vision of a new town, wishing to give it a labour character and rejecting the pilgrimage traditions. The Steelworks named after Bolesław Bierut was to become a counterbalance for the Jasna Góra Monsatery. Events aimed at disrupting the prayers were started to be organised near the sanctuary. Two small seminaries led by the Pauline Fathers – in Cracow and Częstochowa – were also closed down.
The Pauline Fathers showed a brave attitude in the face of the arrest and imprisonment of Primate Stefan Wyszyński. They organised daily prayers, which was impressive when most of the Polish Church hierarchs were terrified of the threat of further repressions. An important activity of the Order was the organisation of an exhibition on the 300th anniversary of Jasna Góra’s defence against the Swedes. The Pauline Fathers displayed the portrait of the imprisoned primate and did not remove it under the pressure of the authorities. The monks started a close cooperation with the ‘Eights’ – a group of women who cooperated with Primate Wyszyński. In 1956, the Pauline Fathers, in consultation with the imprisoned cardinal, organised the celebration of the 300th anniversary of the Vows of Jan Kazimierz. The ceremony which alluded to the times of the Swedish Deluge and corresponded to the present day – to the situation of Poland deluged with atheism – was attended by huge crowds. The security apparatus began intensive work, aimed, among other things, at creating an agency network and installing eavesdropping equipment. The selected monks were put under careful surveillance.
The events of October 1956 only seemingly mitigated the authorities' actions against the Order all the more so given the fact that the released Primate founded the Primate’s Institute, where the ‘Eights’ worked. Jasna Góra became the seat of this new institution. In the monastery, preparations were made for the upcoming millennial celebrations of the Baptism of Poland (to be held in 1966), which were reflected in the Cardinal Wyszyński’s programme called the Great Novena. In response, various forms of pressure were applied on the organisers and pilgrims, and personal lists of pilgrimage participants were requested. The bans were imposed on tourist institutions, schools and universities as well as work establishments. Priests were summoned to religious departments and forced to give up their initiatives. Despite these pressures, representatives of various professional groups visited the sanctuary. They took part in services and conferences (where experts with alternative views to the communist propaganda spoke). In 1958, representatives of the public prosecutor’s office and the security service entered the premises of the Primate’s Institute. Many materials prepared for pilgrims were confiscated. Judicial proceedings were initiated against the employees and Pauline Fathers who defended the premises. At the same time, the Order was administratively charged with taxes, which was supposed to pave the way for taking over various properties to cover financial arrears owed to the state. The monks were accused of conducting illegal construction and renovation works, and in 1963, under the pretext of smallpox epidemic, attempts were made to eliminate the largest of the Polish walking pilgrimages - the Warsaw pilgrimage. Pilgrimages through Częstochowa were filmed and the pilgrims themselves were photographed. Competitive events that were supposed to draw the potential pilgrims’ attention away from the celebrations in Jasna Góra were prepared. The communists engaged party structures in the whole province. Sometimes these activities had nation-wide nature.
Nevertheless, the Church’s millennial celebrations were a success. In the same year, the party and state authorities decided to stop the pilgrimage of the Icon of Our Lady of Czestochowa, taking place in various dioceses. The painting was transported to Jasna Góra and there, under the pain of liquidation of the monastery, it was ordered to be kept.
The security apparatus that created the agency network worked intensively. It organised actions to slander individual monks and wanted to create conflicts within the Order. The atmosphere of disagreement between the Order and the Curia was built. The eavesdropping and inspection of correspondence were applied on an increasing scale, public speeches were recorded and their content was analysed, and information about the participants of the ceremony was collected. These actions had a long-term nature and brought more and more results, especially in the seventies, when they were the cause of a deep crisis within the Order. A few monks and people working in the monastery became secret collaborators of the Security Service. Their actions threatened the unity of the Pauline Fathers, put the Order in a very bad light and caused the need for external intervention, involving the authority of Primate Wyszyński and provoking the actions of Vatican institutions. However, thanks to the proper behaviour of the majority of the monks, the actions of Primate Wyszyński and later on the attitude of John Paul II, the crisis was finally overcome. After the first pilgrimage of John Paul II, the communists made an attempt to separate the sanctuary from the town by building a highway in its vicinity. Bishop of Częstochowa Stefan Bareła began to protest against these actions. In the final phase of the construction of the road and the tunnel underneath it, a compromise solution was reached and isolation of the sanctuary was avoided.
The initiators of the ‘Solidarity’ movement also sought support in Jasna Góra. It was here that the activists of Częstochowa’s trade union structures took refuge just after martial law was imposed. In the 80s, Jasna Góra was a place of annual pilgrimages of farmers and workers. Numerous protests of the underground oppositionists began at the sanctuary. Paradoxically, the pilgrimages, during which patriotism and idea of freedom were manifested, became more and more popular regardless of repressions and restrictions. This is why, Tadeusz Mazowiecki, the first non-communist prime minister in many years, visited the Jasna Góra Monastery after Poland's transition to democracy in 1989. Eventually, comprehensive attempts to limit the activities of Pauline Fathers did not bring the expected results for the communists.
The dissertation is the first academic study illustrating the life and activities of Janusz Radzi... more The dissertation is the first academic study illustrating the life and activities of Janusz Radziwiłł (1880-1967). Radziwiłł was a representative of the Berlin line of a well-known Lithuanian family, Ordynat (principal heir) of the Olyka Fee Tail, and owner of Nieborow. As the director of the State Department at the Regency Council, he co-founded the Polish diplomatic service in 1918.
Janusz Radziwiłł was a politician with conservative views. Being one of the leaders of the National Right Wing Party, an associate of Józef Piłsudski (after May 1926), and vice-president of the Nonpartisan Bloc for Cooperation with the Government, he played an important role in the political life of the Second Polish Republic. He served as a member of the Sejm from 1928 to 1935 and as a senator from 1935 to 1938. He was imprisoned in Moabit, Germany (1945), and twice in Lubyanka, Soviet Union (1939, 1945). Being held by the Soviet authorities in Krasnogorsk, he returned to his homeland only in 1947. After the war, he remained in Poland, acting as a moral leader of the aristocracy, which, like him, chose not to emigrate.
Particular aspects of Janusz Radziwiłł’s professional activity are presented in five chapters, accompanied by an introduction, conclusion and bibliography.
Biografia jednego z przywódców polskiego nurtu konserwatywnego, skupionego wokół Stronnictwa Prawicy Narodowej. Urodzony w Berlinie w 1880 roku, większą część swojego życia związał z Ołyką i Nieborowem, gdzie posiadał majątki. W Warszawie mieszkał w pałacu przy ulicy Bielańskiej (dziś Muzeum Niepodległości). W 1917 roku znalazł się w ogarniętej szałem rewolucyjnym Rosji. Po powrocie do kraju został dyrektorem Departamentu Stanu w rządzie Rady Regencyjnej. Negocjował z Niemcami i Austriakami m.in. w sprawie korony polskiej. Jako ochotnik walczył w wojnie polsko-bolszewickiej w 1920 roku. W niepodległej Polsce był kandydatem do stanowiska ministra spraw zagranicznych, jako wybitny poseł i senator współpracował z Józefem Piłsudskim i Walerym Sławkiem. Jego osoba łączyła przedwojenny świat biznesu ze światem polityki. Na początku II wojny światowej mimo możliwości wyjazdu do Rumunii, pozostał w swoim majątku na Wołyniu, gdzie został uwięziony przez NKWD, wywieziony na Łubiankę, przesłuchiwany przez Berię i na skutek interwencji włoskiego dworu królewskiego uwolniony. Powrócił do Warszawy, gdzie współpracował z polskim podziemiem. Swoje arystokratyczne pochodzenie i pokrewieństwo z Hohenzollernami wykorzystał dla odbycia podróży do Berlina i wizyty u Hermana Göringa. Interweniował wtedy w sprawie aresztowanych profesorów Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego. Głęboko zaangażowany w sprawy Kościoła, był baliwem w Polskim Związku Kawalerów Maltańskich. Powstanie warszawskie spędził w pałacu przy Bielańskiej, gdzie został aresztowany przez Niemców i uwięziony. Po odzyskaniu wolności powrócił do Nieborowa. Następnie aresztowany przez wojska sowieckie, został wywieziony do Moskwy, a później do obozu w Krasnogorsku. Po powrocie do kraju w 1947 roku zainteresowali się nim funkcjonariusze Urzędu Bezpieczeństwa Publicznego. Uwięziono go, a potem inwigilowano. Zdecydował się na pozostanie w kraju mimo utraty majątku i możliwości aktywnego działania w sferze politycznej. Był autorytetem dla polskiej arystokracji. Dzięki małżeństwu jego syna Stanisława z Caroliną Lee Bouvier, siostrą Jacqueline Kennedy, książę stał się bardziej znany światowym mediom. Janusz Radziwiłł zmarł w Warszawie w 1967 roku.
Monografia jest pierwszą próbą wszechstronnego i naukowego ujęcia historii miasta Myszkowa. Jej c... more Monografia jest pierwszą próbą wszechstronnego i naukowego ujęcia historii miasta Myszkowa. Jej celem jest przedstawienie przemian społeczno-politycznych i gospodarczych na terenach, które weszły w skład dzisiejszego miasta. W publikacji opisano także problematykę rozwoju życia kulturalnego, religijnego, sportowego, a także szkolnictwa. Monografię podzielono na pięć części w układzie problemowo-chronologicznym. Zasadnicza część dotyczy historii XIX i XX wieku, kiedy na skutek procesów industrializacyjnych i urbanizacyjnych ukształtowała się najpierw gmina, a następnie miasto Myszków. Książka została wydana ze środków Urzędu Miasta Myszków w 60. rocznicę nadania praw miejskich.
Spis treści: Wstęp (Aleksander Smoliński, Jarosław Durka) / 9 Szefostwa wojskowe Pierwszego Mars... more Spis treści: Wstęp (Aleksander Smoliński, Jarosław Durka) / 9 Szefostwa wojskowe Pierwszego Marszałka Polski Józefa Piłsudskiego (Aleksander Smoliński) / 17 Józef Piłsudski a polsko-rumuńskie rozmowy sztabowe w 1928 i 1930 r. (Henryk Walczak) / 75 Z postacią Pierwszego Marszałka Polski Józefa Piłsudskiego w tle. Założenia i kierunki rozwoju wychowania państwowego w II Rzeczypospolitej (Elżbieta Magiera) / 101 Kult Józefa Piłsudskiego w szkołach województwa wołyńskiego (Maria Radziszewska) / 167 Współczesne pomniki Pierwszego Marszałka Polski Józefa Piłsudskiego (Przemysław Słowiński) / 199 Aparat bezpieczeństwa Polskiej Rzeczypospolitej Ludowej przeciw próbom kultywowania pamięci Józefa Piłsudskiego – kilka wybranych przykładów (Jarosław Durka) / 247 Czy współczesna szkolna edukacja historyczna w Polsce buduje kult Pierwszego Marszałka Polski Józefa Piłsudskiego? Casus podręczników i zadań egzaminacyjnych (Marek Białokur, Dariusz Gołębiowski, Agnieszka Misiurska) / 281 Postać Pierwszego Marszałka Polski Józefa Piłsudskiego we współczesnej popkulturze i kontrkulturze (Patryk Tomaszewski) / 321 Wykaz ilustracji / 345
Stało się tak dlatego, iż oddziały, z których powstała następnie 4 Dywizja Strzelców były już wów... more Stało się tak dlatego, iż oddziały, z których powstała następnie 4 Dywizja Strzelców były już wówczas integralną częścią Armii Polskiej we Francji. Stąd też podlegały one rozkazom Kwatery Głównej Wojsk Koalicyjnych. Poza tym, co najmniej w styczniu 1919 r., gen. Żeligowski uznawał nad sobą zwierzchnictwo wojskowe i cywilne Józefa Piłsudskiego oraz pozostałych warszawskich ośrodków polskiej władzy państwowej-vide: Moskwa, �оссийский �осу-�оссийский �осу-�осу-�осударственный Военный �р�ив (�ентр �ранени� �сторико-Документаль-Военный �р�ив (�ентр �ранени� �сторико-Документаль-Военный �р�ив (�ентр �ранени� �сторико-Документаль-�р�ив (�ентр �ранени� �сторико-Документаль-�р�ив (�ентр �ранени� �сторико-Документаль-(�ентр �ранени� �сторико-Документаль-�ентр �ранени� �сторико-Документаль-�ранени� �сторико-Документаль-�ранени� �сторико-Документаль-�сторико-Документаль-�сторико-Документаль-Документаль-Документаль-ны� Коллекции) [dalej: ��В� (���ДК)], II-ой Отдел �енерального Штаба
Arystokracja jako warstwa społeczna odróżniała się od ziemiaństwa nie tylko stanem posiadania, al... more Arystokracja jako warstwa społeczna odróżniała się od ziemiaństwa nie tylko stanem posiadania, ale z racji koligacji rodzinnych i powiązań towarzyskich z europejską arystokracją i domami panującymi także pewnym kosmopolityzmem. Na potrzeby niniejszego artykułu te dwie warstwy będą potraktowane paralelnie, dla ukazania rodziny Radziwiłłów, której członkowie należeli do obu tych warstw. Artykuł stanowi fragment przygotowywanej rozprawy doktorskiej Ordynat ołycki Janusz Radziwiłł i jego rodzina w II poł. XIX w. i poł. XX wieku. Społeczno-ekonomiczny obraz polskiej rodziny arystokratycznej.
Spis treści Dariusz Złotkowski Sprawa polska na arenie międzynarodowej w czasie I wojny światowej.
Zeszyty Myszkowskie, 2017
Wersja papierowa jest pierwotną (referencyjną) wersją niniejszego czasopisma
Zeszyty Myszkowskie, 2016
Copyright by autorzy and Urząd Miasta Myszków Wersja papierowa jest pierwotną (referencyjną) wers... more Copyright by autorzy and Urząd Miasta Myszków Wersja papierowa jest pierwotną (referencyjną) wersją niniejszego czasopisma
Zeszyty Myszkowskie, 2015
Jarosław Durka Outline of the activities of local government in Koziegłowy between the years 1990... more Jarosław Durka Outline of the activities of local government in Koziegłowy between the years 1990-2015 Koziegłowy is a town with a rich historical tradition. The commune known today exists since 1990 and has a population of around 14 thousand inhabitants. During 25 years of its existence, the office of the Mayor was held by: Mirosław Szczęsny, Sławomir Matyja and Jacek Ślęczka. Similarly to other Polish communes, Koziegłowy has a track record of successful investments, especially in revitalisation of the urban centre and modernisation of school buildings. Yet the local authorities of Koziegłowy are also facing some difficulties, such as the lack of sufficient funds for education or the lack of properly developed sewerage network, the latter being particularly acute for the residents. Nonetheless, the functioning of the local government in Koziegłowy fosters the development of associations and civil society.
Zeszyty Myszkowskie, 2014
Myszkowa w XVIII-XIX wieku. Zarys problematyki 1. Dzieje rejonu Myszkowa Tematem niniejszego arty... more Myszkowa w XVIII-XIX wieku. Zarys problematyki 1. Dzieje rejonu Myszkowa Tematem niniejszego artykułu jest sytuacja społeczno-ekonomiczna rodziny chłopskiej w rejonie Myszkowa w latach 1700-1864. Granice chronologiczne rozważań są ograniczone z jednej strony dostępnością źródeł, a z drugiej ważnymi procesami dziejowymi. Na obecnym etapie badań brak, bowiem jakichkolwiek informacji źródłowych dotyczących interesującego nas zagadnienie przed 1700 r. Z drugiej strony w 1864 r. w Królestwie Polskim miała miejsce reforma uwłaszczeniowa, która zlikwidowała feudalizm. Ukaz z 2 III 1864 r. rozpoczął zupełnie nową epokę w dziejach społeczno-gospodarczych Królestwa Polskiego. Dlatego okres ten wymagałby dogłębnych, odrębnych studiów, dla których w niniejszym tekście brak miejsca. Rozważania będą obejmować obszar mniej więcej pokrywający się z terytorium dzisiejszego powiatu myszkowskiego, które do XIV w. wchodziły w skład województwa krakowskiego. U schyłku XIV w. znalazły się na krótko pod panowaniem lennika Korony Polskiej, księcia opolskiego Władysława. W 1393 r. ziemie te ponownie przejął król Polski Władysław Jagiełło. Na przełomie XIV i XV w. ukształtował się ostatecznie powiat lelowski w obrębie, którego znalazł się obszar dzisiejszego powiatu myszkowskiego. W 1793 r. tereny te znalazły się w granicach państwa pruskiego. Z kolei w latach 1807-1814 dzisiejszy powiat myszkowski znalazł się w Księstwie Warszawskim, początkowo na terytorium departamentu kaliskiego, a od 1809 r. krakowskiego. Od 1815 r. tereny te znajdowały się na obszarze Królestwa Polskiego, podlegającego Rosji 1 . Początkowo tereny tworzące obecnie powiat myszkowski były własnością króla. Szybko jednak poszczególne miejscowości znalazły się w prywatnych rękach. Jedna z najstarszych miejscowości w regionie Leśniów, już u schyłku XIV w. znalazła się w posiadaniu braci Jaśka i Stanisława z Ławszowa z powiatu proszowickiego. Żarki z kolei w latach 1406-1408 znalazły się w rękach Dobiesława Kobyły. Głównym ośrodkiem administracyjnym w regionie w XV w. był zamek w Mirowie. Po 1413 r. cały kompleks mirowski znalazł się w ręku Jana Cielątko, który w 1437 r. sprzedał go Krystynowi (II) z Koziegłów herbu Lis. W rodzie Lisów tereny te znajdowały się do ok. 1445 r. Wówczas to dobra kupił bliski współpracownik
W książce: Jarosław Durka, WSTĘP; Karolina Studnicka-Mariańczyk, ŻYCIE CODZIENNE ZIEMIAŃSTWA NA P... more W książce: Jarosław Durka, WSTĘP; Karolina Studnicka-Mariańczyk, ŻYCIE CODZIENNE ZIEMIAŃSTWA NA PRZYKŁADZIE RODZINY OSTROWSKICH Z MALUSZYNA; Sebastian Ziółek, POMOC RODZINOM ŻOŁNIERSKIM W CZASIE POWSTANIA LISTOPADOWEGO; Marek Białokur, ZABRAKŁO SZCZĘŚCIA. HISTORIA RODZINNA PIERWSZEGO PREZYDENTA RZECZYPOSPOLITEJ GABRIELA NARUTOWICZA; Zbigniew Werra, RODZINA W CZASIE DZIAŁAŃ WOJENNYCH 1939-1945; Jarosław Durka, „MŁODE POKOLENIE […] PRAGNIE ABY RODZINA POLSKA BYŁA CHRZEŚCIJAŃSKA” – PROBLEMATYKA WYCHOWANIA MŁODZIEŻY W DOKUMENTACH SŁUŻBY BEZPIECZEŃSTWA, DOTYCZĄCYCH PIELGRZYMEK NA JASNĄ GÓRĘ W 1977 ROKU; Magdalena Morawiec, Justyna Kasznia, Patrycja Jaworska, KLIMAT RODZINNY A POZYCJA DZIECKA W KLASIE SZKOLNEJ; Aneta Wypart, WYBRANE ASPEKTY SAMOOCENY OSÓB SŁABOSŁYSZĄCYCH I NIESŁYSZĄCYCH A ICH RELACJE W GRUPIE RÓWIEŚNICZEJ; Magdalena Wijata, OSOBOWOŚĆ MATEK SAMOTNYCH I MATEK Z RODZIN PEŁNYCH – PODOBIEŃSTWA I RÓŻNICE; Dorota Radecka; SAMOTNY OJCIEC A SAMOOCENA DORASTAJĄCEJ MŁODZIEŻY; Dorota Muszyńska; STYL WYCHOWANIA SAMOTNYCH MATEK W PERCEPCJI DORASTAJĄCYCH DZIECI.
Prawda i kłamstwo o Katyniu. Publikacja okolicznościowa, stanowiąca podsumowanie wojewódzkiego konkursu historyczno-literackiego na szczeblu szkół gimnazjalnych i ponadgimnazjalnych zrealizowana przez Gminę Myszków jako zadanie publiczne Województwa Śląskiego w dziedzinie edukacji w roku 2010., 2010
Church history by Jarosław Durka
Księża dla władzy groźni. Duchowni współpracujący z opozycją (1976-1989), T. 2, red. Rafał Łatka, Warszawa: Instytut Pamięci Narodowej, 2020
Ksiądz Marian Gołąbek (1934–2015) zasłynął jako opozycjonista, organizator lokalnych struktur Nie... more Ksiądz Marian Gołąbek (1934–2015) zasłynął jako opozycjonista, organizator lokalnych struktur Niezależnego Samorządnego Związku Zawodowego Rolników „Solidarność Wiejska”. Był zaangażowany w proces tworzenia duszpasterstwa rolników. Jego działalność spotkała się z represjami ze strony Służby Bezpieczeństwa, która systematycznie dążyła do zastraszenia go, a następnie zdyskredytowania w opinii środowiska lokalnego. Szczególnie prężną działalność ksiądz rozwinął, będąc proboszczem w parafii Niegardów, a następnie Sokolniki. Uczestniczył w strajku rolników w Ustrzykach Dolnych. Organizował protesty rolników na terenie swojej parafii i okolic. W czasie stanu wojennego został na kilka dni internowany. Zwolniono go po interwencji władz kościelnych. Wspierał działającą w podziemiu „Solidarność”. W 1985 r. skrytykował podany przez lokalną komisję wyborczą wynik frekwencji w wyborach do Sejmu PRL. Podczas mszy świętej przeprowadził specjalną ankietę, która dowodziła, że frekwencja w wyborach była rzeczywiście dużo niższa niż podawany, propagandowo dobrze wyglądający, wynik. Spowodowało to jeszcze bardziej zdecydowane działania operacyjne bezpieki. Rozgłaszano plotkę o jego homoseksualizmie. Ostatecznie zdyskredytowany w opinii parafian, a nawet współpracowników i przełożonych, w 1987 r. wyjechał do Kanady i pracował tam z Polonią. Do Polski powrócił w 2012 r., na kilka lat przed śmiercią.
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Books by Jarosław Durka
Janusz Radziwiłł was a politician with conservative views. Being one of the leaders of the National Right Wing Party, an associate of Józef Piłsudski (after May 1926), and vice-president of the Nonpartisan Bloc for Cooperation with the Government, he played an important role in the political life of the Second Polish Republic. He served as a member of the Sejm from 1928 to 1935 and as a senator from 1935 to 1938. He was imprisoned in Moabit, Germany (1945), and twice in Lubyanka, Soviet Union (1939, 1945). Being held by the Soviet authorities in Krasnogorsk, he returned to his homeland only in 1947. After the war, he remained in Poland, acting as a moral leader of the aristocracy, which, like him, chose not to emigrate.
Particular aspects of Janusz Radziwiłł’s professional activity are presented in five chapters, accompanied by an introduction, conclusion and bibliography.
Years of the Polish People's Republic existence were characterised by hostile state policy towards the Catholic Church primarily due to ideological reasons. Jasna Góra Monastery, as the most important centre of the Marian cult in the country and a destination of the pilgrimage movement, very often found itself in the middle of the conflict. This sanctuary became a ‘pillar’ of the Catholic faith and was an object of special interest of the state and party institutions which undertook restrictive and repressive actions.
The ceremonies organised by Primate August Hlond in 1946 were the first signal showing the strength of the sanctuary’s impact on the society after the World War II. Since they were attended by many people, the communists began to use different measures to limit the pilgrimage movement, e.g. they increasingly prevented the transport of pilgrims by rail. The range of repressions was extended over time. In 1949, a symbol which was used by the Order of St. Paul the First Hermit (also called Pauline Fathers) and interpreted as the flag of the Vatican State became a pretext. A financial penalty was imposed. A propaganda campaign against organising pilgrimages of children and youth was initiated. An obligation to obtain administrative permits for pilgrimages, of which the authorises took advantage very often, was introduced. The administrative authorities imposed additional taxes on the monastery, which was to limit its financial independence. Activities aiming at intimidating the monastic community even by initiating arsons and thefts took place as well. The authorities personally attacked monks who performed important functions in the monastery. Among them was Father Kajetan Raczyński, prior of the monastery. The pretext was the content of sermons, which were interpreted as politically hostile.
In the early fifties, the authorities of Częstochowa began to realise the vision of a new town, wishing to give it a labour character and rejecting the pilgrimage traditions. The Steelworks named after Bolesław Bierut was to become a counterbalance for the Jasna Góra Monsatery. Events aimed at disrupting the prayers were started to be organised near the sanctuary. Two small seminaries led by the Pauline Fathers – in Cracow and Częstochowa – were also closed down.
The Pauline Fathers showed a brave attitude in the face of the arrest and imprisonment of Primate Stefan Wyszyński. They organised daily prayers, which was impressive when most of the Polish Church hierarchs were terrified of the threat of further repressions. An important activity of the Order was the organisation of an exhibition on the 300th anniversary of Jasna Góra’s defence against the Swedes. The Pauline Fathers displayed the portrait of the imprisoned primate and did not remove it under the pressure of the authorities. The monks started a close cooperation with the ‘Eights’ – a group of women who cooperated with Primate Wyszyński. In 1956, the Pauline Fathers, in consultation with the imprisoned cardinal, organised the celebration of the 300th anniversary of the Vows of Jan Kazimierz. The ceremony which alluded to the times of the Swedish Deluge and corresponded to the present day – to the situation of Poland deluged with atheism – was attended by huge crowds. The security apparatus began intensive work, aimed, among other things, at creating an agency network and installing eavesdropping equipment. The selected monks were put under careful surveillance.
The events of October 1956 only seemingly mitigated the authorities' actions against the Order all the more so given the fact that the released Primate founded the Primate’s Institute, where the ‘Eights’ worked. Jasna Góra became the seat of this new institution. In the monastery, preparations were made for the upcoming millennial celebrations of the Baptism of Poland (to be held in 1966), which were reflected in the Cardinal Wyszyński’s programme called the Great Novena. In response, various forms of pressure were applied on the organisers and pilgrims, and personal lists of pilgrimage participants were requested. The bans were imposed on tourist institutions, schools and universities as well as work establishments. Priests were summoned to religious departments and forced to give up their initiatives. Despite these pressures, representatives of various professional groups visited the sanctuary. They took part in services and conferences (where experts with alternative views to the communist propaganda spoke). In 1958, representatives of the public prosecutor’s office and the security service entered the premises of the Primate’s Institute. Many materials prepared for pilgrims were confiscated. Judicial proceedings were initiated against the employees and Pauline Fathers who defended the premises. At the same time, the Order was administratively charged with taxes, which was supposed to pave the way for taking over various properties to cover financial arrears owed to the state. The monks were accused of conducting illegal construction and renovation works, and in 1963, under the pretext of smallpox epidemic, attempts were made to eliminate the largest of the Polish walking pilgrimages - the Warsaw pilgrimage. Pilgrimages through Częstochowa were filmed and the pilgrims themselves were photographed. Competitive events that were supposed to draw the potential pilgrims’ attention away from the celebrations in Jasna Góra were prepared. The communists engaged party structures in the whole province. Sometimes these activities had nation-wide nature.
Nevertheless, the Church’s millennial celebrations were a success. In the same year, the party and state authorities decided to stop the pilgrimage of the Icon of Our Lady of Czestochowa, taking place in various dioceses. The painting was transported to Jasna Góra and there, under the pain of liquidation of the monastery, it was ordered to be kept.
The security apparatus that created the agency network worked intensively. It organised actions to slander individual monks and wanted to create conflicts within the Order. The atmosphere of disagreement between the Order and the Curia was built. The eavesdropping and inspection of correspondence were applied on an increasing scale, public speeches were recorded and their content was analysed, and information about the participants of the ceremony was collected. These actions had a long-term nature and brought more and more results, especially in the seventies, when they were the cause of a deep crisis within the Order. A few monks and people working in the monastery became secret collaborators of the Security Service. Their actions threatened the unity of the Pauline Fathers, put the Order in a very bad light and caused the need for external intervention, involving the authority of Primate Wyszyński and provoking the actions of Vatican institutions. However, thanks to the proper behaviour of the majority of the monks, the actions of Primate Wyszyński and later on the attitude of John Paul II, the crisis was finally overcome. After the first pilgrimage of John Paul II, the communists made an attempt to separate the sanctuary from the town by building a highway in its vicinity. Bishop of Częstochowa Stefan Bareła began to protest against these actions. In the final phase of the construction of the road and the tunnel underneath it, a compromise solution was reached and isolation of the sanctuary was avoided.
The initiators of the ‘Solidarity’ movement also sought support in Jasna Góra. It was here that the activists of Częstochowa’s trade union structures took refuge just after martial law was imposed. In the 80s, Jasna Góra was a place of annual pilgrimages of farmers and workers. Numerous protests of the underground oppositionists began at the sanctuary. Paradoxically, the pilgrimages, during which patriotism and idea of freedom were manifested, became more and more popular regardless of repressions and restrictions. This is why, Tadeusz Mazowiecki, the first non-communist prime minister in many years, visited the Jasna Góra Monastery after Poland's transition to democracy in 1989. Eventually, comprehensive attempts to limit the activities of Pauline Fathers did not bring the expected results for the communists.
Janusz Radziwiłł was a politician with conservative views. Being one of the leaders of the National Right Wing Party, an associate of Józef Piłsudski (after May 1926), and vice-president of the Nonpartisan Bloc for Cooperation with the Government, he played an important role in the political life of the Second Polish Republic. He served as a member of the Sejm from 1928 to 1935 and as a senator from 1935 to 1938. He was imprisoned in Moabit, Germany (1945), and twice in Lubyanka, Soviet Union (1939, 1945). Being held by the Soviet authorities in Krasnogorsk, he returned to his homeland only in 1947. After the war, he remained in Poland, acting as a moral leader of the aristocracy, which, like him, chose not to emigrate.
Particular aspects of Janusz Radziwiłł’s professional activity are presented in five chapters, accompanied by an introduction, conclusion and bibliography.
Biografia jednego z przywódców polskiego nurtu konserwatywnego, skupionego wokół Stronnictwa Prawicy Narodowej. Urodzony w Berlinie w 1880 roku, większą część swojego życia związał z Ołyką i Nieborowem, gdzie posiadał majątki. W Warszawie mieszkał w pałacu przy ulicy Bielańskiej (dziś Muzeum Niepodległości). W 1917 roku znalazł się w ogarniętej szałem rewolucyjnym Rosji. Po powrocie do kraju został dyrektorem Departamentu Stanu w rządzie Rady Regencyjnej. Negocjował z Niemcami i Austriakami m.in. w sprawie korony polskiej. Jako ochotnik walczył w wojnie polsko-bolszewickiej w 1920 roku. W niepodległej Polsce był kandydatem do stanowiska ministra spraw zagranicznych, jako wybitny poseł i senator współpracował z Józefem Piłsudskim i Walerym Sławkiem. Jego osoba łączyła przedwojenny świat biznesu ze światem polityki. Na początku II wojny światowej mimo możliwości wyjazdu do Rumunii, pozostał w swoim majątku na Wołyniu, gdzie został uwięziony przez NKWD, wywieziony na Łubiankę, przesłuchiwany przez Berię i na skutek interwencji włoskiego dworu królewskiego uwolniony. Powrócił do Warszawy, gdzie współpracował z polskim podziemiem. Swoje arystokratyczne pochodzenie i pokrewieństwo z Hohenzollernami wykorzystał dla odbycia podróży do Berlina i wizyty u Hermana Göringa. Interweniował wtedy w sprawie aresztowanych profesorów Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego. Głęboko zaangażowany w sprawy Kościoła, był baliwem w Polskim Związku Kawalerów Maltańskich. Powstanie warszawskie spędził w pałacu przy Bielańskiej, gdzie został aresztowany przez Niemców i uwięziony. Po odzyskaniu wolności powrócił do Nieborowa. Następnie aresztowany przez wojska sowieckie, został wywieziony do Moskwy, a później do obozu w Krasnogorsku. Po powrocie do kraju w 1947 roku zainteresowali się nim funkcjonariusze Urzędu Bezpieczeństwa Publicznego. Uwięziono go, a potem inwigilowano. Zdecydował się na pozostanie w kraju mimo utraty majątku i możliwości aktywnego działania w sferze politycznej. Był autorytetem dla polskiej arystokracji. Dzięki małżeństwu jego syna Stanisława z Caroliną Lee Bouvier, siostrą Jacqueline Kennedy, książę stał się bardziej znany światowym mediom. Janusz Radziwiłł zmarł w Warszawie w 1967 roku.
Church history by Jarosław Durka
© 2018 Kurier Galicyjski TV
redaktor wydania - Eugeniusz Sało, zdjęcia - Leon Tyszczenko
montaż - Eugeniusz Sało
Zobacz też: https://youtu.be/DWbGCw9xDVw
Janusz Radziwiłł was a politician with conservative views. Being one of the leaders of the National Right Wing Party, an associate of Józef Piłsudski (after May 1926), and vice-president of the Nonpartisan Bloc for Cooperation with the Government, he played an important role in the political life of the Second Polish Republic. He served as a member of the Sejm from 1928 to 1935 and as a senator from 1935 to 1938. He was imprisoned in Moabit, Germany (1945), and twice in Lubyanka, Soviet Union (1939, 1945). Being held by the Soviet authorities in Krasnogorsk, he returned to his homeland only in 1947. After the war, he remained in Poland, acting as a moral leader of the aristocracy, which, like him, chose not to emigrate.
Particular aspects of Janusz Radziwiłł’s professional activity are presented in five chapters, accompanied by an introduction, conclusion and bibliography.
Years of the Polish People's Republic existence were characterised by hostile state policy towards the Catholic Church primarily due to ideological reasons. Jasna Góra Monastery, as the most important centre of the Marian cult in the country and a destination of the pilgrimage movement, very often found itself in the middle of the conflict. This sanctuary became a ‘pillar’ of the Catholic faith and was an object of special interest of the state and party institutions which undertook restrictive and repressive actions.
The ceremonies organised by Primate August Hlond in 1946 were the first signal showing the strength of the sanctuary’s impact on the society after the World War II. Since they were attended by many people, the communists began to use different measures to limit the pilgrimage movement, e.g. they increasingly prevented the transport of pilgrims by rail. The range of repressions was extended over time. In 1949, a symbol which was used by the Order of St. Paul the First Hermit (also called Pauline Fathers) and interpreted as the flag of the Vatican State became a pretext. A financial penalty was imposed. A propaganda campaign against organising pilgrimages of children and youth was initiated. An obligation to obtain administrative permits for pilgrimages, of which the authorises took advantage very often, was introduced. The administrative authorities imposed additional taxes on the monastery, which was to limit its financial independence. Activities aiming at intimidating the monastic community even by initiating arsons and thefts took place as well. The authorities personally attacked monks who performed important functions in the monastery. Among them was Father Kajetan Raczyński, prior of the monastery. The pretext was the content of sermons, which were interpreted as politically hostile.
In the early fifties, the authorities of Częstochowa began to realise the vision of a new town, wishing to give it a labour character and rejecting the pilgrimage traditions. The Steelworks named after Bolesław Bierut was to become a counterbalance for the Jasna Góra Monsatery. Events aimed at disrupting the prayers were started to be organised near the sanctuary. Two small seminaries led by the Pauline Fathers – in Cracow and Częstochowa – were also closed down.
The Pauline Fathers showed a brave attitude in the face of the arrest and imprisonment of Primate Stefan Wyszyński. They organised daily prayers, which was impressive when most of the Polish Church hierarchs were terrified of the threat of further repressions. An important activity of the Order was the organisation of an exhibition on the 300th anniversary of Jasna Góra’s defence against the Swedes. The Pauline Fathers displayed the portrait of the imprisoned primate and did not remove it under the pressure of the authorities. The monks started a close cooperation with the ‘Eights’ – a group of women who cooperated with Primate Wyszyński. In 1956, the Pauline Fathers, in consultation with the imprisoned cardinal, organised the celebration of the 300th anniversary of the Vows of Jan Kazimierz. The ceremony which alluded to the times of the Swedish Deluge and corresponded to the present day – to the situation of Poland deluged with atheism – was attended by huge crowds. The security apparatus began intensive work, aimed, among other things, at creating an agency network and installing eavesdropping equipment. The selected monks were put under careful surveillance.
The events of October 1956 only seemingly mitigated the authorities' actions against the Order all the more so given the fact that the released Primate founded the Primate’s Institute, where the ‘Eights’ worked. Jasna Góra became the seat of this new institution. In the monastery, preparations were made for the upcoming millennial celebrations of the Baptism of Poland (to be held in 1966), which were reflected in the Cardinal Wyszyński’s programme called the Great Novena. In response, various forms of pressure were applied on the organisers and pilgrims, and personal lists of pilgrimage participants were requested. The bans were imposed on tourist institutions, schools and universities as well as work establishments. Priests were summoned to religious departments and forced to give up their initiatives. Despite these pressures, representatives of various professional groups visited the sanctuary. They took part in services and conferences (where experts with alternative views to the communist propaganda spoke). In 1958, representatives of the public prosecutor’s office and the security service entered the premises of the Primate’s Institute. Many materials prepared for pilgrims were confiscated. Judicial proceedings were initiated against the employees and Pauline Fathers who defended the premises. At the same time, the Order was administratively charged with taxes, which was supposed to pave the way for taking over various properties to cover financial arrears owed to the state. The monks were accused of conducting illegal construction and renovation works, and in 1963, under the pretext of smallpox epidemic, attempts were made to eliminate the largest of the Polish walking pilgrimages - the Warsaw pilgrimage. Pilgrimages through Częstochowa were filmed and the pilgrims themselves were photographed. Competitive events that were supposed to draw the potential pilgrims’ attention away from the celebrations in Jasna Góra were prepared. The communists engaged party structures in the whole province. Sometimes these activities had nation-wide nature.
Nevertheless, the Church’s millennial celebrations were a success. In the same year, the party and state authorities decided to stop the pilgrimage of the Icon of Our Lady of Czestochowa, taking place in various dioceses. The painting was transported to Jasna Góra and there, under the pain of liquidation of the monastery, it was ordered to be kept.
The security apparatus that created the agency network worked intensively. It organised actions to slander individual monks and wanted to create conflicts within the Order. The atmosphere of disagreement between the Order and the Curia was built. The eavesdropping and inspection of correspondence were applied on an increasing scale, public speeches were recorded and their content was analysed, and information about the participants of the ceremony was collected. These actions had a long-term nature and brought more and more results, especially in the seventies, when they were the cause of a deep crisis within the Order. A few monks and people working in the monastery became secret collaborators of the Security Service. Their actions threatened the unity of the Pauline Fathers, put the Order in a very bad light and caused the need for external intervention, involving the authority of Primate Wyszyński and provoking the actions of Vatican institutions. However, thanks to the proper behaviour of the majority of the monks, the actions of Primate Wyszyński and later on the attitude of John Paul II, the crisis was finally overcome. After the first pilgrimage of John Paul II, the communists made an attempt to separate the sanctuary from the town by building a highway in its vicinity. Bishop of Częstochowa Stefan Bareła began to protest against these actions. In the final phase of the construction of the road and the tunnel underneath it, a compromise solution was reached and isolation of the sanctuary was avoided.
The initiators of the ‘Solidarity’ movement also sought support in Jasna Góra. It was here that the activists of Częstochowa’s trade union structures took refuge just after martial law was imposed. In the 80s, Jasna Góra was a place of annual pilgrimages of farmers and workers. Numerous protests of the underground oppositionists began at the sanctuary. Paradoxically, the pilgrimages, during which patriotism and idea of freedom were manifested, became more and more popular regardless of repressions and restrictions. This is why, Tadeusz Mazowiecki, the first non-communist prime minister in many years, visited the Jasna Góra Monastery after Poland's transition to democracy in 1989. Eventually, comprehensive attempts to limit the activities of Pauline Fathers did not bring the expected results for the communists.
Janusz Radziwiłł was a politician with conservative views. Being one of the leaders of the National Right Wing Party, an associate of Józef Piłsudski (after May 1926), and vice-president of the Nonpartisan Bloc for Cooperation with the Government, he played an important role in the political life of the Second Polish Republic. He served as a member of the Sejm from 1928 to 1935 and as a senator from 1935 to 1938. He was imprisoned in Moabit, Germany (1945), and twice in Lubyanka, Soviet Union (1939, 1945). Being held by the Soviet authorities in Krasnogorsk, he returned to his homeland only in 1947. After the war, he remained in Poland, acting as a moral leader of the aristocracy, which, like him, chose not to emigrate.
Particular aspects of Janusz Radziwiłł’s professional activity are presented in five chapters, accompanied by an introduction, conclusion and bibliography.
Biografia jednego z przywódców polskiego nurtu konserwatywnego, skupionego wokół Stronnictwa Prawicy Narodowej. Urodzony w Berlinie w 1880 roku, większą część swojego życia związał z Ołyką i Nieborowem, gdzie posiadał majątki. W Warszawie mieszkał w pałacu przy ulicy Bielańskiej (dziś Muzeum Niepodległości). W 1917 roku znalazł się w ogarniętej szałem rewolucyjnym Rosji. Po powrocie do kraju został dyrektorem Departamentu Stanu w rządzie Rady Regencyjnej. Negocjował z Niemcami i Austriakami m.in. w sprawie korony polskiej. Jako ochotnik walczył w wojnie polsko-bolszewickiej w 1920 roku. W niepodległej Polsce był kandydatem do stanowiska ministra spraw zagranicznych, jako wybitny poseł i senator współpracował z Józefem Piłsudskim i Walerym Sławkiem. Jego osoba łączyła przedwojenny świat biznesu ze światem polityki. Na początku II wojny światowej mimo możliwości wyjazdu do Rumunii, pozostał w swoim majątku na Wołyniu, gdzie został uwięziony przez NKWD, wywieziony na Łubiankę, przesłuchiwany przez Berię i na skutek interwencji włoskiego dworu królewskiego uwolniony. Powrócił do Warszawy, gdzie współpracował z polskim podziemiem. Swoje arystokratyczne pochodzenie i pokrewieństwo z Hohenzollernami wykorzystał dla odbycia podróży do Berlina i wizyty u Hermana Göringa. Interweniował wtedy w sprawie aresztowanych profesorów Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego. Głęboko zaangażowany w sprawy Kościoła, był baliwem w Polskim Związku Kawalerów Maltańskich. Powstanie warszawskie spędził w pałacu przy Bielańskiej, gdzie został aresztowany przez Niemców i uwięziony. Po odzyskaniu wolności powrócił do Nieborowa. Następnie aresztowany przez wojska sowieckie, został wywieziony do Moskwy, a później do obozu w Krasnogorsku. Po powrocie do kraju w 1947 roku zainteresowali się nim funkcjonariusze Urzędu Bezpieczeństwa Publicznego. Uwięziono go, a potem inwigilowano. Zdecydował się na pozostanie w kraju mimo utraty majątku i możliwości aktywnego działania w sferze politycznej. Był autorytetem dla polskiej arystokracji. Dzięki małżeństwu jego syna Stanisława z Caroliną Lee Bouvier, siostrą Jacqueline Kennedy, książę stał się bardziej znany światowym mediom. Janusz Radziwiłł zmarł w Warszawie w 1967 roku.
W artykule przedstawione są dokumenty Służby Bezpieczeństwa z 1968 r. Dotyczą one operacji zabezpieczenia – obserwacji i dokumentacji uroczystości kościelnych w dniu 3 maja na Jasnej Górze. Pokazują one zakres zainteresowań, a także użyte siły i środki podczas działań aparatu bezpieczeństwa. Materiał uzupełnia informacje na temat stosunku państwa do Kościoła w okresie PRL, wskazuje jak dużą rolę przywiązywano do religijności Polaków i że traktowano to jako zachowanie wrogie
i niebezpieczne dla systemu. Szczególną wagę przywiązywano do zainteresowania tymi uroczystościami przez gości z krajów kapitalistycznych.
as the valid element of the confrontation with Solidarity despite the abolition of the martial law.
The first teachers' pilgrimages to Jasna Góra were organized at the turn of 19th and 20th centuries. Despite numerous obstacles associated with political divisions, attempts were made to intensify this movement after the restoration of Polish independence. The first all-Polish pilgrimage of teachers took place in 1937. However, the organization of such journeys was impossible during the Second World War. After the war teachers' pilgrimages to Jasna Góra were in turn regarded as serious threats for the secularization and indoctrination of the society in a People’s Poland controlled by the communist party. The number of pilgrims along with their age and sex were thus under constant surveillance. The sermons and papers presented at the conferences were also carefully analyzed. They almost always related to current social issues, relations between the state and the Church, and the internal policies of the Polish People's Republic government. In the conditions of strong censorship and information monopoly of the state authorities, the pilgrimages arranged as rallies or days of prayers were breaking the exclusivity of the communist party in shaping the image of socio-political reality in the group of teachers and educators. The Security Service kept records of their actions.
Pierwsze pielgrzymki nauczycieli na Jasną Górę miały miejsce na przełomie XIX i XX wieku. Po odzyskaniu przez Polskę niepodległości, mimo licznych trudności związanych z podziałami politycznymi, starano się zintensyfikować ten ruch. Pierwsza ogólnopolska pielgrzymka nauczycieli odbyła się w 1937 roku. II wojna światowa uniemożliwiała zorganizowany ruch pielgrzymkowy. Po wojnie, w Polsce Ludowej rządzonej przez partię komunistyczną, pielgrzymowanie nauczycieli na Jasną Górę było traktowane jako realne zagrożenie dla działań związanych z laicyzacją i indoktrynacją społeczeństwa. Dlatego kontrolowano liczby uczestników, uważnie analizowano treść kazań i referatów wygłaszanych podczas konferencji. Niemal zawsze odnosiły się one zarówno do aktualnej problematyki społecznej, relacji państwo – Kościół, jak i do polityki wewnętrznej rządu PRL-u. W warunkach silnej cenzury i monopolu informacyjnego władz państwowych pielgrzymki organizowane pod hasłem zjazdu czy dni modlitw przełamywały wyłączność partii komunistycznej na kształtowanie obrazu rzeczywistości społeczno-politycznej w środowisku nauczycieli i wychowawców. Służba Bezpieczeństwa (SB) dokumentowała swoje działania.
Summary:
The article describes the attitude of the party and state authorities towards the activities of the Primate’s Institute of Jasna Góra Vows of the Polish Nation during the communist regime in Poland. Institute’s publishing activities were particularly repressed. The communist authorities deemed the issued materials harmful and inconsistent with the applicable law. Search and seizure of the institute’s property were done in the atmosphere of assault and forceful pacification of protestors – the
faithful gathered at Jasna Góra Monastery. Persons involved in the publishing activities were finally convicted.
(Summary)
The chapter discusses the activity of the Department of Religious Affairs of the Częstochowa Voivodeship Office from the period of 1982 to 1984 on the basis of reports issued by this institution as well as the Office for religious Affairs in Warsaw controlling the Department. The Department of Religious Affairs of the Częstochowa Voivodeship Office pursued the policy of state authorities towards churches and religious
organizations, and was a part of the repressive apparatus. The Catholic Church, regarded as the most serious political opponent, was treated with particular hostility. The administrative actions aimed to reduce the
activity of religious institutions and even to take control over them. Limiting influences of the Church in the society and restraining its social and political actions were priority matters. Purely administrative and control
operations were accompanied by various forms of pressure on clergymen aiming to prevent them from manifesting their opposing attitudes. Częstochowa Voivodeship was particularly subject to restrictions due to Jasna Góra Monastery and massive pilgrimages.
In 1979 while the tunnel was building there was a great struggle between the communist authorities and the Church. The reason of building the tunnel was to hinder the way to the monastery what was the communist’s real aim rather than to improve the urban traffic. Pauline monks, priests, the believers and even senior hierarchs of the Church protested. On behalf of the communist supreme leaders opposed. However, the growth of number of protesters resulted in meeting with the communist authorities in 1980. Finally, the communists agreed to give up. Currently the tunnel is closed.
The history of the parish in Myszków-Mijaczów.
The history of the parish in Myszków-Mijaczów is associated with the development of Mijaczów village and later with the district in the area of Myszków town. The chapel functioning near the palace (or manor, which was liquidated in the 19th century) played a crucial role in the formation of the parish. Within the chapel, the masses were celebrated for the local community, which officially belonged to the parish of Mrzygłód and later to the parish of Myszków. After the Second World War, along with the rapid growth of population, the efforts were made in order to create the official parish, but the communist authorities persistently refused to give consent. In 1972, the decision was issued on entering the chapel into the register of monuments. Two years later, the chapel received the title of the Nativity of the Blessed Virgin Mary. The situation changed only due to the pressures of the “Solidarity” movement. On 8th December 1980, the Bishop Stefan Bareła founded the parish under the name of the Nativity of the Blessed Virgin Mary, excluding some areas from the St. Stanislaus parish in Myszków. The permission for the construction of a new parish church was granted after the political breakthrough – in 1990. On 10th September 2000, the Archbishop Stanisław Nowak, Metropolitan Bishop of Częstochowa, solemnly consecrated the new parish church under the name of the Nativity of the Blessed Virgin Mary.
While reading the Chronicle of Jasna Góra Monastery we can find the Paulinites’ definition of ‘patriotism’ quite different from its official meaning popular in Polish People’s Republic. They did not approve the acts of violence, socialist principles especially atheism. Paulinites understood the term ‘patriotism’ as deep and true love for their mother-country; love connected sentimentally with such traditional values as: God – Honour – Homeland. Despite all the attempts to marginalize the Church, the Monastery remained the Polish spiritual capital city. In the Chronicle there is the sense of hope for better, undefined future. The hope was supported by religiousness and patriotic attitude of pilgrims frequently gathering at Jasna Góra. Any efforts of Communists could abstract Polish people from their religion. It was believed that the system and Government imposed by the Communists were only an episode of Polish history because they were not rooted in the tradition deeply. On the other hand, John Paul ‘s support was extraordinary important for Paulinites and their attitude towards the homeland. It also helped and mobilized illegal political opposition in Poland that succeeded in 1989 finally.
Z lektury zapisów w Kronikach Jasnogórskich można wyraźnie odczytać, że paulini inaczej definiowali pojęcie patriotyzmu niż było jego oficjalne rozumienie w Polsce Ludowej. Prezentowali brak akceptacji dla aparatu przemocy, dla ideologii socjalistycznej i ateizacji. Na Jasnej Górze patriotyzm pojmowano jako głębokie uczucie miłości ojczyzny, sentymentalnie połączone z tradycyjnymi wartościami: Bóg – Honor – Ojczyzna. Pomimo zwalczenia Kościoła, prób zepchnięcia go na margines życia społecznego i narodowego, Klasztor Jasnogórski pozostał duchową stolicą Polaków. W systematycznie prowadzonych zapisach kronikarskich przebija się poczucie nadziei na lepsze, bliżej nieokreślone jutro. Ta nadzieja, wzmacniana religijnością pielgrzymów, patriotyczną postawą zbierających się pod Jasnogórskim Szczytem była podtrzymywana. Okazywało się, że pomimo wszelkich wysiłków władz komunistycznych, Polacy ciągle jeszcze byli silnie katoliccy. Powodowało to przekonanie, że narzucony system i władze, nie wyrastające z polskiej tradycji są tylko fragmentem, czy też epizodem w dziejach ojczyzny. Wyraźnie PRL-owski system nie odpowiadał wizji miłości ojczyzny prezentowanej przez zakon. Niezwykle ważne dla tej postawy paulinów było wsparcie papieża Jana Pawła II. Pomogło to i mobilizowało do wspierania nielegalnej opozycji politycznej w Polsce, która ostatecznie swoją walkę zwieńczyła sukcesem w 1989 roku.
The monastery of Jasna Góra has stayed a religious and spiritual capital of the Polish although, it experienced several difficulties and persecution within the Polish People's Republic (PRL). The chronicles, written by the Paulites, present the Polish reality very honestly. Considering a possibility of searching, arresting, overhearing and denunciation, such unfavourable comments on the communist government, evidently hostile to the catholic church and Polish society, were really amazing. The chronicles show PRL as a country of numerous paradoxes, absurdities and unnatural relationships between the authority and the society. They also introduce successfully everyday life of the monastery: both troubles and satisfaction resulted from the constant interest of the pilgrims of various social classes, arriving from all parts of Poland. There were a lot od Polish emigrants as well. The Chronicles of Jasna Góra Monastery were written by different monks in these post - war years. So, perception of PRL reality is based on individual attitude of the writers. Nevertheless, their evaluation is almost the same.
In the chronicles, we can find a hope for the better future. The chroniclers' hope came from the importance of religion in Poland. The Paulites were convinced that communism was a temporary phenomenon which was going to fail as the other misfortunes.
The Security Service documents from 1977 demonstrate unabated interest in Poles’ social activities regarding the pilgrimage movement. The problem applied to various occupational groups and youth. It was clear that the removal of religious education, liquidation of schools run by clergymen, dismissal of priests teaching in schools and authorities’ measures aimed at atheisation and secularization might turn out to be ineffective if young people engaged in the religious life in their free time. Therefore, any religious activity, participation in pilgrimages, subject matter of meetings and content of sermons and lectures for youth was overseen. The purpose of this constant surveillance was to exert pressure on the Church not to raise topics that would be inconvenient for the state authorities. The article presents the actions taken by the Security Service towards the pilgrimage movement to Jasna Góra monastery in 1977. The reports and the rest of the documentation prepared by the apparatus of repression of the People’s Republic of Poland (now they are stored in the Institute of National Remembrance) prove that the Department IV of the Ministry of Internal Affairs in Warsaw and the Departments IV of the voivodeship headquarters of the Citizen’s Militia were intensively fighting with the Church in Poland.
the conclusion of a possible alliance with the Kingdom of SHS at the beginning of the interwar period. Two main press titles of Polish conservatives were analysed: “Czas” published in Kraków and “Dziennik Poznański” published in Poznań. Although Polish conservatives were initially interested in forming an alliance with the Yugoslav state, they eventually abandoned this idea driven by factors related to Polish policy towards Czechoslovakia and Hungary.
Leonard Witold Maringe (1890-1966) was an outstanding representative of the Polish landed gentry. In his adolescent years, he was involved in independence activities, for which he was arrested by the Tsarist Okhrana and sentenced to 6-month imprisonment. In Belgium, he received higher education in the field of agriculture. He practiced in many Polish landed estates, including that of prominent reformer Wojciech Wyganowski. During the Polish-Soviet War, he volunteered to join the Polish army. He bought the Lenartowo estate, which he managed until 1939. During the entire interwar period, he was very active professionally. He became a true expert on agricultural issues. During the Second World War, he was expelled by the Germans from his landed estate. He settled in the General Government and became involved in underground activities. Within the framework of the Polish Underground State, he managed the works of the Agricultural Department in the Government Delegation for Poland. At the time, the issue of changing the borders of Poland and taking over the farms previously owned by Germans was already the case. After the end of the war, he was engaged in the reconstruction of the country. He became the director of the enterprise known as the State-owned Landed Estates (Państwowe Nieruchomości Ziemskie) which aimed at helping farms – destroyed by war and located in the northern and western areas incorporated into Poland – to rise from ruins. To this end, he brought together eminent specialists in agriculture, who were represen- tatives of the landed gentry. He was forced to stop these activities as he and many members of the managerial staff of the enterprise were arrested. In totalitarian Stalinist Poland, he was sentenced to death. In 1956, however, he was released and rehabilitated. Again, he was involved in the activities promoting the development of agriculture. He even became an advisor to the Minister of Agriculture. This article, based on the biographical data contained in the trial files and available publications on Maringe, is aimed at supplementing the existing knowledge about his activities, especially in the pre-World War II era.
VIRTUTI MILITARI.
The article presents the biography of Tadeusz Maringe, a landowner from Smolina, a mechanical engineer graduated from the University of London. He belonged to the generation which strove to modernise agricultural holdings, and even tried to work in the industry. After his graduation, he worked in the ‘Wilhelm Fitzner and Konrad Gamper’ factory in Sosnowiec until the outbreak of the First World War. He was an example of a Polish patriot. During the Polish-Soviet War, he volunteered to the 1st squadron of the 203rd Uhlan Regiment. He demonstrated his heroism during a patrol in the vicinity of Kostopol. In a daring way, in front of his entire unit, he took a prisoner of war, who could later be interrogated. The information he gained was used by the Poles to quickly take over Kostopol. Tadeusz Maringe was awarded the Order of Virtuti Militari (Class V). After the war, he returned to Smolina. On 10 July 1921, he welcomed Józef Piłsudski who paid a visit there. Maringe was actively involved in the Landowners’ Union. Unfortunately, some of his investments turned out to be unsucces- sful. He had to sell part of his family property and began working in various estates. Later, he ran a seed company in Warsaw. During the Second World War, he and his closest family members became involved in the resistance movement. After the end of the war, he opened - together with several partners - Dom Rolniczo-Handlowy ‘Wspólna Praca’ (‘Joint Labour’ Farming and Trading House). This enterprise cooperated with Państwowe Nieruchomości Ziemskie (State-Owned Land Manage- ment Agency) - a company run by his brother, Witold Maringe. In 1949, the communists arrested the management of Państwowe Nieruchomości Ziemskie. Due to the actions of the communist regime, Tadeusz Maringe had to liquidate Dom Rolniczo-Handlowy "Wspólna Praca". After the show trial against his brother, who was sentenced to life imprisonment, his health deteriorated. He died in 1952.
The social activity of women during the inter-war period in Poland is an important, albeit shallowly covered topic. A particularly interesting group partaking in those activities were female landowners, banded together in the eastern voivodeships of Second Polish Republic in associations like: The Kresy Circle of United Female Landowners or Novgorod Voivodeship Female Landowner and Farmers’ Wives Circles Association. Female landowners circles’ activities were divided into three parts, social, economic and cultural Some of those activities were presented at the Polish General Exhibition in Poznań in 1929. This article is an attempt to summarize their activities until 1939.
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Opracowanie jest poświęcone Ludwikowi Christiansowi, polskiemu adwokatowi, prezesowi Polskiego Czerwonego Krzyża i posłowi na Sejm RP (od 1934 roku), członkowi Stronnictwa Narodowego. Ludwik Christians był zaangażowany w ochronę pamięci o zbrodni katyńskiej. W październiku 1943 roku, jako prezes Polskiego Czerwonego Krzyża Okręgu Lublin wystąpił do okupacyjnych władz niemieckich o zwolnienie z obozu Konzentrationslager Lublin (Majdanek) grupy około półtora tysiąca osób: kobiet ciężarnych, starców, chorych, młodocianych, a także lekarzy. W 1944 roku został członkiem Polsko-Radzieckiej Komisji Nadzwyczajnej do zbadania zbrodni niemieckich popełnionych w KL Majdanek. Po wojnie polski komunistyczny aparat bezpieczeństwa zaliczał go do wrogów, inwigilował go i przygotowywał materiały do procesu o szpiegostwo.
The article presents a biographical sketch of Stanisław Mańkowski (1876-1937) – a landowner with an estate in Kazimierz Biskupi. Perfectly prepared for his role, he was able to efficiently manage a large property consisting of several folwarks [manor farms], sugar factory, sawmill, distillery and livestock. As a leader of the local community, he was highly committed to patriotic activities. He undertook many charity initiatives like creating schools or supporting different organisations. His wife, Wanda, who was strongly involved in the activity of Catholic Action in 1930s, supported him in his social endeavours. Since 1935, Stanisław Mańkowski was a member of the Polish Senate.
Artykuł przedstawia rys biograficzny Stanisława Mańkowskiego (1876-1937), który był ziemianinem, posiadaczem dóbr w Kazimierzu Biskupim. Świetnie przygotowany do swojej roli potrafił sprawnie zarządzać dużym majątkiem składającym się między innymi z kilku folwarków, cukrowni, tartaku, gorzelni, hodowli zwierząt. Jako lider społeczności lokalnej bardzo angażował się w działalność o charakterze patriotycznym. Podejmował liczne inicjatywy dobroczynne: tworzenie szkół, wspieranie licznych organizacji. W aktywności społecznej wspierała go żona Wanda, która w latach 30. XX wieku mocno zaangażowała się w działalność Akcji Katolickiej. Stanisław Mańkowski od 1935 r. zasiadał w Senacie RP.
Stanisław Albrecht Radziwiłł, a member of Polish notable aristocratic family, studied at the university in Freiburg. Later he started working in the Voivodeship Office in Stanisławów. In 1939, he fought as a cavalry officer. Then, he found his way to France through Hungary and Yugoslavia. The Government of the Republic of Poland in exile entrusted him with an important function in Switzerland. Since the 1st February 1940, he was an attaché of Polish Delegation holding the title of the second secretary of the Mission at the League of Nations in Geneva and later - chargé d’affaires of the Polish Delegation and delegate of Polish Red Cross at the headquarters of the International Committee of the Red Cross. After the war, he achieved many successes in financial activities. Stanisław Albrecht Radziwiłł was married three times: firstly with Rose de Monléon, later with Grace Kolin and then with Caroline Lee Bouvier, sister of Jacqueline Kennedy. Radziwiłł not only cooperated with John F. Kennedy, but was also his friend.
During the period of the Second Republic of Poland, Polish landed gentry circle was deeply divided in terms of ideology. Some landowners sympathised with Narodowa Demokracja [National Democracy], while others were opposed to this group (Stronnictwo Prawicy Narodowej [National Right Wing Party]). Events of December 1922, when the president Gabriel Narutowicz was assassinated, emphasised the dividing line in this circle. The chapter, thus, analyses the behaviours of conservative landed gentry towards the election and assassination of president Narutowicz.
The article presents the documents of UB (Polish communist secret police) regarding Józef Jabłkowski - a representative of the Greater Poland landowners – and his family. After the Second World War, Polish landowners lost their properties as a result of the land reform and were treated as enemies of the state. Those, who did not decide to emigrate or did not get arrested, tried to cope with a new reality. It was especially difficult for them to take up employment. After the war, Józef
Jabłkowski worked, among others, in the banking sector. However, the security apparatus was constantly taking an interest in his activities.
After graduating from high school in 1926, Edmund took up law studies at the University of Poznań. In 1930, he graduated in law and history from Oxford. After graduation, he returned to Poland and in the years 1931-1932 did his military service in the Cadet School of Cavalry in Grudziądz. From 1933 he helped his father in the administration of the huge estate. He quickly became involved in societal and political activities. In 1934 he married Izabella (Ballala) Radziwiłł and settled in Ołyka. He ran a stable of purebred English Thoroughbred horses, opened a dairy cooperative, and Izabella founded a kindergarten.
In September 1939, Edmund and his father Janusz helped refugees. After the Red Army entered both were imprisoned for a time. At the beginning of 1940, Edmund became the administrator of the Nieborovian estates. He engaged in underground activities, initially in the Peasant Battalions, and later as a lieutenant in the Home Army. His wife, Izabella, also was active in the Underground. After the war she received the medal Righteous Among the Nations for helping the persecuted Jewish population.
After the Warsaw Uprising, Janusz and Anna Radziwiłł came to Nieborów. In January 1945, after the arrival of the Red Army, Janusz and Edmund together with their families were deported to Moscow and then to a camp in Krasnogorsk. On February 16, 1947, Anna Radziwiłł died in the camp hospital; her grave was later destroyed and never again found.
In September 1947, after numerous protests and petitions, the family was released and arrived by train to Warsaw. After attaining freedom there was a problem with finding a job. Edmund knew foreign languages, thus he was employed at the Foreign Head Office of the "Czytelnik" Cooperative as the head of the Department of Handicrafts and the Art Industry, later he worked in design offices. Izabella worked at the State Publishing Institute in Warsaw, and later was director of the PEN Club Office. They both took care of his father, Janusz, who was living in Warsaw and who died in 1967.
For his work during the war, Edmund received the Cross of Valor, the Polish Army Medal and the Home Army Cross. Gravely ill, he went to his brother to London to seek help in English hospitals. He died in 1971 in London.
WITOLD KARŁOWSKI (1896-1959) FROM GRODNA
The article presents the source materials of the Security Service about Witold Karłowski the last landowner of the estate in Grodna. He was arrested in period of Nazi occupation. Afterwards He was forced to the departure to Warsaw. In 1944 he was arrested again and incarcerate in Pawiak prison and then departure to Germany. After The War, the land estate was conduct the agrarian reform. Karłowski settled In Poznań. The Karłowski Family was treated as enemies of the socialist system The Karłowski Family was the focus of attention the Security Service in Poland under Stalin’s regime.
W artykule przedstawiono materiały aparatu bezpieczeństwa, dotyczące Witolda Karłowskiego, ostatniego właściciela majątku Grodna. Podczas okupacji hitlerowskiej aresztowano go, a następnie zmuszono do wyjazdu do Warszawy. W 1944 r. został ponownie aresztowany i uwięziony na Pawiaku, następnie wywieziony do Niemiec. Po wojnie, kiedy majątek ziemski został poddany reformie rolnej, Karłowski zamieszkał w Poznaniu. Jako byłego ziemianina władze traktowały go i całą jego rodzinę jako wrogów ustroju socjalistycznego. Karłowscy stali się obiektem zainteresowania aparatu bezpieczeństwa stalinowskiej Polski.
The article describes the Department of Science and Education which was the unit of the communist Voivodeship Committee in Częstochowa between 1975-1990. It includes its goals, forms of activity and educational program implemented among youth, teachers and social counsellors. Furthermore, the study presents the structure of institutions that were supervised and controlled by the Department, forms of implementing directives, and valuates Department’s effi ciency in infl uencing subordinate organisations.
The chapter presents the educational values of the Monthly Magazine of the Youth of Dąbrowa Górnicza Secondary Schools “Młodzi Idą...” [The Youth Go...], a magazine issued by the students of secondary schools of Dąbrowa Górnicza during the interwar period. The magazine supported the Piłusdski-ites and contained many articles implementing the idea of state education.
The chapter illustrates the problematic issues of the labour competition propaganda in the period of People's Poland. The issue was presented on the example of libraries and cultural centres of Częstochowa region. As the gathered materials show, the concept of labour competition was also spread among the employees of these institutions. Factory cultural centres played a major role in this matter, and in one of them, in Kalety, a scientific conference dedicated to labour competition was organised in 1978. The idea of labour leaders in cultural institutions was particularly noticeable in the 1960s and 1970s.
The expansion of educational infrastructure went hand in hand with reforms introduced by the Ministry of Religious Affairs and Public Education aimed at popularising and nationalising the education in Poland.
Publikacja zawiera materiały z międzynarodowej konferencji naukowej "Miasto po obu brzegach rzeki - różne oblicza kultury", która odbyła się w Warszawie w dniach 18-20 października 2007 r. Organizatorzy konferencji: Polskie Towarzystwo Etnologii Miasta, Muzeum Historyczne m. st. Warszawy (wraz z Oddziałem - Muzeum Woli), Muzeum Niepodległości, Archiwum Państwowe m. st. Warszawy, Czeskie Centrum i Instytut Słowacki. Konferencja została ofinansowana ze środków: Ministerstwa Nauki i Szkolnictwa Wyższego, Miasta Stołecznego Warszawy, Samorządu Województwa Mazowieckiego.
Gazeta Ostrzeszowska is an example of local press from southern Greater Poland, from a town located near the border with Silesia. The press attentively followed the events in Upper Silesia and was very interested in annexation of this region to Poland. It paid much attention to Polish-German relations, contrary to the issue of the autonomy itself. This diligent observation of Silesia was associated with common analogous experiences regarding the existence within the Prussian borders, the national uprisings and ambitions for independence after the First World War. Gazeta Ostrzeszowska was undoubtedly forming the opinion of a small community in Ostrzeszów on the events in Upper Silesia. It supported aid initiatives of Upper Silesians. The subjects regarding Silesia appeared on its papers throughout the entire interwar period.
Konstanty Wolny lived from 1877 to 1940. He was an eminent Polish independence activist in Upper Silesia, a lawyer and co-founder of the Silesian autonomy. K. Wolny was the first Speaker of the Silesian Parliament and a consistent defender of the autonomy of the Silesian voivodeship. He enjoyed great authority among deputies of the Silesian Parliament – he was repeatedly elected Speaker with a huge majority of votes. After the May Coup in 1926, he was an opponent of Józef Piłsudski’s camp. He ceased to stand for the Silesian Parliament as he stated that the electoral law became undemocratic. During the Second World War, in fear of being arrested by Germans, he fled to Lviv. There, he passed away.
The German message of problematic aspects regarding the termination of the Geneva Convention for Upper Silesia was very inconvenient for Poland. It was supported by the unanimity of German publicists who were concerned about the future of German minority in the Polish state and emphasized the anti-German policy of Polish authorities, especially the local ones. This message unambiguously shaped the public opinion in Germany as in many European countries. Hence, the sense of anxiety and instability of the social policy in the border area was growing. It had a negative impact on Polish-German relations and disturbed their peaceful arrangement in the spirit of the Polish-German Non-Aggression Pact signed on January 26, 1934. This very critical reaction of the German press was an important subject of correspondence between Polish diplomatic posts and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Warsaw. The German propaganda campaign was attentively monitored in 1937. Attempts were made to avoid a conflict that would result in a deep crisis in Polish-German relations.
“Gazeta Ostrzeszowska” was one of the local newspapers released in Greater Poland during the interwar period. It played an important informational and opinion-forming role for inhabitants of the small town of Ostrzeszów. The paper was constantly developing in terms of its length and the significance of raised topics. Since the first issues, the newspaper office was dedicated to Polish cause and sought to meet tastes of the locals. Among the newspaper’s readers, there were obviously Greater Poland insurgents or persons, whose dear one(s) fought in the uprising. Polish nationalistic tendencies were present in Ostrzeszów much earlier and, just like in the entire Prussian partition, they were associated with the fight against Germanisation.
“Gazeta Ostrzeszowska” was released twice a week. Marian Malinowski was its editor-in-chief, printer and bookbinder. The first issue was published on 1st April 1919. At the time, the newspaper’s circulation was 3,800 copies, but it was reduced to 1,756 copies in 1922 and 1,100 copies in 1926. By the middle of 1921, the paper was an official body of the Ostrzeszów District. Later, a free supplement named “Orędownik Ostrzeszowski. Organ urzędowy powiatu ostrzeszowskiego” (“Ostrzeszów Advocate. An Official Body of the Ostrzeszów District”) edited by the District Office in Ostrzeszów was added to “Gazeta Ostrzeszowska”. The newspaper was also published with various subheads. Over time, its associations with Christian-democratic ideology became much more noticeable, what could be a reflection of Malinowski’s views and popularity of this political movement in Ostrzeszów. By 1931, the newspaper was composed of two pages. Later, their number increased to four.
In the year 1945, Koziegłowy in Zawiercie Poviat (District) along with the surrounding towns and villages went through a difficult period of the postwar normalization of social life. The main problems included: shortages of supplies, actions of the Red Army (thefts and confiscations of property), abuses of power, armed struggle between emerging authorities of the People’s Poland and the Polish anticommunist underground. The national councils, founded as a social organ and controlling the executive power, discussed these main problems during their meetings, but were unable to prevent them effectively as their role constituted mostly the propaganda measures of the central authorities, whose aim was to establish structures of a state that would be modeled on the Soviet Union.
W 1945 r. Koziegłowy w powiecie zawierciańskim, wraz z okolicznymi miejscowościami, przechodziły trudny okres powojennej normalizacji życia społecznego. Głównymi problemami były: barki w zaopatrzeniu, działalność Armii Czerwonej (kradzieże i konfiskaty mienia), nadużycia władzy, walka zbrojna między kształtującymi się władzami Polski Ludowej i polskim podziemiem antykomunistycznym. Rady narodowe powołane jako organ społeczny, kontrolujący władzę wykonawczą, na swoich posiedzeniach omawiały te główne problemy lecz nie potrafiły skutecznie im zapobiec, gdyż ich rola była w dużej mierze propagandowym zabiegiem władz centralnych, dążących do stworzenia struktur państwa wzorowanego na Związku Radzieckim.
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Wdrugiej połowie lat sześćdziesiątych kontrwywiad PRL zainteresował się działalnością pracowników Ambasady Socjalistycznej Republiki Rumunii w Warszawie. Szczególną ciekawość polskich służb wzbudzały spotkania pracowników tej placówki z przedstawicielami państw NATO, zwłaszcza z Kanadyjczykami, Amerykanami, Włochami i Brytyjczykami, ale także kontakty z obywatelami PRL. Obserwacja dyplomatów rumuńskich nabrała szczególnego znaczenia po wkroczeniu wojsk państw Układu Warszawskiego do Czechosłowacji. Armia rumuńska nie wzięła w nim udziału, a rząd w Bukareszcie uznał je za pogwałcenie niepodległości Czechosłowacji. Zwolenników prowadzenia przez Rumunię niezależnej od Związku Sowieckiego polityki zagranicznej uznawano za niebezpiecznych „nosicieli tendencji nacjonalistycznych i antyradzieckich”, a wszelkie kontakty personelu ambasady kontrolowano z uwzględnieniem ich charakteru polityczno-propagandowego. W związku z tym polskie służby skupiały się szczególnie na spotkaniach i rozmowach rumuńskich dyplomatów z reprezentantami państw NATO, a także treści przesyłek kierowanych przez ambasadę do różnych instytucji i osób prywatnych.
Rezumat
După încheierea celui de-al II-lea război mondial, Polonia și România au colaborat în domeniul informațiilor, în cadrul Tratatului de la Varșovia și au fost dominate politic și militar de către Uniunea Sovietică. Serviciile de informații și contra-informații poloneze erau foarte interesate de România imediat după război, în timpul conferinței de pace ceea ce era legat de problema despăgubirilor reciproce și restituirii bunurilor. Colaborarea a venit odată cu crearea Tratatului de la Varșovia și după perioada stalinistă. Atât polonezii cât și românii au obținut mai multă libertate în cadrul acțiunilor serviciilor speciale. Totuși Polonia ca garant al frontierelor sale apusene și apărătoare în fața amenințării venite din partea Republicii Federale Germane și NATO avea mereu Uniunea Sovietică în atenție. Comandanții polonezi s-au subordonat comandanți lor sovieticii chiar cu prețul suveranității. În schimb, românii cu timpul
au scăpat de ruși și persoanele legate de Uniunea Sovietică, făcând tot posibilul să nu depindă în chestiunea informațiilor și contra-informațiilor. Autoritățile de la București aveau adeseori o poziție diferită față de restul conducătorilor statelor Tratatului de la Varșovia (de ex. în problema intervenției sovietice în Afganistan). În materialele părții poloneze se găsesc documente ce reglementează colaborarea informațiilor și contra-informațiilor civile, totuși lipsesc materialele privitoare la realizarea diferitelor decizii. Se poate spune mai mult despre colaborarea serviciilor de informații militare ale celor
două state. Se știe despre schimbul de informații, mai ales privind statele și posibilitățile de apărare NATO precum și despre vizitele reciproce ale comandanților. Multe documente privesc anii ’80 ai sec. XX. O chestiune esențială a fost cunoașterea reciprocă a opiniilor și atmosferei care domina în comandamentele ambelor state.
Jan Szembek – trimis extraordinar şi ministru plenipotenţiar al Legaţiei R.P. în România în anii 1927-1932.
Jan Włodzimierz Szembek (1881-1945) a fost un diplomat polonez. Din anul 1919 a fost chargé d'affaires, iar apoi trimis al R.P. la Budapesta. În anul 1925 a fost trimis al R.P. la Bruxelles, iar doi ani mai târziu (din 16 februarie 1927) la Bucureşti. A rămas în această funcţie până în noiembrie 1932, când a fost numit subsecretar de stat în Ministerul polonez al Afacerilor Externe. Cu timpul a devenit cel mai apropiat colaborator al lui Józef Beck. Referatul prezintă activitatea lui Jan Szembek în anii 1927-1932 când a fost trimis al R.P. la Bucureşti. Anii aceştia s-au caracterizat prin intense contacte polono-române atât în sfera politică, cât şi în cea economică. Aceasta a fost posibil, printre altele, datorită funcţionării eficiente a diplomaţiei poloneze la Bucureşti cu Szembek în frunte. O piedică în dezvoltarea contactelor comerciale a fost marea criză economică începută în anul 1929. Alianţa politică cu România a fost un deosebit de important element al politicii externe poloneze. Şi de aceea este esenţială prezentarea iniţiativelor diplomatului polonez care a realizat scopurile politice ale Ministerului polonez al Afacerilor Externe. Perioada cât Szembek şi-a exercitat funcţia, pe lângă creşterea
contactelor comerciale şi politice, s-a caracterizat şi prin conflicte pe plan naţional. Legaţia R.P. la Bucureşti, ca şi consulatele poloneze, s-au străduit să ajute organizaţiile poloneze în eforturile lor de a conserva spiritul polonez al compatrioţilor din afara graniţelor ţării. Jan Szembek, ca trimis al R.P. la Bucureşti, a purtat o parte din discuţii cu autorităţile române pe marginea unor probleme delicate, ca de ex. cazurile de lichidare sau încercările de lichidare a şcolilor poloneze şi aceasta prin negocieri. Trimisul R.P. la Bucureşti a patronat şi numeroase festivităţi cu caracter patriotic organizate de polonezii din România. Jan Szembek a încercat să întreţină contactele interstatale polono-române.
Perioada în care trimisul plenipotențiar, Mirosław Arciszewski s-a aflat la București s-a dovedit a fi una foarte importantă pentru evoluția alianței polono-române. A fost o perioadă în care situația internațională din Europa se schimba într-un ritm foarte rapid, iar guvernele celor două țări aveau adesea atitudine diferită față de acestea și intenții diferite. În consecință, poziția ministrului plenipotențiar care implementa la București politica ministerului afacerilor externe de la Varșovia nu era întotdeauna apreciată pozitiv de politicienii români. Cu timpul Arciszewski a devenit pentru mulți o persoană compromisă la București și plecarea sa de la misiunea diplomatică poloneză din capitala României a devenit una din garanțiile dezghețării relațiilor reciproce polono-române. Autorul prezintă activitatea ministrului plenipotențiar Arciszewski prin prisma documentelor păstrate la Arhiva Actelor Noi (Archiwum Akt Nowych) din Varșovia.
Okres działalności posła Mirosława Arciszewskiego w Bukareszcie okazał się bardzo ważny dla losów sojuszu polsko-rumuńskiego. W tym czasie bardzo dynamicznie zmieniała się sytuacja międzynarodowa w Europie, a rządy polski i rumuński często różniły się w ich ocenie i prezentowały inne dążenia. W konsekwencji postawa posła, realizującego politykę Ministerstwa Spraw Zagranicznych w Warszawie, nie zawsze była odbierana pozytywnie przez polityków rumuńskich. Z czasem Arciszewski stał się dla wielu osobą skompromitowaną w Bukareszcie, a jego odejście z polskiej placówki dyplomatycznej w stolicy Rumunii miało stać jedną z gwarancji ocieplenia wzajemnych relacji polsko-rumuńskich. Autor przedstawia działalność posła Arciszewskiego w świetle dokumentów zachowanych w Archiwum Akt Nowych w Warszawie.
Autorzy
România anilor 1923-1924 în opiniile diplomatului polonez Feliks Chiczewski.
În perioada interbelică România se învecina cu Polonia. Această vecinătate era susţinută de alianţa militară din anul 1921. Drept urmare, ministerul polonez al Afacerilor Externe era interesat de România. În anul 1923, a avut loc prima întâlnire a diplomaţilor polonezi din aşa-numitul Grup Balcanic. Dezbaterile au avut loc în Bucureşti, iar printre diplomaţi s-a aflat Consulul R.P. de atunci la Bucureşti – Feliks Chiczewski. El a prezentat situaţia economică a României şi condiţiile dezvoltării colaborării polono-române. În anii următori şi-a continuat activitatea de observator experimentat al acestor relaţii. Anul 1924 a oferit posibilitatea de a compara situaţia economică a României raportată la perioada dinainte de I război mondial. Consulul polonez sublinia că România până în anul 1914 se caracteriza printr-o dezvoltare economică relativ bună. Războiul a adus distrugeri şi slăbirea economică a statului. În ciuda acestui fapt, a acordat o mare atenţie potenţialului economic ce reieşea din vecinătate şi alianţe. Aproape standard, MAE polonez a elaborat un raport economic şi l-a tipărit în buletinul său, colportându-l ca anexe la săptămânalul „Industrie şi Comerţ”. Printre acestea se afla şi raportul lui Feliks Chiczewski. El s-a referit la: agricultură, industrie, finanţe, comerţ, comunicaţii, fiscalitate, politica economică a guvernului român. A atras atenţia asupra costurilor întreţinerii şi creşterea lor în raport cu anul 1914. În raportul din anul 1924 consulul polonez a descris situaţia emigraţiei poloneze din România, care s-a configurat în perioadele postinsu recţionale. Atrăgea atenţia asupra grupurilor de polonezi aşezaţi în România, veniţi în scopul realizării unor activităţi economice: construirea de căi ferate, dezvoltarea industriei sticlei sau a ţiţeiului. Era interesat de viaţa culturală a polonezilor aşezaţi aici, de posibilităţile funcţionării lor din punct de vedere economic şi cultural. Prognoza şi dezvoltarea contactelor economice polono-române, deşi nu prevedea venirea de muncitori polonezi, ci doar de intelectuali care ar putea reprezenta firme concrete. Sublinia atitudinea puţin binevoitoare a guvernului român care nu vedea cu ochii buni noii imigranţi. Totuşi relaţiile polono-române erau limitate în ceea ce priveşte posibilităţile dezvoltării economice ca urmare a problemelor interne ale ambelor ţări precum şi a marii crize economice ce se apropia. Efectul a fost un mai mare schimb comercial în domeniul industriei de armament, dar şi aici au apărut obstacole datorită ofertei limitate a întreprinderilor poloneze şi posibilităţilor reduse de creditare. Un obstacol îl reprezenta şi tot mai evidenta orientare a României către alianţa cu Germania şi creşterea comenzilor în această ţară. Feliks Chiczewski (1889-1972?) a fost consul al Poloniei în Galaţi, în anii 1920-1922, iar apoi, din 1922 până în 1928, în Bucureşti. După ce a părăsit România, de la 1 octombrie 1928 a lucrat la reprezentanţa diplomatică a R.P. la Bruxelles. Pe urmă, de la 1 iunie 1934 a fost consul la Consulatul onorific al R.P. la Bruxelles. Apoi a fost consilier al MAE, iar de la 1 noiembrie 1934 consul la Consulatul R.P. din Leipzig. Acolo s-a făcut remarcat prin salvarea a aprox. 1300 de evrei, adăpostindu-i în Consulatul polonez, în noaptea de 27 spre 28 octombrie 1938.
Asistenta pastorală a polonezilor de religie catolică pe teritoriul
României necesita sprijinul serviciilor diplomatice poloneze. Acesta privea multe probleme legate de intermedierea între autoritătile bisericesti si administratia română. Ele erau atât probleme privitoare la repararea bisericilor, cât si probleme personale ale preotilor si călugărilor polonezi. De asistenta pastorală erau interesate serviciile diplomatice poloneze, în mod deosebit în ceea ce priveste factorul unificator al comunitătii poloneze si valorile educative reiesite din activitatea preotilor din diferite parohii. Se constientiza că, adeseori, parohiile erau unicele institutii polone dintr-o anume localitate de o mare importantă nu doar religioasă, ci si culturală.
,,Przegląd Wołyński" [,,Volhynian Review"] was a weekly published in the
Second Polish Republic in Volhynia in the years l924-1932. It was a popular journal supporting Józef Piłsudski as well as the Sanation political movement and the policy of voivode Henryk Józewski. It often evoked the events of the World War I as crucial for regaining the Polish independence in 1918.
In its articles it was emphasized that at the beginning of war no one expected its consequences including the rebirth of independent Poland. Among the most important issues discussed in the journal were struggles in Volhynia and the history of Polish Legions. The articles also reminded about the devastations experienced by Volhynia during the war which wele supposed to be one of the economic weaknesses of the region.
Another issue was popularising and sustaining the patriotic tradition of visiting places where the Legions fought and where soldiers' graveyards from the times of war were located. Among such places were: cemeteries in Koszyszcze, Kolky, Manevychi, Kostyukhnivka, Wołczeck, Kovel, Volodymyr-Volynskyi and garrison cemetery in Lutsk. Parlicular attention was paid to popularisation of the ,,Polish Mountain" at Kostyukhnivka where the Brigade I of the Polish Legions commanded by Jozef Piłsudski struggled. The weekly also promoted the concept of creating a commemorative mound and organising school trips there. Tradition associated with the Legions was to be a factor contributing towards building of the Polish statehood in Volhynia.
during the Polish-Bolshevik war. Later, he managed the quarries in Janowa Dolina in Volhynia and made them a model enterprise on a European scale. He paid the highest price for his attitude to life. Until now many aspects of his activity have been unknown. Only the archive search in Ukraine made it possible to gain knowledge about views and details of his socio-political activity. The research employed a biographical method based on the analysis of personal documents. Scientific studies on particular topics related to Leonard Szutkowski were also taken into account. The research was supplemented by an analysis of press materials from the period in question.
Ukrainians. The article provides biographical notes of mayors and councillors which were elaborated on the basis of archival materials preserved in Poland and Ukraine. The study presents the current state of author’s research.
decree and was subordinate to the army. Young volunteers built roads, bridges, stadiums, shooting ranges and other facilities. They filled in the gaps in their education in their spare time and in the winter period. Often, they came from poor families; despite their handicaps, illiteracy was efficiently eliminated in the organisation. The functioning of individual companies and battalions is discussed using the example of units stationed in the eastern voivodeships of the Second Republic of Poland.
Rozdział przedstawia analizę sprawozdań miesięcznych Urzędu Wojewódzkiego w Łucku z 1939 r. Opisywały one działalność polityczną i społeczną różnych grup narodowościowych i religijnych na Wołyniu. Stosunkowo dużo miejsca poświęcono ludności żydowskiej. W sprawozdaniach zwracano uwagę na reakcje tej mniejszości na wydarzenia w polskiej polityce wewnętrznej i na doniesienie z zagranicy, zwłaszcza z Niemiec. Analizowano wpływy poszczególnych politycznych ugrupowań żydowskich na terenie województwa, zwłaszcza syjonistów. Wskazywano na konflikty wewnątrz społeczności żydowskiej. Opisano stosunek Żydów do polskiego rządu. W jednych sprawach był on opozycyjny, np. w kwestii wprowadzania przepisów, które odbierano jako antysemickie. W innych przypadkach pozytywny, np. deklarowano potrzebę wspólnej walki w przypadku wojny z Niemcami.
The chapter presents the figure of Marian Michalczyk, a man forgotten by history. He was a Home Army soldier who devoted his whole life to his homeland. After several years of struggle in the forest units and the end of World War II, Marian Michalczyk wanted to return to his family home and complete his education. However, in order to avoid arrest, he joined the underground army again. This time it was an anti-communist movement. Eventually, Marian Michalczyk got imprisoned for taking part in an operation in Częstochowa against a former Gestapo agent. After serving his sentence, he was released and started to build the structures of the League for the Struggle against Communism [Liga Walki z Komunizmem]. After losing contact with its leaders, he started to act on his own. He renamed the organisation to the Polish Patriots’ Struggle League [Liga Walki Patriotów Polskich]. The main area of its activities included among others Częstochowa land and Kielecczyzna region. He tried to extend its activity to Kraków, Gliwice and Warsaw. After being arrested again, he was sentenced to death; however, the sentence was later mitigated. When he was released from prison, he was kept under surveillance. Consequently, his and his family’s life was made very difficult. Before his death, he became involved in the activities of the Solidarity of Individual Farmers in Koziegłowy.
Rozdział przedstawia sylwetkę Mariana Michalczyka, człowieka zapomnianego przez historię. Żołnierza Armii Krajowej, który całe swoje życie poświęcił Ojczyźnie. Marian Michalczyk po kilku latach walki w oddziałach leśnych i zakończeniu II wojny światowej chciał powrócić do rodzinnego domu i uzupełnić wykształcenie. Jednak zagrożony aresztowaniem ponownie wstąpił do partyzantki. Tym razem była to konspiracja antykomunistyczna. Za udział w akcji na terenie Częstochowy, przeciwko byłemu agentowi Gestapo, trafił do więzienia. Po odbyciu kary wyszedł na wolność i przystąpił do tworzenia struktur Ligi Walki z Komunizmem. Po utracie kontaktu z jej przywódcami rozpoczął działania na własną rękę. Organizację przemianował a Ligę Walki Patriotów Polskich. Głównym terenem działania była głównie ziemia częstochowska i Kielecczyzna, ale nie tylko. Starał się rozszerzyć działalność na Kraków, Gliwice i Warszawę. Ponownie aresztowany, został skazany na karę śmierci. Wyrok później złagodzono. Po wyjściu z więzienia inwigilowano go. Utrudniano życie jemu i jego rodzinie. Przed śmiercią zaangażował się jeszcze w działalność Solidarności Rolników Indywidualnych w Koziegłowach.
Biogram Jerzego Jana Kurpińskiego (1918-1955) pseud. „Azja”, „Cedro” „Jur” „Ponury” „Rafał”, używającego nazwiska konspiracyjnego Tadeusz Wyrwiński; żołnierza Wojska Polskiego, Związku Walki Zbrojnej, oficera Armii Krajowej, NIE, Delegatury Sił Zbrojnych. W 1942 r. był podporucznikiem, później otrzymał stopień porucznika, a w grudniu 1945 r. lub później - kapitana. Był dowódcą oddziałów leśnych w Obwodzie Częstochowa AK, twórcą i inspektorem Obwodu Zawiercie w „Nie”, komendantem obwodu na pow. Częstochowa w DSZ. Został zabity w więzieniu w Warszawie.
Referatul, pregătit pe baza materialelor de arhivă, are ca scop aducerea la cunoștință a activității lui Daszewski în România, dar și prezentarea biografiei căpitanului care în timpul celui de-Al II-lea Război Mondial a fost luat prizonier de către germani, iar după anul 1945 a locuit în Szczecin și a fost reprimat de aparatul de securitate comunist.
Rozdział opisuje działalność Towarzystwa Nauczycieli Szkół Średnich i Wyższych, które zajmowało wiodącą pozycję na rynku wydawniczym w dwudziestoleciu międzywojennym. Towarzystwo wydawało m.in. "Przegląd Pedagogiczny" i "Muzeum", ale też podręczniki. TNSW było współwłaścicielem świetnie rozwijającej się spółki "Książnica-Atlas". W związku ze swoją działalnością wydawniczą Towarzystwo musiało radzić sobie z różnymi problemami dotyczącymi sfery finansowej i edytorskiej. Ważną sprawą było utrzymanie na rynku czasopism, które czasem rywalizowały ze sobą, np. "Muzeum" i "Kultura i Wychowanie".
Jędrzejewicz, the year 1932 was very important in the history of Polish education. Following legal acts of the Ministry of Religious Denominations and Public Enlightenment, individual boards of education issued different rulings and recommendations. one of them was the Cracow School District Board of Education which published its official journal for this purpose. Mostly, it was issued once a month during a school year. It included circulars prepared by the Chief Education Officer of the school district, regulations of the Ministry of Religious Denominations and Public Enlightenment, resolutions of the Council of Ministers regarding educational system, announcements and information on changes in
personnel and competitions for various positions. It was comprised of official and unofficial part. As far as health protection issues are concerned, the journal discussed disease prevention and control as well as medical care in schools.
Polemical article developed on the basis of discussions over the papers presented at the meeting of historians in Cracow. Among others, it highlights the need to complement history books with some multimedia (e.g. a disc containing films dealing with historical issues) and indicates insufficient level of equipment in schools in which the lack of possibility to use the Internet and, as a result, work with interesting interactive programs during lessons is still very noticeable. Moreover, the article draws attention to the improvement of graphic quality and a number of factual errors in the approved handbooks for teaching history. As far as reasons for this state of affairs are concerned, lowering costs and fear of admitting to be wrong in front of the competition were suggested. The article proposes to introduce a new canon of historical figures and to change the teaching content system. Furthermore, a need to improve the quality of working with a student – among others by discussions and debates for which organisation there is not enough time considering the implementation of current curriculum – was emphasised.
Artykuł polemiczny powstały na kanwie dyskusji wokół referatów wygłoszonych na zjeździe historyków w Krakowie. Zwrócono w nim uwagę na potrzebę wsparcia podręcznika do historii multimediami (np. płytą z filmami o tematyce historycznej), a także na słabe wyposażenie szkół, w których bardzo ciągle jeszcze widoczny jest brak możliwości korzystania z Internetu, a w konsekwencji niemożliwość pracy przy użyciu ciekawych programów interaktywnych na lekcjach. W artykule zwrócono uwagę na poprawę jakości graficznej, ale liczne błędy merytoryczne w dopuszczonych do użytku podręcznikach do nauczania historii. Zadając pytania o przyczyny tego stanu rzeczy, zasugerowano obniżanie kosztów i strach przyznania się do błędu przed konkurencją. W artykule postuluje się wprowadzenia nowego kanonu postaci historycznych i zmianę układu treści nauczania. Zgłoszono potrzebę podniesienia jakości pracy z uczniem, między innymi poprzez organizację dyskusji i debat uczniowskich, na które przy realizacji obowiązującego programu nauczania brakuje czasu.
www.aspress.com.pl/historia/
The article discusses the use of the Internet on the school extra-curricular activities. It concentrates on the possibilities of finding historical sources to learn about the past of a country or region and then working with these sources during the classes of school’s history club. It describes the use of thematic portals dealing with historical issues and online archives of magazines. By using the Internet sources, participants of the history club may create a special webpage where they may present their output (e.g. table with “Polish monarchs”, history of one’s town or a guide to one’s region). Finally, the diversity of didactic measures carried by the Internet is emphasised throughout the article.
Artykuł porusza problematykę wykorzystania Internetu na zajęciach pozalekcyjnych w szkole. Koncentruje się na możliwościach pozyskiwania źródeł historycznych do poznania przeszłości kraju czy regionu, a następnie pracy z tym źródłem w ramach koła historycznego w szkole. Opisuje zastosowanie portali tematycznych o problematyce historycznej, a także strony archiwalne czasopism. Efektem pracy koła historycznego, wykorzystującego źródła internetowe może być strona internetowa przedmiotu, na której można prezentować wytwory pracy uczestników koła historycznego (np. tabela "Władcy Polski", dzieje mojego miasta, przewodnik po moim regionie). W artykule podkreśla się różnorodność środków dydaktycznych, których nośnikiem jest Internet.
www.aspress.com.pl/historia/
https://ejournals.eu/czasopismo/polonia-maior-orientalis/numer/ii
https://ejournals.eu/czasopismo/polonia-maior-orientalis/numer/i