Papers by Marco Zappa
Developing the EU-Japan Strategic Partnership: An analysis of European Union member states’ relations with Japan, 2022
As members of the G7 group, Italy and Japan are today among the world’s largest economies and mos... more As members of the G7 group, Italy and Japan are today among the world’s largest economies and most industrialized countries. Aware of their long history of interactions, dating well before the two countries emerged as modern nation-states in the late 19th century, they share several commonalities with regards to their respective postwar institutional and economic development. First, both have been key US allies in their respective regions, hosting, for instance, US military bases on their national territories. Second, both countries still uphold their postwar constitutional arrangements (and will do so probably for a few more years, despite reinterpretations and revisionist legislation) that nominally bar governments from military resurgence. Third, after exhibiting extraordinary economic growth rates for two decades, from the 1960s to the 1980s, they have established themselves as economic powerhouses and export giants. Fourth, despite frequent leadership reshuffles, both countries have long been ruled by conservative parties (the Christian democrats in Italy until the early 1990s, and the Liberal democrats in Japan, until 2009 and then from 2012 to the present day), which have pursued long-term strategies and contributed to laying the foundation of political and business relations since the early 1950s. Despite rarely producing any relevant benefit for the two national economies or, by and large, for third countries’ development initiatives, this effort has nevertheless resulted in a strong fascination for the other country’s culture, resulting in the popularity of the study of Japanese and Italian and in a thriving cultural exchange. Finally, as important powers, they are in search of new diplomatic arrangements, particularly concerning trade, comprehensive security and transcontinental connectivity. Against this backdrop, in this chapter, transformations of Italy-Japan relations will be put in the context of an evolving international situation, with particular attention to the developments recorded in the last three decades. The crisis of American unipolarity and current climate emergency have, in fact, created new opportunities for multilateral cooperation, though the current pandemic seems to have put several possibilities on hold.
Asia Maior, 2023
In James Scott’s enlightening perspective, the uplands of Southeast Asia have long been loci of d... more In James Scott’s enlightening perspective, the uplands of Southeast Asia have long been loci of desertion and opposition to the state. In these natural theaters, characterized by mountainous and forest environments, people have wandered and grown crops, hunted and extracted natural resources such as wood for their own survival, escaping the often tyrannical and homogenizing eye of the state. However influential, Scott’s view was molded by his study of premodern interactions between states and non-state peoples in the highland of «Zomia» preluding to the rise of the modern state in the early 20th century [Scott 2009]. By contrast, Upland Geopolitics by Michael B. Dwyer aims at updating this debate focusing on north-western Laos against the backdrop of a «global land rush» (2), i.e., the proliferation of transnational land deals across the global South and the rise of China in the political and economic order of the Asia-Pacific region. Dwyer does so by adopting a political ecology perspective apt to show the interrelatedness of nature and politics. Based on decade-long research, the book is articulated in five main chapters each of which focuses on a specific phase in the history of spatial politics in Laos.
Rome, IAI, December 2022, 12 p. (IAI Papers ; 22|32), ISBN 978-88-9368-277-0, 2022
While Japan notoriously suffers from a structural lack of primary energy sources while being pron... more While Japan notoriously suffers from a structural lack of primary energy sources while being prone to natural disasters, it has been able to attain an unprecedented industrial development. The earthquake, tsunami and nuclear crisis of 2011 pushed successive national governments toward comprehensively reviewing its energy strategy, with substantial progress being made. The policies adopted by Japanese authority since 2011 point to the materialisation of community-based power networks, which, if adopted on a wider scale, might contribute to enhanced energy self-sufficiency and security. In the light of decarbonisation strategies adopted by both the EU and Japan and of the ongoing conflict in Ukraine, this issue is even more urgent. For these reasons, increased communication and coordination on energy and urbanisation issues between EU and Japan is highly desirable.
In the late 1980s, the Socialist Republic of Vietnam (Vietnam, hereafter) underwent a period of r... more In the late 1980s, the Socialist Republic of Vietnam (Vietnam, hereafter) underwent a period of reforms known as doi moi (renovation), opened its economy to global flows of goods and capitals and adopted an "omnidirectional" strategy aimed at building relations with former "enemy" states like Japan and the US. These multiple transitions presented the country's communist leadership with new challenges: first and foremost, transforming the country's governance from socialist to a partially neoliberal one in the attempt to accommodate international partners' and investors' demands. The present study will address the following research question: by which means did the Vietnamese leadership succeed in surviving the demise of the USSR and conform to the emerging neoliberal global order? Against the backdrop of the global rise of the good governance model for international development, this article will shed light on Japan's role during Vietnam's first phase of reforms in the early 1990s through its government-led knowledge-based aid initiatives up until the draft of the country's first Comprehensive Growth and Poverty Reduction Strategy. It will argue that Japan offered a certain development know-how and a model of state-mediated growth which suited Vietnam's Communist party's needs to keep the single-party rule.
Dalle piazze a Twitter contro l'egemonia di Abe La strategia comunicativa del Partito democratico... more Dalle piazze a Twitter contro l'egemonia di Abe La strategia comunicativa del Partito democratico costituzionale alle elezioni del 2017 Marco Zappa Japan ranks second in the world in terms of the number of Twitter users. Since 2009, under the Democratic Party's 3-year permanence in power, politicians and administrators have turned to Twitter massively to build a direct communication with their constituency. It was, however, only in 2017 that Twitter has become a propaganda tool and a locus of political debate among Japanese politicians and netizens. The Constitutional Democratic Party (CDP) is an exemplary case of this transition. Born a few weeks before the vote of 22 October 2017, it managed to get attention and consensus, also thanks to a massive use of social networks, and, finally, to confirm itself as the first opposition party. A year after its foundation, however, it has failed to broaden its electoral base and consolidate itself locally. However, the article aims to identify the factors behind its swift success: on the one hand the role of the leader Edano Yukio and on the other the construction of a "counterhegemonic" narrative (though short-lived) capable of obtaining consensus in the immediacy of the election. This analysis intends to use the textual material available online (for example: tweets more relevant from a political-programmatic point of view) to identify the narrative framing of the political campaign, regularities and innovations within it to enlarge the CDP's chances to gain at the ballot. In addition, the article intends to assess the role of social networks such as Twitter for politicians even in a seemingly neutral web space such as Japan's.
54 | 2018, 2018
Japanese ODA has attracted much attention in the last three decades. This paper aims to shed ligh... more Japanese ODA has attracted much attention in the last three decades. This paper aims to shed light on the intellectual evolution of the official discourse on Japanese ODA based on the analysis of two main ‘modes of thought’ at the foundation of it, namely national interest and international affiliation. Based on a detailed content analysis of official documents and public debates, the paper will take the role of institutional actors – Japanese political leaders, foreign ministers and intellectuals – into consideration. The role of such “entrepreneurs” has been crucial for shaping the current official discourse on Japanese foreign aid. The paper will argue, in fact, that the official discourse is a juxtaposition of two clashing ideas carefully shaped to enlarge the consensus (both domestic and external) toward the Japanese government’s policies.
The present article aims to analyse recent EU-Japan joint engagement with Vietnam in the context ... more The present article aims to analyse recent EU-Japan joint engagement with Vietnam in the context of the ongoing Covid-19 pandemic. It seeks to do so by illustrating the historical transformations in the geopolitical arrangements centred on the Asia-Pacific region between Japan and the EU in the light of ‘situational’ US policies toward the region under Trump, Japan’s strengthened global role, Vietnam’s historical struggle to diversify its foreign policy vectors and maintain autonomy, and growing expectations of EU engagement in the region as a champion of free trade and the rule of law
Multidisciplinary Studies of the Environment and Civilization, 2017
Since a group of geologists recommended to adopt 'Anthropocene' as the name of a new geological e... more Since a group of geologists recommended to adopt 'Anthropocene' as the name of a new geological era in 2016, an academic debate on the impact that human activities have had on the environment since at least the mid-20th century has gained momentum and has involved large sections of the public opinion. Area studies are not an exception. The book Multidisciplinary of the Environment and Civilization: Japanese Perspectives, co-edited by Yoshinori Yasuda and Mark Hudson, is a rare attempt to offer a multidisciplinary perspective on the study of Japan. Focusing on Japan, the title is the first in a series dedicated to the studies of Anthropocene in the Asian context and from an Asian perspective. The book aims at offering a truly multi-faceted perspective on the interactions between humans and the natural environment: each chapter is devoted to a specific case-study aiming at offering insights in geology, palaeogeography, archaeology, ichthyology, literature, art history and historiography. On top of this, apart from the chapters by Hudson, the book gathers a number of essays and studies by mainly Japanese scholars which otherwise would be hardly accessible for the English-speaking world.
Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia, 2021
Despite competing strategical interests over Southeast Asia that have emerged in the last decade,... more Despite competing strategical interests over Southeast Asia that have emerged in the last decade, with the launch of wide scope geopolitical strategies Chinese and Japanese initiatives have been characterized by a certain degree of implicit coordination, particularly in offering support to the Myanmar state's territorializing strategies for economic development. The case of the Thilawa Special Economic Zones (SEZ) is exemplary, as it was a Japan-led project which became a model and benchmark example for similar development initiatives supported by the People's Republic of China.
Global Governance Program, Robert Schuman Center Policy Brief Series, 2021
The present article aims to analyse recent EU-Japan joint engagement with Vietnam in the context ... more The present article aims to analyse recent EU-Japan joint engagement with Vietnam in the context of the ongoing Covid-19 pandemic. It seeks to do so by illustrating the historical transformations in the geopolitical arrangements centred on the Asia-Pacific region between Japan and the EU in the light of 'situational' US policies toward the region under Trump, Japan's strengthened global role, Vietnam's historical struggle to diversify its foreign policy vectors and maintain autonomy, and growing expectations of EU engagement in the region as a champion of free trade and the rule of law.
Kervan. International Journal of Afro-Asiatic Studies, 2020
Japan ranks second in the world in terms of the number of Twitter users. Since 2009, under the De... more Japan ranks second in the world in terms of the number of Twitter users. Since 2009, under the Democratic Party’s 3-year permanence in power, politicians and administrators have turned to Twitter massively to build a direct communication with their constituency. It was, however, only in 2017 that Twitter has become a propaganda tool and a locus of political debate among Japanese politicians and netizens. The Constitutional Democratic Party (CDP) is an exemplary case of this transition. Born a few weeks before the vote of 22 October 2017, it managed to get attention and consensus, also thanks to a massive use of social networks, and, finally, to confirm itself as the first opposition party. A year after its foundation, however, it has failed to broaden its electoral base and consolidate itself locally. However, the article aims to identify the factors behind its swift success: on the one hand the role of the leader Edano Yukio and on the other the construction of a "counterhegemonic” narrative (though short-lived) capable of obtaining consensus in the immediacy of the election. This analysis intends to use the textual material available online (for example: tweets more relevant from a political-programmatic point of view) to identify the narrative framing of the political campaign, regularities and innovations within it to enlarge the CDP’s chances to gain at the ballot. In addition, the article intends to assess the role of social networks such as Twitter for politicians even in a seemingly neutral web space such as Japan’s.
International Quarterly for Asian Studies, 2020
In recent years, "smart city" has become a buzzword in discussions about urbanisation. While in E... more In recent years, "smart city" has become a buzzword in discussions about urbanisation. While in Europe and North America the initial utopian optimism has now receded, due to booming implementation costs and surveillance concerns, the smart city model has taken root in rapidly urbanising Asia in particular, thanks to the activism of China and Japan. For the latter, smart city technologies and technical know-how represent the new frontier of export goods. In April 2018, the Government of Japan and that of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam announced the construction of a new smart city on the outskirts of the Vietnamese capital Hanoi that is set to become Japan's largest ODA project to date. Despite changes in the global hegemonic narratives on smart cities, the new project bears the features of an urban settlement that revolves around technological data collection for the sake of perfect efficiency, rather than for its prospective inhabitants. Against this backdrop, how did the Government of Japan succeed in constructing a convincing narrative for made-in-Japan smart cities? Since 2011, thanks to specific initiatives by Japan's government and investments by Japanese tech companies in the sector, a Japanese discourse on smart cities has emerged. Through an examination of earlier critiques of the smart city model and a close analysis of official policies and books by energy policy intellectuals , this paper will identify the main features of the Japanese discourse on smart cities and place it in the context of an evolving broader global narrative. The study demonstrates how the Japanese discourse on smart cities largely reflects a corporate managerial vision of the city and, at the same time, a "technonationalist" approach that informs the country's foreign policy.
Orizzonti giapponesi: Ricerche, idee, prospettive, 2018
Abe Shinzō is among the longest-serving Japanese Prime Ministers since World War II. In his secon... more Abe Shinzō is among the longest-serving Japanese Prime Ministers since World War II. In his second term at the helm, a few crucial, but not always popular, reforms have been approved. Economic reforms, under the banner of his flagship policy abenomics, have been implemented. More importantly, the Abe cabinet has carried out historic reforms in the sector of national security and defense with the passing of a a set of controversial security laws in 2015, practically bypassing the Article 9 of the Japanese postwar Constitution. Despite a temporary fall in the cabinet approval ratings, the Abe government has been able to continue its action. This article argues that part of Abe's success depends on his rhetoric style appealing to the voters' feelings (pathos) rather than rationality (logos). In addition, it maintains that Abe's frequent recourse to dichotomies (present/future, crisis (proactivism, etc.) in his speeches and his political use of cabinet reshuffles and snap elections might be referred to as populism.
Proceedings of the XV East Asia Net Research Workshop , 2017
Between Kim Ma, Dao Tan and Linh Lang streets, in the central district of Ba Dinh in Hanoi, lies ... more Between Kim Ma, Dao Tan and Linh Lang streets, in the central district of Ba Dinh in Hanoi, lies what has been called a 'Japanese quarter' (nihonjin gai). The aim of this paper is to shed light, based on qualitative analysis, on the dynamics that led to the formation of a 'Japanese' neighbourhood and the response of the local community as a result of the government of Japan's cultural policies and thriving economic and diplomatic relations.
The paper focuses on Japanese development assistance to Vietnam. In my paper, Japanese ODA is dis... more The paper focuses on Japanese development assistance to Vietnam. In my paper, Japanese ODA is discussed as a “branding” tool to enhance what Simon Anholt (2009) calls a “competitive identity”, and, in coordination with Japanese cultural policies abroad, as a source of power in Asian international relations.
Reviews by Marco Zappa
Annali di Ca' Foscari. Serie Orientale, 2020
Since a group of geologists recommended to adopt 'Anthropocene' as the name of a new geological e... more Since a group of geologists recommended to adopt 'Anthropocene' as the name of a new geological era in 2016, an academic debate on the impact that human activities have had on the environment since at least the mid-20th century has gained momentum and has involved large sections of the public opinion. Area studies are not an exception. The book Multidisciplinary of the Environment and Civilization: Jap-anese Perspectives, co-edited by Yoshinori Yasuda and Mark Hudson, is a rare attempt to offer a multidisciplinary perspective on the study of Japan. Focusing on Japan, the title is the first in a series dedicated to the studies of Anthropocene in the Asian context and from an Asian perspective. The book aims at offering a truly multi-faceted perspective on the interactions between humans and the natural environment: each chapter is devoted to a specific case-study aiming at offering insights in geology, palaeogeography, archaeology, ichthyology, literature, art history and historiography. On top of this, apart from the chapters by Hudson, the book gathers a number of essays and studies by mainly Japanese scholars which otherwise would be hardly accessible for the English-speaking world.
Books by Marco Zappa
Developing the EU-Japan Strategic Partnership: An analysis of European Union member states’ relations with Japan, 2022
Here you can read my chapter from the book project 'Developing the EU-Japan Strategic Partnershi... more Here you can read my chapter from the book project 'Developing the EU-Japan Strategic Partnership: An analysis of European Union member states’ relations with Japan', part of the RISAP project, implemented with support from Toshiba International Foundation (TIFO) and edited by Andreea Brinza and Andrei Lungu. The project involved 21 European scholars and the book analyzes the relations between 21 European Union member states and Japan, in order to shed light on the complex landscape of EU-Japan relations.
The book is freely available and can be downloaded on the following page:
https://risap.eu/book-developing-the-eu-japan-strategic-partnership/
L’“Era Abe” ha avuto indubbiamente un carattere trasformativo per la politica estera giapponese. ... more L’“Era Abe” ha avuto indubbiamente un carattere trasformativo per la politica estera giapponese. Dopo settant’anni, oggi il Giappone sembra un paese “normale” da un punto di vista di sicurezza nazionale e militare. Tuttavia, quanto ciò sia attribuibile alla personalità del leader conservatore e quanto invece a specifiche contingenze storico-politiche di portata regionale e globale resta materia di dibattito. Analizzando la storia delle relazioni internazionali del Giappone negli ultimi sette decenni, il presente lavoro intende fare luce su come Tokyo sia riuscita ad affermarsi in maniera autonoma sugli scenari regionali e globali nonostante un rapporto di alleanza, spesso assai vincolante, con gli Stati Uniti. In particolare, la discussione si concentrerà qui sulle interazioni tra Giappone, Stati Uniti, le organizzazioni internazionali del sistema a guida statunitense, e l’Asia orientale (Cina e Coree), meridionale (India) e sudorientale. Alla base dei capitoli, a livello profondo, una considerazione in particolare: la storia ha un peso specifico considerevole rispetto all’agire individuale nel determinare gli orientamenti in politica estera di un governo.
Conference Proceedings Papers by Marco Zappa
The GLOCAL Conference in Asia 2020 Proceedings, 2020
Not only is Abe Shinzō on the way to becoming Japan’s longest-serving Prime Minister in the count... more Not only is Abe Shinzō on the way to becoming Japan’s longest-serving Prime Minister in the country’s history. With more than 1 million followers on Twitter and slightly less than 600 hundred thousand fans on Facebook, he is by far the most successful Japanese political leader on social media. Commentators have described Abe’s turn to social networking services (SNS) as a “revenge” against “traditional” media against the background of a growing use of SNSs by other major Japanese political actors. At any rate, particularly through Facebook, combining text and pictures of himself on and off duty, Abe has successfully established his own mode to communicate with and “exhibit” himself to voters, citizens and the global community of netizens. This paper aims to address the following research question: on which themes and key concepts is this “presentation of the self” based? In other words, how is the Prime Minister communication staff constructing Abe’s “social” image and to which audience is this aimed? Based on Goffman’s theorization and later application of his work on the study of online social interactions, this paper illustrates the strive to ensure the consistency of Abe’s use of the SNS with previously expressed concepts and ideas (e.g., in the 2006 book “A Beautiful Country”), with the aim of pleasing the “bubble” of like-minded individuals constituting Abe’s (online) support base, and avoid issues that might possibly harm the Prime Minister’s reputation. Abe’s Facebook activity (a combination of text and pictures) during a critical time in his second tenure (2017), in which he faced cronyism allegations while coping with gaffes and scandals involving cabinet members, provided a case in point for multimedia content analysis.
Keywords: Shinzō abe, Japanese politics, social network analysis.
Articles by Marco Zappa
Asia Maior, 2024
On the basis of a wide range of critically assessed and triangulated secondary and primary source... more On the basis of a wide range of critically assessed and triangulated secondary and primary sources, including elite interviews and official documentation often in the original language, this article suggests that Japan’s domestic politics, and also its foreign and security policies, displayed a remarkable degree of continuity with the path set by the late Abe Shinzō, and thus carry his imprint. Notable exceptions are Kishida’s initiatives in the energy, economic, and fiscal realms. Amid major scandals and internal readjustments in the majority party, the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), Japan’s domestic politics appear to be dominated by a single party maintaining its edge over possible adversaries in a fundamentally non-competitive democratic system. This trend has been further reinforced by growing political disaffection. Public trust in the government in 2023 was at a minimum, while surveys show that more than 40% of the Japanese electorate did not support any specific political party. Against this backdrop, however, the Kishida administration was successful in ending a long-lasting period of deflation in the Japanese economy and coming to terms with the legacy of former PM Abe Shinzō. In fact, the lasting influence of Abe lives on in the LDP’s factional balance, influencing Kishida’s policy stance.
Especially in the realm of Japan’s security policy and international relations, 2023 testified to Abe’s legacy. Japan’s changes in its military doctrine and its force posture, together with its strategic outreaches to its east Asian neighbours and European and Pacific players, mirror US grand strategy. In fact, Japan also worked in lockstep with US-led minilateral diplomacy aimed at purposeful multi-layered security ententes, often on an ad hoc basis, to balance China militarily, counter the expansion of its regional diplomatic and economic influence and maintain the status quo along the first island chain. The seeds sown by the second Abe administration bore fruit in Japan’s security embrace of Taiwan, an embrace which capitalised on Abe’s poorly understood 2015 legislative and strategic revolutions.
With a focus on the geopolitics of the first island chain, the article then looks at Japan’s burgeoning security cooperation with South Korea and European states. It does so to argue that while Kishida’s Japan is seemingly reactive to US grand strategy, it acts in broad continuity of the course set by the two Abe administrations. After all, under Abe, Japan expanded its strategic partnerships to include European players and NATO. Moreover, while Kishida is not a revisionist nationalist, unlike Abe, Japan’s reset of its relations with Seoul is a by-product of the new Yoon administration’s ability to compromise rather than a result of the Japanese government’s concessions.
After analysing the burgeoning Japan-NATO relations, the article concludes with a discussion of Japan’s successful G7 presidency, the apex of minilateral diplomacy in 2023.
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Papers by Marco Zappa
Reviews by Marco Zappa
Books by Marco Zappa
The book is freely available and can be downloaded on the following page:
https://risap.eu/book-developing-the-eu-japan-strategic-partnership/
Conference Proceedings Papers by Marco Zappa
Keywords: Shinzō abe, Japanese politics, social network analysis.
Articles by Marco Zappa
Especially in the realm of Japan’s security policy and international relations, 2023 testified to Abe’s legacy. Japan’s changes in its military doctrine and its force posture, together with its strategic outreaches to its east Asian neighbours and European and Pacific players, mirror US grand strategy. In fact, Japan also worked in lockstep with US-led minilateral diplomacy aimed at purposeful multi-layered security ententes, often on an ad hoc basis, to balance China militarily, counter the expansion of its regional diplomatic and economic influence and maintain the status quo along the first island chain. The seeds sown by the second Abe administration bore fruit in Japan’s security embrace of Taiwan, an embrace which capitalised on Abe’s poorly understood 2015 legislative and strategic revolutions.
With a focus on the geopolitics of the first island chain, the article then looks at Japan’s burgeoning security cooperation with South Korea and European states. It does so to argue that while Kishida’s Japan is seemingly reactive to US grand strategy, it acts in broad continuity of the course set by the two Abe administrations. After all, under Abe, Japan expanded its strategic partnerships to include European players and NATO. Moreover, while Kishida is not a revisionist nationalist, unlike Abe, Japan’s reset of its relations with Seoul is a by-product of the new Yoon administration’s ability to compromise rather than a result of the Japanese government’s concessions.
After analysing the burgeoning Japan-NATO relations, the article concludes with a discussion of Japan’s successful G7 presidency, the apex of minilateral diplomacy in 2023.
The book is freely available and can be downloaded on the following page:
https://risap.eu/book-developing-the-eu-japan-strategic-partnership/
Keywords: Shinzō abe, Japanese politics, social network analysis.
Especially in the realm of Japan’s security policy and international relations, 2023 testified to Abe’s legacy. Japan’s changes in its military doctrine and its force posture, together with its strategic outreaches to its east Asian neighbours and European and Pacific players, mirror US grand strategy. In fact, Japan also worked in lockstep with US-led minilateral diplomacy aimed at purposeful multi-layered security ententes, often on an ad hoc basis, to balance China militarily, counter the expansion of its regional diplomatic and economic influence and maintain the status quo along the first island chain. The seeds sown by the second Abe administration bore fruit in Japan’s security embrace of Taiwan, an embrace which capitalised on Abe’s poorly understood 2015 legislative and strategic revolutions.
With a focus on the geopolitics of the first island chain, the article then looks at Japan’s burgeoning security cooperation with South Korea and European states. It does so to argue that while Kishida’s Japan is seemingly reactive to US grand strategy, it acts in broad continuity of the course set by the two Abe administrations. After all, under Abe, Japan expanded its strategic partnerships to include European players and NATO. Moreover, while Kishida is not a revisionist nationalist, unlike Abe, Japan’s reset of its relations with Seoul is a by-product of the new Yoon administration’s ability to compromise rather than a result of the Japanese government’s concessions.
After analysing the burgeoning Japan-NATO relations, the article concludes with a discussion of Japan’s successful G7 presidency, the apex of minilateral diplomacy in 2023.