Student groups play an important role in Bangladesh. Not only have student groups often been at t... more Student groups play an important role in Bangladesh. Not only have student groups often been at the vanguard of crucial struggles – like the Language Movement (1947-1952), the Independence movement (1969-71) and the pro-democracy movement (1989-91) – but many contemporary politicians also have roots in student organizations. Student organizations are highly politicized in Bangladesh and operated as important wings of the major parties. The contemporary role of student groups and student politics is often seen in a highly negative light, as part of a wider degeneration of political values, exemplified by a perceived increase in violence and corruption. While not wanting to trade such moralistic reasoning for a critical understanding of student politics in its current form, it is undeniable that student politics today is highly violent. Recent data indeed show the major role that student organizations play in political violence in the country. In the last ten years (2008-2018) campus violence accounted for 13 per cent of political violence in the country. If all off- campus political violence in which one or more student groups participated is included, this increases to over 27 percent, making them one of the most active groups engaging in political violence. Important to note is that in some urban areas (such as Rajshahi and Sylhet), student groups participate in around 50 per cent of all political violence. At the same time, non-violent roles of student groups remain important given that student organizations remain one of the single most important breeding grounds for future political leaders. Given the importance of student politicians in organizing and participating in political violence, as well as student politics’ formative role in the making of party politicians, it is surprising that we still have a limited understanding of how student politics operates across Bangladesh. This report aims to build on the work already done, but to radically expand our comparative understanding of student politics by looking beyond Dhaka, where most of the research till date has focused on. Our research focused on five major cities which are also major centers of higher education – Dhaka, Chittagong, Khulna, Rajshahi, and Sylhet, the important district headquarters of Bogra and one rural university (the Islamic University in Kushtia). Interviews were conducted – with both ruling party and opposition student activists, general students and university or college staff – to gain insights in the profile of student politicians, the organization of student politics in the specific locations, the relations between city politics and student politics, and factionalism and student violence.
Starting with the 'Udichi' bomb blast in 1999 and ending with the Holy Artisan attack in 2016 in ... more Starting with the 'Udichi' bomb blast in 1999 and ending with the Holy Artisan attack in 2016 in Dhaka, the impact of the events of 9/11 and the subsequent US-led global war on terrorism and the continuous operational drive by the law enforcement agencies, where does Bangladesh stand in terms of understanding threat level? What we learn from the anti-Militant Operations 'Twilight' in Sylhet, 'Hit Back' and 'Maximus' in Moulvibazar and subsequent recovery of huge stash of Improvised Explosive Devices (IEDs)? How does violent narrative evolved in Bangladesh? Has the risk of extremism diminished or increased? Have the plans and abilities of radical groups to conduct terrorist acts reduced or increased? What is the level of threat in Bangladesh? As stated in various literature, the probability of the extremist threat is high in Bangladesh. The existence of the threat groups and evidence of their activities are noticeable in the country. Due to the continuous drive by the law and security forces, the extremist groups are moving in slow pace. But the security forces have been strategically, operationally and tactically challenged by the new techniques and technology of extremism. Many banned militant groups are still regrouping by changing their names and operation techniques. In such a context, this paper aims to address the threat level and opportunity structure in Bangladesh. What should be the way out to face such ideologically motivated challenges? Owing to the multi-dimensionality of the problem, it is critically important to explore a viable and effective strategy incorporating short-term, medium-term and long-term goals. The short-term goals include finding out the extremist groups' hideouts, exposing groups' motives, targets, command, control and support infrastructure, responding effectively, efficiently and rapidly by security forces in arresting and bringing them under law, profiling extremist individuals, groups and cases by gathering critical information. The medium-term goals include running an effective oversight and security system, increasing coordination among law enforcement agencies, service sectors, and social forces in order to create an all-inclusive security environment in the country. The long-term measures should be preventive in nature. It is necessary to take a whole of society approach against violent extremism. Corruption should be addressed on priority basis so that it cannot provide opportunity to further rise in violent extremism. The policy makers should address what are the rhetorical violent narratives available and how to promote counter narratives in the society. The promotion of non-violent strategies and actors could be and options against violent extremism in Bangladesh.
This paper analyses the post-conflict dynamics of land tenure in the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT)... more This paper analyses the post-conflict dynamics of land tenure in the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT), Bangladesh. The key argument is that the post-conflict CHT is a hybrid land context, apparently where land tenure is insecure, where the ownership is contested between tribal and settler households and where large-scale acquisition and incremental land grabbing is occurring in absence of effective tenure governance. The access, control and transfer of land rights have been core of the violence in CHT. The paper further argues that the competition between customary landowners and settlers seeking customary lands for developing economic projects make the land context more complex. This changing idea of land control is associated with (dis)possession dynamics. The role of negotiation in market, use of violence and resistance are also linked with land dynamics.
Bangladesh-United States bilateral relations have always been a manifestation of both countries’ ... more Bangladesh-United States bilateral relations have always been a manifestation of both countries’ willingness to acclimatize to global transforming environment. The growing geopolitical and geostrategic significance of South Asia in US policies is evidently redirected through the changing profile of Bangladesh-US relations. Although the bilateral relation got a flinty start since the emergence of independent Bangladesh resulted in diplomatic victory of Indo-Soviet alliance over US-China, the resulting alteration in the ‘balance of power’ in South Asia occasioned a major shift in the ‘low-keyed’ approach of US with regard to Bangladesh. Washington’s involvement with Dhaka has primarily been on humanitarian concerns which turned to ‘eco-politico-strategic’ nexus in the succeeding years. The events of 9/11 and subsequent developments contributed in extending the bilateral focus of softer issues like promotion of democracy, free market economy, human rights, to constructive cooperation in military and security issues. Against this backdrop, this paper attempts to assess the changing dynamics of Bangladesh-US bilateral relations with the unfolding of 9/11 and sets the agenda to explore the reorientation of policies of the ‘economic and military hegemon’ in the ‘Asian century’. The paper assumes that post 9/11 global and regional realities has set the stage for wider engagement with Bangladesh and the possibility to amend the dependent pattern of conduct between these two countries. In addition, this paper addresses the possibilities and problems of sustainable and cooperative Bangladesh-US bilateral relations in an altered global era identified with terrorism and Asian triumph.
Political institutions are important to explain the performance of governance. Explicating the qu... more Political institutions are important to explain the performance of governance. Explicating the quality and structure of political institutions helps us understanding the role of governance in modern democracies. This study attempts to explore the relationship between political institutions and governance. The core assumption of the paper is that political institutions matter for the quality of governance in a country. It suggests that there are explicit and implicit linkages among the variables of political institutions and governance mechanisms. The paper takes Bangladesh- widely known as a governance deficit country- a case to understand these linkages focusing on two historical phases - 1971-1990 and the post-1990 era. In the context of Bangladesh, political governance characteristics demonstrate three critical aspects (i) the absence of balance of power between the three formal political institutions – executive, legislature and judiciary; (ii) inability of the state institutions and agencies to deliver services to the people; and (iii) absence of democracy model in different political institutions. The general pattern of changes is conceptualized in relation to speed and reflexivity in the processes and functions of political institutions and their agentive roles. In the post-1990 period, the programmes for political liberalization are undertaken at a faster pace and the scope of the activity has been broadened to a considerable degree. But the governance attributes of Bangladesh in the political domain remain almost unchanged although new institutions are created. Political centre of gravity towards making more accountable and effective governance institutions is missing humanly in the country’s political framework. The paper further argues that the post-1990 era has been marked by changes more in the context of national policies, organizations and ideological orientation than to improve the quality and structure of political institutions.
This paper attempts to identify the nature and causes of the 2006 Lebanon crisis and its implicat... more This paper attempts to identify the nature and causes of the 2006 Lebanon crisis and its implications for the Middle East peace process. Baring introduction and conclusion, the paper is divided into three sections. First section deals with the historical perspective of the Lebanon-Israel conflict and provides an idea about the state-non-state dynamics of the Middle East conflict. The second section analyses various causes, regional and international involvement to the 2006 Lebanon crisis. The third section discusses the direct and indirect implications of the 2006 crisis to the long-hunted Middle East peace process. This section also provides an overview of the developments of the peace process in the Middle East.
Student groups play an important role in Bangladesh. Not only have student groups often been at t... more Student groups play an important role in Bangladesh. Not only have student groups often been at the vanguard of crucial struggles – like the Language Movement (1947-1952), the Independence movement (1969-71) and the pro-democracy movement (1989-91) – but many contemporary politicians also have roots in student organizations. Student organizations are highly politicized in Bangladesh and operated as important wings of the major parties. The contemporary role of student groups and student politics is often seen in a highly negative light, as part of a wider degeneration of political values, exemplified by a perceived increase in violence and corruption. While not wanting to trade such moralistic reasoning for a critical understanding of student politics in its current form, it is undeniable that student politics today is highly violent. Recent data indeed show the major role that student organizations play in political violence in the country. In the last ten years (2008-2018) campus violence accounted for 13 per cent of political violence in the country. If all off- campus political violence in which one or more student groups participated is included, this increases to over 27 percent, making them one of the most active groups engaging in political violence. Important to note is that in some urban areas (such as Rajshahi and Sylhet), student groups participate in around 50 per cent of all political violence. At the same time, non-violent roles of student groups remain important given that student organizations remain one of the single most important breeding grounds for future political leaders. Given the importance of student politicians in organizing and participating in political violence, as well as student politics’ formative role in the making of party politicians, it is surprising that we still have a limited understanding of how student politics operates across Bangladesh. This report aims to build on the work already done, but to radically expand our comparative understanding of student politics by looking beyond Dhaka, where most of the research till date has focused on. Our research focused on five major cities which are also major centers of higher education – Dhaka, Chittagong, Khulna, Rajshahi, and Sylhet, the important district headquarters of Bogra and one rural university (the Islamic University in Kushtia). Interviews were conducted – with both ruling party and opposition student activists, general students and university or college staff – to gain insights in the profile of student politicians, the organization of student politics in the specific locations, the relations between city politics and student politics, and factionalism and student violence.
Starting with the 'Udichi' bomb blast in 1999 and ending with the Holy Artisan attack in 2016 in ... more Starting with the 'Udichi' bomb blast in 1999 and ending with the Holy Artisan attack in 2016 in Dhaka, the impact of the events of 9/11 and the subsequent US-led global war on terrorism and the continuous operational drive by the law enforcement agencies, where does Bangladesh stand in terms of understanding threat level? What we learn from the anti-Militant Operations 'Twilight' in Sylhet, 'Hit Back' and 'Maximus' in Moulvibazar and subsequent recovery of huge stash of Improvised Explosive Devices (IEDs)? How does violent narrative evolved in Bangladesh? Has the risk of extremism diminished or increased? Have the plans and abilities of radical groups to conduct terrorist acts reduced or increased? What is the level of threat in Bangladesh? As stated in various literature, the probability of the extremist threat is high in Bangladesh. The existence of the threat groups and evidence of their activities are noticeable in the country. Due to the continuous drive by the law and security forces, the extremist groups are moving in slow pace. But the security forces have been strategically, operationally and tactically challenged by the new techniques and technology of extremism. Many banned militant groups are still regrouping by changing their names and operation techniques. In such a context, this paper aims to address the threat level and opportunity structure in Bangladesh. What should be the way out to face such ideologically motivated challenges? Owing to the multi-dimensionality of the problem, it is critically important to explore a viable and effective strategy incorporating short-term, medium-term and long-term goals. The short-term goals include finding out the extremist groups' hideouts, exposing groups' motives, targets, command, control and support infrastructure, responding effectively, efficiently and rapidly by security forces in arresting and bringing them under law, profiling extremist individuals, groups and cases by gathering critical information. The medium-term goals include running an effective oversight and security system, increasing coordination among law enforcement agencies, service sectors, and social forces in order to create an all-inclusive security environment in the country. The long-term measures should be preventive in nature. It is necessary to take a whole of society approach against violent extremism. Corruption should be addressed on priority basis so that it cannot provide opportunity to further rise in violent extremism. The policy makers should address what are the rhetorical violent narratives available and how to promote counter narratives in the society. The promotion of non-violent strategies and actors could be and options against violent extremism in Bangladesh.
This paper analyses the post-conflict dynamics of land tenure in the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT)... more This paper analyses the post-conflict dynamics of land tenure in the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT), Bangladesh. The key argument is that the post-conflict CHT is a hybrid land context, apparently where land tenure is insecure, where the ownership is contested between tribal and settler households and where large-scale acquisition and incremental land grabbing is occurring in absence of effective tenure governance. The access, control and transfer of land rights have been core of the violence in CHT. The paper further argues that the competition between customary landowners and settlers seeking customary lands for developing economic projects make the land context more complex. This changing idea of land control is associated with (dis)possession dynamics. The role of negotiation in market, use of violence and resistance are also linked with land dynamics.
Bangladesh-United States bilateral relations have always been a manifestation of both countries’ ... more Bangladesh-United States bilateral relations have always been a manifestation of both countries’ willingness to acclimatize to global transforming environment. The growing geopolitical and geostrategic significance of South Asia in US policies is evidently redirected through the changing profile of Bangladesh-US relations. Although the bilateral relation got a flinty start since the emergence of independent Bangladesh resulted in diplomatic victory of Indo-Soviet alliance over US-China, the resulting alteration in the ‘balance of power’ in South Asia occasioned a major shift in the ‘low-keyed’ approach of US with regard to Bangladesh. Washington’s involvement with Dhaka has primarily been on humanitarian concerns which turned to ‘eco-politico-strategic’ nexus in the succeeding years. The events of 9/11 and subsequent developments contributed in extending the bilateral focus of softer issues like promotion of democracy, free market economy, human rights, to constructive cooperation in military and security issues. Against this backdrop, this paper attempts to assess the changing dynamics of Bangladesh-US bilateral relations with the unfolding of 9/11 and sets the agenda to explore the reorientation of policies of the ‘economic and military hegemon’ in the ‘Asian century’. The paper assumes that post 9/11 global and regional realities has set the stage for wider engagement with Bangladesh and the possibility to amend the dependent pattern of conduct between these two countries. In addition, this paper addresses the possibilities and problems of sustainable and cooperative Bangladesh-US bilateral relations in an altered global era identified with terrorism and Asian triumph.
Political institutions are important to explain the performance of governance. Explicating the qu... more Political institutions are important to explain the performance of governance. Explicating the quality and structure of political institutions helps us understanding the role of governance in modern democracies. This study attempts to explore the relationship between political institutions and governance. The core assumption of the paper is that political institutions matter for the quality of governance in a country. It suggests that there are explicit and implicit linkages among the variables of political institutions and governance mechanisms. The paper takes Bangladesh- widely known as a governance deficit country- a case to understand these linkages focusing on two historical phases - 1971-1990 and the post-1990 era. In the context of Bangladesh, political governance characteristics demonstrate three critical aspects (i) the absence of balance of power between the three formal political institutions – executive, legislature and judiciary; (ii) inability of the state institutions and agencies to deliver services to the people; and (iii) absence of democracy model in different political institutions. The general pattern of changes is conceptualized in relation to speed and reflexivity in the processes and functions of political institutions and their agentive roles. In the post-1990 period, the programmes for political liberalization are undertaken at a faster pace and the scope of the activity has been broadened to a considerable degree. But the governance attributes of Bangladesh in the political domain remain almost unchanged although new institutions are created. Political centre of gravity towards making more accountable and effective governance institutions is missing humanly in the country’s political framework. The paper further argues that the post-1990 era has been marked by changes more in the context of national policies, organizations and ideological orientation than to improve the quality and structure of political institutions.
This paper attempts to identify the nature and causes of the 2006 Lebanon crisis and its implicat... more This paper attempts to identify the nature and causes of the 2006 Lebanon crisis and its implications for the Middle East peace process. Baring introduction and conclusion, the paper is divided into three sections. First section deals with the historical perspective of the Lebanon-Israel conflict and provides an idea about the state-non-state dynamics of the Middle East conflict. The second section analyses various causes, regional and international involvement to the 2006 Lebanon crisis. The third section discusses the direct and indirect implications of the 2006 crisis to the long-hunted Middle East peace process. This section also provides an overview of the developments of the peace process in the Middle East.
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Papers by Aynul Islam
landowners and settlers seeking customary lands for developing economic projects make the land context more complex. This changing idea of land control is associated with (dis)possession dynamics. The role of negotiation in market, use of violence and resistance are also linked with land dynamics.
geopolitical and geostrategic significance of South Asia in US policies is evidently redirected through the changing profile of Bangladesh-US relations. Although the bilateral relation got
a flinty start since the emergence of independent Bangladesh resulted in diplomatic victory of Indo-Soviet alliance over US-China, the resulting alteration in the ‘balance of power’ in
South Asia occasioned a major shift in the ‘low-keyed’ approach of US with regard to Bangladesh. Washington’s involvement with Dhaka has primarily been on humanitarian
concerns which turned to ‘eco-politico-strategic’ nexus in the succeeding years. The events of 9/11 and subsequent developments contributed in extending the bilateral focus of softer issues like promotion of democracy, free market economy, human rights, to constructive cooperation
in military and security issues. Against this backdrop, this paper attempts to assess the changing dynamics of Bangladesh-US bilateral relations with the unfolding of 9/11 and sets the agenda to explore the reorientation of policies of the ‘economic and military hegemon’ in the ‘Asian century’. The paper assumes that post 9/11 global and regional realities has set the stage for wider engagement with Bangladesh and the possibility to amend the dependent
pattern of conduct between these two countries. In addition, this paper addresses the possibilities and problems of sustainable and cooperative Bangladesh-US bilateral relations
in an altered global era identified with terrorism and Asian triumph.
paper is divided into three sections. First section deals with the historical perspective of the Lebanon-Israel conflict and provides an idea about the state-non-state dynamics of the
Middle East conflict. The second section analyses various causes, regional and international involvement to the 2006 Lebanon crisis. The third section discusses the direct and indirect implications of the 2006 crisis to the long-hunted Middle East peace process. This section also provides an overview of the developments of the peace process in the Middle East.
landowners and settlers seeking customary lands for developing economic projects make the land context more complex. This changing idea of land control is associated with (dis)possession dynamics. The role of negotiation in market, use of violence and resistance are also linked with land dynamics.
geopolitical and geostrategic significance of South Asia in US policies is evidently redirected through the changing profile of Bangladesh-US relations. Although the bilateral relation got
a flinty start since the emergence of independent Bangladesh resulted in diplomatic victory of Indo-Soviet alliance over US-China, the resulting alteration in the ‘balance of power’ in
South Asia occasioned a major shift in the ‘low-keyed’ approach of US with regard to Bangladesh. Washington’s involvement with Dhaka has primarily been on humanitarian
concerns which turned to ‘eco-politico-strategic’ nexus in the succeeding years. The events of 9/11 and subsequent developments contributed in extending the bilateral focus of softer issues like promotion of democracy, free market economy, human rights, to constructive cooperation
in military and security issues. Against this backdrop, this paper attempts to assess the changing dynamics of Bangladesh-US bilateral relations with the unfolding of 9/11 and sets the agenda to explore the reorientation of policies of the ‘economic and military hegemon’ in the ‘Asian century’. The paper assumes that post 9/11 global and regional realities has set the stage for wider engagement with Bangladesh and the possibility to amend the dependent
pattern of conduct between these two countries. In addition, this paper addresses the possibilities and problems of sustainable and cooperative Bangladesh-US bilateral relations
in an altered global era identified with terrorism and Asian triumph.
paper is divided into three sections. First section deals with the historical perspective of the Lebanon-Israel conflict and provides an idea about the state-non-state dynamics of the
Middle East conflict. The second section analyses various causes, regional and international involvement to the 2006 Lebanon crisis. The third section discusses the direct and indirect implications of the 2006 crisis to the long-hunted Middle East peace process. This section also provides an overview of the developments of the peace process in the Middle East.