Papers by Ladiba Gondeu
Hans-Peter Meier, professeur émérite, IB Hochschule Stuttgart/Berlin autorise l'impression de la ... more Hans-Peter Meier, professeur émérite, IB Hochschule Stuttgart/Berlin autorise l'impression de la thèse présentée par M. Ladiba Gondeu en laissant à l'auteur la responsabilité des opinions énoncées. Neuchâtel, le 4 septembre 2020 Le doyen Pierre Alain Mariaux v DÉDICACE Á A la famille Bernard Wandeler et Elisabeth Bauer vii REMERCIEMENTS J'adresse un grand merci à Peter Schnyder pour avoir accepté de présider cette soutenance, à Christian Suter pour en avoir assuré la direction ; à Daniel Kuenzler et Hanspeter Meier pour leur expertise. Je reste reconnaissant à Bernard Wandeler, Élisabeth Bauer, Max, Leo Bauer, qui par leurs prévenances et amitiés m'ont régulièrement motivé et soutenu. Je remercie tous ceux et celles qui m'ont formé et enrichi de leurs savoirs. Merci au recteur Ali Abderrahmane Haggar, ainsi qu'aux collègues enseignants-chercheurs de l'Université de N'Djaména pour leur soutien et attention. Je suis redevable à toutes ces personnes rencontrées tout le long de mes recherches de terrain, en particulier les chefs de canton et les communautés de la Tandjilé et du Mayo-Kebbi ; sans oublier ceux, nombreux, qui m'ont accordé leur temps et leur confiance. Je salue ici Philippe Boumard, son épouse Aminata et leur fils Mohamed qui ont joué un rôle décisif dans la
Annales de l’Université de Sarh N°3, 2020
Chad, in the context of the fragilities that characterize the countries of the Sahel,
despite i... more Chad, in the context of the fragilities that characterize the countries of the Sahel,
despite its very real internal contradictions, is an island of stability. Yet the
country comes from afar, years of fratricidal warfare (Ngoté, 1983), recurrent
manipulations of identities by hegemonic actors (Debos, 2013), a dictatorship
unique in Africa under Hissein Habré that nevertheless enabled the restoration
of the state (Dadi, 1987), and with their corollaries of mutual distrust, contempt
for others, the normalization of violence (Arditi, 2003), etc. leading some
authors to consider federalist perspectives for the country (Kosnaye,
1984; Kovana, 1974; Buijtenhuis, 1987, 1981, 1984; Derlemari, 1998;Cornec,
2003; Rone, 2000). Apart from the 1980s Libyan bombings, which followed the
Chad-Libyan wars over the Aozou Band, and the two rebel attacks of April 2006
and February 2008, the Chadian capital N'Djaména was never exposed to
religious violence. The four attacks attributed to Boko Haram in 2015 raised
awareness among Chadians of the fragility of their security systems and the
potential risk posed by the presence of Boko Haram at their borders with Niger,
Nigeria and Cameroon at the junction of Lake Chad. How is the entritism of
this jihadist movement in Chadian communities of Muslim culture, how has it
succeeded in establishing its system of operation, and what are the responses of
the Chadian state to counter it? How can the insurgency of this movement be
placed within the overall framework of instability and radicalization between the
Sahel and the Maghreb? The results of this work draw on experiences with
island and riparian populations in Lake Chad from 2005 to the present, as well
as observations from parts of the Sahel and the Chadian desert from 2011 to
2016. These experiences and observations not only provide insight into the context of the emergence of Boko Haram insurgencies in the Chad region of
Lake Chad, but also an overview of the countervailing strategies put in place by
the states concerned around Chad. This work will finally establish a connection
between the jihadist movements between the Sahel and the Sahara and the
various dynamics of the geopolitical nature of the Chadian desert.
REVUE DE PHILOSOPHIE, LITTÉRATURE ET SCIENCES HUMAINES ÉCHANGES: CORONAVIRUS EN AFRIQUE : AGIR EN TEMPS DE CRISE, PENSER UN AUTRE MONDE, 2020
The pneumonia virus, called Coronavirus, SARS-Cov-2 or Covid-19,
detected in the Chines... more The pneumonia virus, called Coronavirus, SARS-Cov-2 or Covid-19,
detected in the Chinese city of Wuhan has spread outside of China, causing an
unprecedented global health crisis. This is due to the fact that the great powers
have minimized international concertation. Each of them wanting to rely only on
themselves, with the closing of national borders in an attempt to curb the
pandemic. This led to the impotence of these powers. Despite their sophisticated
health systems, the spread of Covid-19 has caused tens of thousands of infections
and deaths. This resulted in general psychosis induced by fear of infection and
potential death. The data collected and analyzed show that the populations of the world, particularly those of the African continent, whose health systems are the
most fragile, are worried and frightened. Given the high rate of victims in the West
and in Asia, the international community has thought of the worst for Africa. But
compliance with the barrier measures taken to combat the Coronavirus, added to
the use of improved decoctions (" Covid-Organics " in Madagascar) and
chloroquine ... seem to have thwarted this macabre prediction. However, the barrier
measures have had disastrous impacts on the economy, social life, food security
etc., which humanity must face after the Coronavirus. The objective of our text
aims to show that the difficult experience of the Coronavirus in bringing man to
act, in wanting to fight against this incurable evil with catastrophic and disturbing
effects.
Une entrée en matière pour ceux qui veulent connaître plus sur le Tchad, ses richesses et ses con... more Une entrée en matière pour ceux qui veulent connaître plus sur le Tchad, ses richesses et ses contradictions.
Thesis Chapters by Ladiba Gondeu
Thèse de doctorat de Sociologie, Université de Neuchâtel, 2020
RÉSUMÉ ET MOTS CLÉS
Le Tchad, depuis le 28 novembre 1958, a opté pour la république. Plus de 50 a... more RÉSUMÉ ET MOTS CLÉS
Le Tchad, depuis le 28 novembre 1958, a opté pour la république. Plus de 50 ans après, on s'aperçoit que le pays traverse une crise sociopolitique permanente pouvant s'analyser non comme le refus de l'État mais de son utilisation par les groupes hégémoniques pour capter, de façon exclusive, les diverses ressources qu'offre l'accès au pouvoir d'État. Des hypothèses sont avancées pour expliquer cet échec de l’État tchadien de construire et d'instruire durablement la citoyenneté, le vivre-ensemble collectif. Ces hypothèses prennent pour arguments le contexte multiethnique du pays, avec ses diversités géographiques, linguistiques, culturelles et religieuses, toutes les références identitaires fortement ancrées et localisées, qui seraient des freins à une vie nationale harmonieuse. L’analyse des processus historiques des rapports aux pouvoirs des communautés des régions de Sud-ouest du Tchad offre la possibilité de saisir les divers niveaux de structuration de ces rapports de l’échelle locale à celle nationale et globale. Comprendre les modes de gestion des territoires communautaires ou ethniques avant, pendant et après la colonisation donne un éclairage sur les processus sociaux engagés par les acteurs en présence d’une part, et permet d’explorer d’autre part leurs imaginaires historiques, culturels et politiques. Les réalités des territoires communautaires prennent alors un sens nouveau, parce que c’est en comprenant les processus historiques de territorialisation, c’est-à-dire de marquage ou de formatage des espaces auxquels ont été confrontées les différentes communautés durant la colonisation et après l’indépendance du Tchad, que pourrait s’énoncer une des clés de compréhension de la situation de crise permanente que traverse le Tchad; entendu que ces réalités qui structurent ces territoires communautaires localement se lisent également en miroir avec les réalités plus globales et nationales. Les dynamiques sociales observées localement ouvrent ainsi de compréhension des rapports entre État et production des violences au Tchad.
Mots clés: Tchad, pouvoirs, conflits, communautés, violence, Mayo-Kebbi, Tandjilé.
ABSTRACT AND KEYWORDS
Chad has opted for the republic, since November 28th, 1958. More than 50 years later, we realize that the country is going through a recurrent socio-political crisis that can be analyzed not as the refusal of the State but its misuse by hegemonic groups to exclusively capture various resources through State power. Hypotheses have been put forward to explain this failure of the Chadian State to build and sustainably educate citizenship, collective living-together: Those hypotheses take as arguments the country's multi-ethnic context, with its geographical, linguistic, cultural and cultural diversities, religious, and all other strong and localized identity references, which would be hinder an harmonious national life. The analysis of the historical processes of power relationship with the communities of South-West Chad offers the opportunity to grasp the different levels of structuring of these relationships from the local to the national and global levels. Understanding the ways in which communities or ethnic territories are managed before, during and after colonization gives insight into the social processes engaged by the actors in the presence, in one hand, and in the other hand, allows them to explore their historical, cultural and political imaginaries. The realities of the community territories then take on a new meaning, because it is by understanding the historical processes of territorialization, that is to say of marking or formatting the spaces that the different communities faced during colonization and after the independence of Chad, which could be one of the keys to understanding the ongoing crisis situation in Chad; It is understood that these realities that structure these community territories locally are also mirrored by the more global and national realities. The social dynamics observed locally thus open up the field of understanding of the relationship between the State and the production of violence in Chad.
Keywords: Chad, Powers, Conflicts, communities, violence, Mayo-Kebbi, Tandjilé.
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Papers by Ladiba Gondeu
despite its very real internal contradictions, is an island of stability. Yet the
country comes from afar, years of fratricidal warfare (Ngoté, 1983), recurrent
manipulations of identities by hegemonic actors (Debos, 2013), a dictatorship
unique in Africa under Hissein Habré that nevertheless enabled the restoration
of the state (Dadi, 1987), and with their corollaries of mutual distrust, contempt
for others, the normalization of violence (Arditi, 2003), etc. leading some
authors to consider federalist perspectives for the country (Kosnaye,
1984; Kovana, 1974; Buijtenhuis, 1987, 1981, 1984; Derlemari, 1998;Cornec,
2003; Rone, 2000). Apart from the 1980s Libyan bombings, which followed the
Chad-Libyan wars over the Aozou Band, and the two rebel attacks of April 2006
and February 2008, the Chadian capital N'Djaména was never exposed to
religious violence. The four attacks attributed to Boko Haram in 2015 raised
awareness among Chadians of the fragility of their security systems and the
potential risk posed by the presence of Boko Haram at their borders with Niger,
Nigeria and Cameroon at the junction of Lake Chad. How is the entritism of
this jihadist movement in Chadian communities of Muslim culture, how has it
succeeded in establishing its system of operation, and what are the responses of
the Chadian state to counter it? How can the insurgency of this movement be
placed within the overall framework of instability and radicalization between the
Sahel and the Maghreb? The results of this work draw on experiences with
island and riparian populations in Lake Chad from 2005 to the present, as well
as observations from parts of the Sahel and the Chadian desert from 2011 to
2016. These experiences and observations not only provide insight into the context of the emergence of Boko Haram insurgencies in the Chad region of
Lake Chad, but also an overview of the countervailing strategies put in place by
the states concerned around Chad. This work will finally establish a connection
between the jihadist movements between the Sahel and the Sahara and the
various dynamics of the geopolitical nature of the Chadian desert.
detected in the Chinese city of Wuhan has spread outside of China, causing an
unprecedented global health crisis. This is due to the fact that the great powers
have minimized international concertation. Each of them wanting to rely only on
themselves, with the closing of national borders in an attempt to curb the
pandemic. This led to the impotence of these powers. Despite their sophisticated
health systems, the spread of Covid-19 has caused tens of thousands of infections
and deaths. This resulted in general psychosis induced by fear of infection and
potential death. The data collected and analyzed show that the populations of the world, particularly those of the African continent, whose health systems are the
most fragile, are worried and frightened. Given the high rate of victims in the West
and in Asia, the international community has thought of the worst for Africa. But
compliance with the barrier measures taken to combat the Coronavirus, added to
the use of improved decoctions (" Covid-Organics " in Madagascar) and
chloroquine ... seem to have thwarted this macabre prediction. However, the barrier
measures have had disastrous impacts on the economy, social life, food security
etc., which humanity must face after the Coronavirus. The objective of our text
aims to show that the difficult experience of the Coronavirus in bringing man to
act, in wanting to fight against this incurable evil with catastrophic and disturbing
effects.
Thesis Chapters by Ladiba Gondeu
Le Tchad, depuis le 28 novembre 1958, a opté pour la république. Plus de 50 ans après, on s'aperçoit que le pays traverse une crise sociopolitique permanente pouvant s'analyser non comme le refus de l'État mais de son utilisation par les groupes hégémoniques pour capter, de façon exclusive, les diverses ressources qu'offre l'accès au pouvoir d'État. Des hypothèses sont avancées pour expliquer cet échec de l’État tchadien de construire et d'instruire durablement la citoyenneté, le vivre-ensemble collectif. Ces hypothèses prennent pour arguments le contexte multiethnique du pays, avec ses diversités géographiques, linguistiques, culturelles et religieuses, toutes les références identitaires fortement ancrées et localisées, qui seraient des freins à une vie nationale harmonieuse. L’analyse des processus historiques des rapports aux pouvoirs des communautés des régions de Sud-ouest du Tchad offre la possibilité de saisir les divers niveaux de structuration de ces rapports de l’échelle locale à celle nationale et globale. Comprendre les modes de gestion des territoires communautaires ou ethniques avant, pendant et après la colonisation donne un éclairage sur les processus sociaux engagés par les acteurs en présence d’une part, et permet d’explorer d’autre part leurs imaginaires historiques, culturels et politiques. Les réalités des territoires communautaires prennent alors un sens nouveau, parce que c’est en comprenant les processus historiques de territorialisation, c’est-à-dire de marquage ou de formatage des espaces auxquels ont été confrontées les différentes communautés durant la colonisation et après l’indépendance du Tchad, que pourrait s’énoncer une des clés de compréhension de la situation de crise permanente que traverse le Tchad; entendu que ces réalités qui structurent ces territoires communautaires localement se lisent également en miroir avec les réalités plus globales et nationales. Les dynamiques sociales observées localement ouvrent ainsi de compréhension des rapports entre État et production des violences au Tchad.
Mots clés: Tchad, pouvoirs, conflits, communautés, violence, Mayo-Kebbi, Tandjilé.
ABSTRACT AND KEYWORDS
Chad has opted for the republic, since November 28th, 1958. More than 50 years later, we realize that the country is going through a recurrent socio-political crisis that can be analyzed not as the refusal of the State but its misuse by hegemonic groups to exclusively capture various resources through State power. Hypotheses have been put forward to explain this failure of the Chadian State to build and sustainably educate citizenship, collective living-together: Those hypotheses take as arguments the country's multi-ethnic context, with its geographical, linguistic, cultural and cultural diversities, religious, and all other strong and localized identity references, which would be hinder an harmonious national life. The analysis of the historical processes of power relationship with the communities of South-West Chad offers the opportunity to grasp the different levels of structuring of these relationships from the local to the national and global levels. Understanding the ways in which communities or ethnic territories are managed before, during and after colonization gives insight into the social processes engaged by the actors in the presence, in one hand, and in the other hand, allows them to explore their historical, cultural and political imaginaries. The realities of the community territories then take on a new meaning, because it is by understanding the historical processes of territorialization, that is to say of marking or formatting the spaces that the different communities faced during colonization and after the independence of Chad, which could be one of the keys to understanding the ongoing crisis situation in Chad; It is understood that these realities that structure these community territories locally are also mirrored by the more global and national realities. The social dynamics observed locally thus open up the field of understanding of the relationship between the State and the production of violence in Chad.
Keywords: Chad, Powers, Conflicts, communities, violence, Mayo-Kebbi, Tandjilé.
despite its very real internal contradictions, is an island of stability. Yet the
country comes from afar, years of fratricidal warfare (Ngoté, 1983), recurrent
manipulations of identities by hegemonic actors (Debos, 2013), a dictatorship
unique in Africa under Hissein Habré that nevertheless enabled the restoration
of the state (Dadi, 1987), and with their corollaries of mutual distrust, contempt
for others, the normalization of violence (Arditi, 2003), etc. leading some
authors to consider federalist perspectives for the country (Kosnaye,
1984; Kovana, 1974; Buijtenhuis, 1987, 1981, 1984; Derlemari, 1998;Cornec,
2003; Rone, 2000). Apart from the 1980s Libyan bombings, which followed the
Chad-Libyan wars over the Aozou Band, and the two rebel attacks of April 2006
and February 2008, the Chadian capital N'Djaména was never exposed to
religious violence. The four attacks attributed to Boko Haram in 2015 raised
awareness among Chadians of the fragility of their security systems and the
potential risk posed by the presence of Boko Haram at their borders with Niger,
Nigeria and Cameroon at the junction of Lake Chad. How is the entritism of
this jihadist movement in Chadian communities of Muslim culture, how has it
succeeded in establishing its system of operation, and what are the responses of
the Chadian state to counter it? How can the insurgency of this movement be
placed within the overall framework of instability and radicalization between the
Sahel and the Maghreb? The results of this work draw on experiences with
island and riparian populations in Lake Chad from 2005 to the present, as well
as observations from parts of the Sahel and the Chadian desert from 2011 to
2016. These experiences and observations not only provide insight into the context of the emergence of Boko Haram insurgencies in the Chad region of
Lake Chad, but also an overview of the countervailing strategies put in place by
the states concerned around Chad. This work will finally establish a connection
between the jihadist movements between the Sahel and the Sahara and the
various dynamics of the geopolitical nature of the Chadian desert.
detected in the Chinese city of Wuhan has spread outside of China, causing an
unprecedented global health crisis. This is due to the fact that the great powers
have minimized international concertation. Each of them wanting to rely only on
themselves, with the closing of national borders in an attempt to curb the
pandemic. This led to the impotence of these powers. Despite their sophisticated
health systems, the spread of Covid-19 has caused tens of thousands of infections
and deaths. This resulted in general psychosis induced by fear of infection and
potential death. The data collected and analyzed show that the populations of the world, particularly those of the African continent, whose health systems are the
most fragile, are worried and frightened. Given the high rate of victims in the West
and in Asia, the international community has thought of the worst for Africa. But
compliance with the barrier measures taken to combat the Coronavirus, added to
the use of improved decoctions (" Covid-Organics " in Madagascar) and
chloroquine ... seem to have thwarted this macabre prediction. However, the barrier
measures have had disastrous impacts on the economy, social life, food security
etc., which humanity must face after the Coronavirus. The objective of our text
aims to show that the difficult experience of the Coronavirus in bringing man to
act, in wanting to fight against this incurable evil with catastrophic and disturbing
effects.
Le Tchad, depuis le 28 novembre 1958, a opté pour la république. Plus de 50 ans après, on s'aperçoit que le pays traverse une crise sociopolitique permanente pouvant s'analyser non comme le refus de l'État mais de son utilisation par les groupes hégémoniques pour capter, de façon exclusive, les diverses ressources qu'offre l'accès au pouvoir d'État. Des hypothèses sont avancées pour expliquer cet échec de l’État tchadien de construire et d'instruire durablement la citoyenneté, le vivre-ensemble collectif. Ces hypothèses prennent pour arguments le contexte multiethnique du pays, avec ses diversités géographiques, linguistiques, culturelles et religieuses, toutes les références identitaires fortement ancrées et localisées, qui seraient des freins à une vie nationale harmonieuse. L’analyse des processus historiques des rapports aux pouvoirs des communautés des régions de Sud-ouest du Tchad offre la possibilité de saisir les divers niveaux de structuration de ces rapports de l’échelle locale à celle nationale et globale. Comprendre les modes de gestion des territoires communautaires ou ethniques avant, pendant et après la colonisation donne un éclairage sur les processus sociaux engagés par les acteurs en présence d’une part, et permet d’explorer d’autre part leurs imaginaires historiques, culturels et politiques. Les réalités des territoires communautaires prennent alors un sens nouveau, parce que c’est en comprenant les processus historiques de territorialisation, c’est-à-dire de marquage ou de formatage des espaces auxquels ont été confrontées les différentes communautés durant la colonisation et après l’indépendance du Tchad, que pourrait s’énoncer une des clés de compréhension de la situation de crise permanente que traverse le Tchad; entendu que ces réalités qui structurent ces territoires communautaires localement se lisent également en miroir avec les réalités plus globales et nationales. Les dynamiques sociales observées localement ouvrent ainsi de compréhension des rapports entre État et production des violences au Tchad.
Mots clés: Tchad, pouvoirs, conflits, communautés, violence, Mayo-Kebbi, Tandjilé.
ABSTRACT AND KEYWORDS
Chad has opted for the republic, since November 28th, 1958. More than 50 years later, we realize that the country is going through a recurrent socio-political crisis that can be analyzed not as the refusal of the State but its misuse by hegemonic groups to exclusively capture various resources through State power. Hypotheses have been put forward to explain this failure of the Chadian State to build and sustainably educate citizenship, collective living-together: Those hypotheses take as arguments the country's multi-ethnic context, with its geographical, linguistic, cultural and cultural diversities, religious, and all other strong and localized identity references, which would be hinder an harmonious national life. The analysis of the historical processes of power relationship with the communities of South-West Chad offers the opportunity to grasp the different levels of structuring of these relationships from the local to the national and global levels. Understanding the ways in which communities or ethnic territories are managed before, during and after colonization gives insight into the social processes engaged by the actors in the presence, in one hand, and in the other hand, allows them to explore their historical, cultural and political imaginaries. The realities of the community territories then take on a new meaning, because it is by understanding the historical processes of territorialization, that is to say of marking or formatting the spaces that the different communities faced during colonization and after the independence of Chad, which could be one of the keys to understanding the ongoing crisis situation in Chad; It is understood that these realities that structure these community territories locally are also mirrored by the more global and national realities. The social dynamics observed locally thus open up the field of understanding of the relationship between the State and the production of violence in Chad.
Keywords: Chad, Powers, Conflicts, communities, violence, Mayo-Kebbi, Tandjilé.