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Address: Vincent Mourre
TRACES - UMR 5608 du CNRS
Inrap - Méditerranée
561, rue Étienne Lenoir - KM Delta
30900 Nîmes - France
Address: Vincent Mourre
TRACES - UMR 5608 du CNRS
Inrap - Méditerranée
561, rue Étienne Lenoir - KM Delta
30900 Nîmes - France
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Papers by Vincent Mourre
A multivariate approach was applied to test the existence of microscopic differences in the morphology of cutmarks produced by simple, unretouched, flakes and three types ofMousterian stone tools (denticulates, cleavers and Mousterian points). Cut-marks on red deer (Cervus elaphus) long bones defleshed using different lithic implements during experimental butchery of whole carcasses were analysed using low magnification microscopy. Following existing studies (i.e. Domínguez-Rodrigo et al., 2009; de Juana et al., 2010), sixteen variables were recorded and the resulting dataset was statistically tested for significant differences between tool types. The same microscopic analysiswas then applied to an archaeological sample of red deer long bone fragments from the Middle Palaeolithic site of Noisetier Cave. While this approach is relatively costless, allows for the analysis of large bone samples and is easily reproducible by different analysts, our results show that microscopic differences between cut-marks produced by simple flakes and those made by tools are not statistically significant and that important overlap exists between the cut-marks produced by the three types of tools. The application of the experimental results to the archaeological sample thus proved difficult. This study underlines the need for a cautious use of this type of method when analysing archaeological material.
The presence of flake cleavers at the end of the Middle Paleolithic in the Vasco-Cantabria region (southwestern France and northern Spain) is one element of the variability in Mousterian lithic industries in southwestern Europe. Because the function of these tools has rarely been studied, we undertook a use-wear analysis of them in order to gain a better understanding of the technological characteristics of late Middle Paleolithic industries in this geographic zone. We conducted a series of experiments using these tools for activities associated with the processing of animal and vegetal materials. The experimental reference collection thus constituted was subject to a low-power use-wear analysis and served as the basis of our interpretation of the use-wear traces present on the archaeological flake cleavers of several assemblages (Olha I and II, Gatzarria, El Castillo). These flake cleavers revealed similarities with the experimental pieces that were hafted and used for percussion to fell trees and divide carcasses. These data allow us to discuss the role of functional and cultural factors in the development of this tool type.
Several levels of the Late Middle Paleolithic are present at the site of Les Fieux. Among them, the level K was initially considered as a homogeneous assemblage. However, the zooarchaeological study shows that this level is, in fact, an accumulation of successive occupations and a mixed assemblage. The bone assemblage is due to human hunting, nonhuman predators (carnivores and raptors) and to accidental falls of some species into the sink-hole. The cross-analysis of lithic technology, zooarchaeological dataandspatial analysis indicates that there are at least two levels of distinct human occupations. The first one is characterized by a bison exploitation during the cold season and a deer and horse exploitation during other times of the year. Faunal remains are related to a Discoïde flaking system and denticulate tools. The second one is dominated by remains of reindeers showing no cutmark traces and some remains of deer and bison hunted by humans. In this second level, faunal remains are associated with a smaller lithic industry and a Levallois flaking system. The micro-wear analysis revealed traces mainly related to carcasses butchery (meat exploitation, disarticulation and bone scraping). The concomitant presence of bison, Discoide flaking system and denticulate tools refers to other archaeological assemblages like those of Mauran or La Borde. The recurrence of this concomitant presence may reflect the acquisition and exploitation patterns of a particular species, the bison, by human groups with same technical traditions. However, while bison dominates also at Coudoulous, at Jonzac and at La Rouquette/Puycelsi, the associated lithic industries show different technical features compared to the level K of Les Fieux. Some environmental factors, mainly topographical, enabled the acquisition of numerous bison carcasses at Les Fieux, but with no relations with a particular raw material or a single flaking system or specific tools. The bison is observed in sites with different functions. Thus, it seems that it could be hunted by Mousterian groups showing different technical traditions.
This paper reports a current technological, techno-economic and spatiotemporal knowledge of recently studied or revised lithic industries from sites in Dordogne department (Cantalouette 1, Combe Brune 2, Combe Brune 3, Combe Grenal, Petit Bost and Croix de Canard) and in Lot department (Les Bosses). Our main goal is to give an account of the variability within the industries of the flaking and shaping productions, their possible interrelations and the objectives’ diversity in terms of blanks and produced tools. We tried to define the independence, the succession or the mixing of shaping and flaking operative schemes within these industries. The economic functioning modes of the occupations are analyzed. Thanks to inter-sites comparisons and thanks to an experimental frame of reference, our approach was to look for evidences of export, import, transit, moving or carrying away of matrices. The spatial settlement of sites within the territory of subsistence and the temporal dimension of duration and frequency of occupation are also discussed. We had to model the functioning modes of the occupations in relation to invested space and to the potential duration of activities. Finally, we discuss the socio-economic behavior of human groups at different scales from the technical space to the occupied space. The specificity and complementarity of sites are addressed as well as the potential mobility of groups through the circulation of lithic artifacts and raw materials. The results show that socio-economical behaviors observed in Aquitaine as early as the beginning of the Middle Paleolithic already foreshadow the complexity of the later Mousterian industries. They could reflect rational and anticipated subsistence behaviors at different scales, which are freed in part from environmental contingencies.
Recent data and ongoing studies renew our knowledge of the settlement in the western foothills of the northern slopes of the Pyrenees prior to OIS 5. The Pyrenees-Garonne Acheulean, northern counterpart of the Iberian Acheulean is extensively documented there. The Early Middle Palaeolithic is less present, but is documented by a significant series. These two techno- complexes share several common technological characteristics: a very predominantly local acquisition of raw materials, imports of materials sometimes from remote sources, a dominant production of small to medium flakes, essentially by Discoid flaking methods, supplemented by bipolar-on-anvil, unipolar and polyhedral flaking methods, ubiquitous and atypical retouched tools and heavy duty shaped tools which includes pebble tools and bifacial tools. However strong differences appear. In Acheulean series, there is no true raw material economy, even for imported materials. The core reduction processes are heterogeneous, both in their terms than their degrees, and do not show clearly identified objectives except for an independent production of large flakes (> 15 cm) mainly used in the manufacture of flake cleavers. The shaped tools include many bifaces, overwhelmingly made by a joint-combined shaping, but also polyhedrons. In the Early Middle Palaeolithic industries, a certain economy of raw materials is noticeable. It shows itself in flaking methods differing according to the raw materials and whose objectives correspond to differentiated blanks and specific tools like side scrapers. Bifacial tools are scarce and always obtained through a strict shaping. We consider that these trends point up a significant difference in the concept of the relationship between shaping and flaking processes: in the Pyrenees-Garonne Acheulean they appear largely interpenetrated, with a major technical investment for shaping, while in the Early Middle Palaeolithic, relationships are few and always hierarchized (strict recycling), with a technical investment significantly dedicated to the flaking methods. The geographical dynamics of these two techno-complexes are also very different: the Pyrenees-Garonne Acheulean is a northern extension of an Iberian complex opened to the South; the phenomenon of the Early Middle Palaeolithic with rare bifacial tools includes the whole of southwestern Europe with a more continental center of gravity. The chronological data tends to indicate Iberian Acheulean expressions later than the currently proposed models, between MIS 8 and 6, and an Early Middle Palaeolithic age consistent with recent data, in MIS 6. This leads us to reconsider these rinking frameworks and to swap a very linear model for a bushier one.
Aven-traps with little evidence of human presence: taphonomic and anthropological characteristics. An aven-trap is a type of karstic site in which faunal remains accumulate as a result of animals, particularly ungulates, accidentally falling into them. Past studies of the species found in aven-traps were conducted mostly from a paleontological perspective. The osseous material of these sites is often well preserved and sometimes represents true fossil populations (sensu number of individuals). They thus constitute important reference bases whose study is essential to the definition of certain species and sub-species, as well as to our knowledge of Pleistocene climatic paleoenvironments. However, their taphonomic and archeozoological aspects have been little studied. The Quercy is a region of limestone plateaus rich in avens (or igues) containing Middle to Upper Pleistocene fossil assemblages, particularly horse, bovid and reindeer taxa. Studies of sites in this region allow us to propose a taphonomic definition of vertebrate accumulations in natural contexts. The analyses concern the states of preservation, skeletal representations and biological structures (mortality profile, social groups), of these assemblages, or populations, without the bias that can result from selections by predators, carnivores or humans. These factors can however modify osseous stocks in a relatively occasional and variable manner according to the site. Their marginal or peripheral actions also need further evaluation. It is particularly interesting to note the existence of a few lithic remains in avens. Their presence leads to the hypothesis of an original behavior by human groups, or a recuperation of meat products. It is also possible that these objects were introduced into the sites naturally by gravity, implying a fortuitous association. Meanwhile, their recurrence suggests the occasional passage of humans in proximity to these specific places poorly adapted to human occupation. These hypotheses must, and will, be discussed. If a relationship is established between these two elements -natural fauna/lithic objects- it would confirm an exploitation of these avens through controlled and active scavenging. Analyses of the vertebrate fauna contained in aven-traps provide rich information concerning animal occupations (sensu taxonomic and paleoecological), climatic paleoenvironments and the biomes present in a region. In addition, they can reveal little known subsistence behaviors of Paleolithic humans.
Which lower Palaeolithic in Quercy ? Our study about lower Palaeolithic in the Quercy region is based on a limited corpus of lithic industries. Only two of them have been well dated, in karstic contexts. So, trying to summarise the first settlements in this region is a bit difficult, but it is possible to enlighten some main phenomenon : bifacial shaping is anecdotal, light retouched tools are atypical and heterogeneous and flaking methods are also various and less systematized, mostly dominated by discoid and on anvil methods. Inserting this lower Palaeolithic from Quercy in the geographical and chronological context of south-western France is also uneasy. These series are not typical Acheulian one’s. However, on the one hand, that may correspond to a kind of Acheulian limited by restrictive raw materials. On the other hand, just few technological elements allow us to distinguish this lower Palaeolithic from later lithic industries, as lower middle Palaeolithic : only flaking schems unstandardization and Levallois method lack are good indications.
Excavations in the Grotte du Noisetier (or Peyrère 1) permit to gather by sifting more than 80 000 determinable rests of microvertebrates. Among them, two rhizodont molars of a minute Arvicolid have been isolated. The small size, the abundant cement in the re-entrant angles and the distinctly wide separation of t1 and t2 triangles attest their belonging to the mimomyan phylum of Mimomys reidi - M. pusillus and M. blanci, extended sporadically over all Quaternary.
Chronologically, this new discovery takes place in the descent of Mimomys blanci during the stage MIS 3, in presence of Mousterian industry in the beginning of the last glaciation and precedes Mimomys salpetrierensis from the end of Würm.
Morphologically, Mimomys pyrenaicus nov. sp. is intermediate by its size between M. blanci and M. salpetrierensis, as in chronology. However, it is different from all other Mimomys of that lineage because there is no one closed triangle and possesses associated “pitymyan rhombus” witch give the specific character to this taxon.
Patterns of wood procurement and use are poorly known for the Middle Paleolithic period partly because organic remains are rarely preserved. We propose a synthesis of new data obtained from a use -wear study of nearly fifteen collections of flint and quartziteartifacts from several sites in Western Europe. We show that a low rate of tools and flakes could have been used for woodworking. Our results are discussed and compared with those of former and recent usewear analyses from the same time period.
Noisetier Cave (French Pyrenees) has yielded Mousterian artefacts associated with numerous faunal remains. The faunal spectrum is dominated by chamois and ibex followed by red deer and bovids. A previous taphonomic analysis underlined the occurrence of two distinct types of bone accumulations. The red deer, bovid and a part of the ibex remains have been accumulated by Neanderthal. We suspected that the bearded vultures were responsible for the chamois and some of the ibex remains. The study of the carnivore remains illustrated the abundance of teeth and to a lesser extent bones attributed to both young and adult Cuon alpinus individuals. The identification of shed milk teeth demonstrates that this carnivore used the cave as a nursery den. According to several authors dholes never bring back carcasses to their dens in order to protect their offspring from other carnivores. However they tend to select an area inside their den to defecate. We analysed modern scats of wolf in order to constitute a taphonomic referential. Our results strongly suggest that most of the digested remains from the Noisetier Cave come from dhole scats. This carnivore can be considered, as Binford previously suggested, as a bone accumulator and consequently as a new taphonomic agent. Given the numerous sites where the fossil remains of this carnivore were identified we argue that the dholes could have biased the composition of faunal spectrums and maybe our understanding on human subsistence.
François Bordes defined the Vasconian in 1953 based on the lithic industries of the Franco-Cantabrian area. He considers it as one of the cultural facies coexisting within the Mousterian whose main characteristic is the presence of flake cleavers reflecting an African influence. Since then, the validity and significance of this typologically defined facies have been discussed and recurrently challenged. Some authors have stressed that it is difficult to find a typological uni ty in the different series attributed to the Vasconian with the exception of the presence of flake cleavers. An ongoing technological reassessment of classic Vasconian series has already provided arguments in favor of a certain unity of this facies. Questions remain, particularly regarding the chrono-stratigraphic position of these industries and the importance of cultural, environmental or functional factors in their production, but the notion of Vasconian remains relevant more than half a century after its definition.
Comparisons of lithic industries originating from a sample of sites in the Pyrenees and their Vasco-Cantabrian extension show the existence of different degrees of functional specialization, and that this specialization was more pronounced in Chatelperronian contexts than in Aurignacian ones. In the Chatelperronian, specialized sites where hunting activities took a major place (“hunting camps”) are correlated to consisted of occupations
that had diverse functions, while in the Aurignacian there was only one site type: multifunctional installations where hunting was an important activity, but not the only one. To correctly interpret these results, however, we must consider the difficulty of comparing the functional attributes of industries with very different weapon systems; it is necessary to take into account the relative visibility, from one assemblage to another, of hunting weapons armed with apical lithic points (Chatelperronian model) as opposed to instruments armed with antler or wood points, only some of which had retouched or non retouched bladelets attached to them (Early Aurignacian model).
This methodological discussion of the archaeological attributes of hunting activities depending on the contexts and the industries considered becomes even more pertinent when we go back even further in time to compare these data with those the Late Mousterian in this same region.
That being, the combination of two criteria – the nature of hunting equipment and the probable specialization of some sites in relation to this activity – allows us to address questions concerning the reasons for this apparent contrast between the Chatelperronian and the cultures by which it is preceded and followed. This approach can lead to new research perspectives on the evolution of human behavior at the time of change from the Middle to Upper Paleolithic.
A multivariate approach was applied to test the existence of microscopic differences in the morphology of cutmarks produced by simple, unretouched, flakes and three types ofMousterian stone tools (denticulates, cleavers and Mousterian points). Cut-marks on red deer (Cervus elaphus) long bones defleshed using different lithic implements during experimental butchery of whole carcasses were analysed using low magnification microscopy. Following existing studies (i.e. Domínguez-Rodrigo et al., 2009; de Juana et al., 2010), sixteen variables were recorded and the resulting dataset was statistically tested for significant differences between tool types. The same microscopic analysiswas then applied to an archaeological sample of red deer long bone fragments from the Middle Palaeolithic site of Noisetier Cave. While this approach is relatively costless, allows for the analysis of large bone samples and is easily reproducible by different analysts, our results show that microscopic differences between cut-marks produced by simple flakes and those made by tools are not statistically significant and that important overlap exists between the cut-marks produced by the three types of tools. The application of the experimental results to the archaeological sample thus proved difficult. This study underlines the need for a cautious use of this type of method when analysing archaeological material.
The presence of flake cleavers at the end of the Middle Paleolithic in the Vasco-Cantabria region (southwestern France and northern Spain) is one element of the variability in Mousterian lithic industries in southwestern Europe. Because the function of these tools has rarely been studied, we undertook a use-wear analysis of them in order to gain a better understanding of the technological characteristics of late Middle Paleolithic industries in this geographic zone. We conducted a series of experiments using these tools for activities associated with the processing of animal and vegetal materials. The experimental reference collection thus constituted was subject to a low-power use-wear analysis and served as the basis of our interpretation of the use-wear traces present on the archaeological flake cleavers of several assemblages (Olha I and II, Gatzarria, El Castillo). These flake cleavers revealed similarities with the experimental pieces that were hafted and used for percussion to fell trees and divide carcasses. These data allow us to discuss the role of functional and cultural factors in the development of this tool type.
Several levels of the Late Middle Paleolithic are present at the site of Les Fieux. Among them, the level K was initially considered as a homogeneous assemblage. However, the zooarchaeological study shows that this level is, in fact, an accumulation of successive occupations and a mixed assemblage. The bone assemblage is due to human hunting, nonhuman predators (carnivores and raptors) and to accidental falls of some species into the sink-hole. The cross-analysis of lithic technology, zooarchaeological dataandspatial analysis indicates that there are at least two levels of distinct human occupations. The first one is characterized by a bison exploitation during the cold season and a deer and horse exploitation during other times of the year. Faunal remains are related to a Discoïde flaking system and denticulate tools. The second one is dominated by remains of reindeers showing no cutmark traces and some remains of deer and bison hunted by humans. In this second level, faunal remains are associated with a smaller lithic industry and a Levallois flaking system. The micro-wear analysis revealed traces mainly related to carcasses butchery (meat exploitation, disarticulation and bone scraping). The concomitant presence of bison, Discoide flaking system and denticulate tools refers to other archaeological assemblages like those of Mauran or La Borde. The recurrence of this concomitant presence may reflect the acquisition and exploitation patterns of a particular species, the bison, by human groups with same technical traditions. However, while bison dominates also at Coudoulous, at Jonzac and at La Rouquette/Puycelsi, the associated lithic industries show different technical features compared to the level K of Les Fieux. Some environmental factors, mainly topographical, enabled the acquisition of numerous bison carcasses at Les Fieux, but with no relations with a particular raw material or a single flaking system or specific tools. The bison is observed in sites with different functions. Thus, it seems that it could be hunted by Mousterian groups showing different technical traditions.
This paper reports a current technological, techno-economic and spatiotemporal knowledge of recently studied or revised lithic industries from sites in Dordogne department (Cantalouette 1, Combe Brune 2, Combe Brune 3, Combe Grenal, Petit Bost and Croix de Canard) and in Lot department (Les Bosses). Our main goal is to give an account of the variability within the industries of the flaking and shaping productions, their possible interrelations and the objectives’ diversity in terms of blanks and produced tools. We tried to define the independence, the succession or the mixing of shaping and flaking operative schemes within these industries. The economic functioning modes of the occupations are analyzed. Thanks to inter-sites comparisons and thanks to an experimental frame of reference, our approach was to look for evidences of export, import, transit, moving or carrying away of matrices. The spatial settlement of sites within the territory of subsistence and the temporal dimension of duration and frequency of occupation are also discussed. We had to model the functioning modes of the occupations in relation to invested space and to the potential duration of activities. Finally, we discuss the socio-economic behavior of human groups at different scales from the technical space to the occupied space. The specificity and complementarity of sites are addressed as well as the potential mobility of groups through the circulation of lithic artifacts and raw materials. The results show that socio-economical behaviors observed in Aquitaine as early as the beginning of the Middle Paleolithic already foreshadow the complexity of the later Mousterian industries. They could reflect rational and anticipated subsistence behaviors at different scales, which are freed in part from environmental contingencies.
Recent data and ongoing studies renew our knowledge of the settlement in the western foothills of the northern slopes of the Pyrenees prior to OIS 5. The Pyrenees-Garonne Acheulean, northern counterpart of the Iberian Acheulean is extensively documented there. The Early Middle Palaeolithic is less present, but is documented by a significant series. These two techno- complexes share several common technological characteristics: a very predominantly local acquisition of raw materials, imports of materials sometimes from remote sources, a dominant production of small to medium flakes, essentially by Discoid flaking methods, supplemented by bipolar-on-anvil, unipolar and polyhedral flaking methods, ubiquitous and atypical retouched tools and heavy duty shaped tools which includes pebble tools and bifacial tools. However strong differences appear. In Acheulean series, there is no true raw material economy, even for imported materials. The core reduction processes are heterogeneous, both in their terms than their degrees, and do not show clearly identified objectives except for an independent production of large flakes (> 15 cm) mainly used in the manufacture of flake cleavers. The shaped tools include many bifaces, overwhelmingly made by a joint-combined shaping, but also polyhedrons. In the Early Middle Palaeolithic industries, a certain economy of raw materials is noticeable. It shows itself in flaking methods differing according to the raw materials and whose objectives correspond to differentiated blanks and specific tools like side scrapers. Bifacial tools are scarce and always obtained through a strict shaping. We consider that these trends point up a significant difference in the concept of the relationship between shaping and flaking processes: in the Pyrenees-Garonne Acheulean they appear largely interpenetrated, with a major technical investment for shaping, while in the Early Middle Palaeolithic, relationships are few and always hierarchized (strict recycling), with a technical investment significantly dedicated to the flaking methods. The geographical dynamics of these two techno-complexes are also very different: the Pyrenees-Garonne Acheulean is a northern extension of an Iberian complex opened to the South; the phenomenon of the Early Middle Palaeolithic with rare bifacial tools includes the whole of southwestern Europe with a more continental center of gravity. The chronological data tends to indicate Iberian Acheulean expressions later than the currently proposed models, between MIS 8 and 6, and an Early Middle Palaeolithic age consistent with recent data, in MIS 6. This leads us to reconsider these rinking frameworks and to swap a very linear model for a bushier one.
Aven-traps with little evidence of human presence: taphonomic and anthropological characteristics. An aven-trap is a type of karstic site in which faunal remains accumulate as a result of animals, particularly ungulates, accidentally falling into them. Past studies of the species found in aven-traps were conducted mostly from a paleontological perspective. The osseous material of these sites is often well preserved and sometimes represents true fossil populations (sensu number of individuals). They thus constitute important reference bases whose study is essential to the definition of certain species and sub-species, as well as to our knowledge of Pleistocene climatic paleoenvironments. However, their taphonomic and archeozoological aspects have been little studied. The Quercy is a region of limestone plateaus rich in avens (or igues) containing Middle to Upper Pleistocene fossil assemblages, particularly horse, bovid and reindeer taxa. Studies of sites in this region allow us to propose a taphonomic definition of vertebrate accumulations in natural contexts. The analyses concern the states of preservation, skeletal representations and biological structures (mortality profile, social groups), of these assemblages, or populations, without the bias that can result from selections by predators, carnivores or humans. These factors can however modify osseous stocks in a relatively occasional and variable manner according to the site. Their marginal or peripheral actions also need further evaluation. It is particularly interesting to note the existence of a few lithic remains in avens. Their presence leads to the hypothesis of an original behavior by human groups, or a recuperation of meat products. It is also possible that these objects were introduced into the sites naturally by gravity, implying a fortuitous association. Meanwhile, their recurrence suggests the occasional passage of humans in proximity to these specific places poorly adapted to human occupation. These hypotheses must, and will, be discussed. If a relationship is established between these two elements -natural fauna/lithic objects- it would confirm an exploitation of these avens through controlled and active scavenging. Analyses of the vertebrate fauna contained in aven-traps provide rich information concerning animal occupations (sensu taxonomic and paleoecological), climatic paleoenvironments and the biomes present in a region. In addition, they can reveal little known subsistence behaviors of Paleolithic humans.
Which lower Palaeolithic in Quercy ? Our study about lower Palaeolithic in the Quercy region is based on a limited corpus of lithic industries. Only two of them have been well dated, in karstic contexts. So, trying to summarise the first settlements in this region is a bit difficult, but it is possible to enlighten some main phenomenon : bifacial shaping is anecdotal, light retouched tools are atypical and heterogeneous and flaking methods are also various and less systematized, mostly dominated by discoid and on anvil methods. Inserting this lower Palaeolithic from Quercy in the geographical and chronological context of south-western France is also uneasy. These series are not typical Acheulian one’s. However, on the one hand, that may correspond to a kind of Acheulian limited by restrictive raw materials. On the other hand, just few technological elements allow us to distinguish this lower Palaeolithic from later lithic industries, as lower middle Palaeolithic : only flaking schems unstandardization and Levallois method lack are good indications.
Excavations in the Grotte du Noisetier (or Peyrère 1) permit to gather by sifting more than 80 000 determinable rests of microvertebrates. Among them, two rhizodont molars of a minute Arvicolid have been isolated. The small size, the abundant cement in the re-entrant angles and the distinctly wide separation of t1 and t2 triangles attest their belonging to the mimomyan phylum of Mimomys reidi - M. pusillus and M. blanci, extended sporadically over all Quaternary.
Chronologically, this new discovery takes place in the descent of Mimomys blanci during the stage MIS 3, in presence of Mousterian industry in the beginning of the last glaciation and precedes Mimomys salpetrierensis from the end of Würm.
Morphologically, Mimomys pyrenaicus nov. sp. is intermediate by its size between M. blanci and M. salpetrierensis, as in chronology. However, it is different from all other Mimomys of that lineage because there is no one closed triangle and possesses associated “pitymyan rhombus” witch give the specific character to this taxon.
Patterns of wood procurement and use are poorly known for the Middle Paleolithic period partly because organic remains are rarely preserved. We propose a synthesis of new data obtained from a use -wear study of nearly fifteen collections of flint and quartziteartifacts from several sites in Western Europe. We show that a low rate of tools and flakes could have been used for woodworking. Our results are discussed and compared with those of former and recent usewear analyses from the same time period.
Noisetier Cave (French Pyrenees) has yielded Mousterian artefacts associated with numerous faunal remains. The faunal spectrum is dominated by chamois and ibex followed by red deer and bovids. A previous taphonomic analysis underlined the occurrence of two distinct types of bone accumulations. The red deer, bovid and a part of the ibex remains have been accumulated by Neanderthal. We suspected that the bearded vultures were responsible for the chamois and some of the ibex remains. The study of the carnivore remains illustrated the abundance of teeth and to a lesser extent bones attributed to both young and adult Cuon alpinus individuals. The identification of shed milk teeth demonstrates that this carnivore used the cave as a nursery den. According to several authors dholes never bring back carcasses to their dens in order to protect their offspring from other carnivores. However they tend to select an area inside their den to defecate. We analysed modern scats of wolf in order to constitute a taphonomic referential. Our results strongly suggest that most of the digested remains from the Noisetier Cave come from dhole scats. This carnivore can be considered, as Binford previously suggested, as a bone accumulator and consequently as a new taphonomic agent. Given the numerous sites where the fossil remains of this carnivore were identified we argue that the dholes could have biased the composition of faunal spectrums and maybe our understanding on human subsistence.
François Bordes defined the Vasconian in 1953 based on the lithic industries of the Franco-Cantabrian area. He considers it as one of the cultural facies coexisting within the Mousterian whose main characteristic is the presence of flake cleavers reflecting an African influence. Since then, the validity and significance of this typologically defined facies have been discussed and recurrently challenged. Some authors have stressed that it is difficult to find a typological uni ty in the different series attributed to the Vasconian with the exception of the presence of flake cleavers. An ongoing technological reassessment of classic Vasconian series has already provided arguments in favor of a certain unity of this facies. Questions remain, particularly regarding the chrono-stratigraphic position of these industries and the importance of cultural, environmental or functional factors in their production, but the notion of Vasconian remains relevant more than half a century after its definition.
Comparisons of lithic industries originating from a sample of sites in the Pyrenees and their Vasco-Cantabrian extension show the existence of different degrees of functional specialization, and that this specialization was more pronounced in Chatelperronian contexts than in Aurignacian ones. In the Chatelperronian, specialized sites where hunting activities took a major place (“hunting camps”) are correlated to consisted of occupations
that had diverse functions, while in the Aurignacian there was only one site type: multifunctional installations where hunting was an important activity, but not the only one. To correctly interpret these results, however, we must consider the difficulty of comparing the functional attributes of industries with very different weapon systems; it is necessary to take into account the relative visibility, from one assemblage to another, of hunting weapons armed with apical lithic points (Chatelperronian model) as opposed to instruments armed with antler or wood points, only some of which had retouched or non retouched bladelets attached to them (Early Aurignacian model).
This methodological discussion of the archaeological attributes of hunting activities depending on the contexts and the industries considered becomes even more pertinent when we go back even further in time to compare these data with those the Late Mousterian in this same region.
That being, the combination of two criteria – the nature of hunting equipment and the probable specialization of some sites in relation to this activity – allows us to address questions concerning the reasons for this apparent contrast between the Chatelperronian and the cultures by which it is preceded and followed. This approach can lead to new research perspectives on the evolution of human behavior at the time of change from the Middle to Upper Paleolithic.
This diversity of application modalities of direct percussion with a hard hammer is illustrated here through a series of concrete examples from recent archaeological studies. A broad chronological and geographical context is considered, from the East African Oldowan industries to historic flint millstones in Périgord through Mousterian productions of Western Europe.
Emphasis is placed on a particular modality consisting of stiking a block resting on an anvil with a hammer, whether to split the block to get flakes or to gradually shape the tool. Longevity and ubiquity of bipolar-on-anvil percussion is an invitation to reflect on the meaning of human behavior techniques.
Frapper un bloc de pierre à l’aide d’un galet pour en détacher un éclat, voilà à quoi se résume l’univers technique des hommes préhistoriques pour une partie du public, mais aussi, et c’est plus inquiétant, pour certains spécialistes. Que nous dit le matériel archéologique ? Il nous enseigne qu’effectivement la percussion directe au percuteur dur est la technique fondamentale et incontournable de production des outillages de pierre. Mais il nous apporte aussi une autre information cruciale : il n’y a pas une seule façon de mettre en œuvre cette percussion directe au percuteur dur, bien au contraire. Il existe de multiples façons d’utiliser les effets du choc de matériaux durs et les groupes humains qui se sont succédé au cours du temps en ont exploré les innombrables possibilités.
Cette diversité des modalités d’application de la percussion directe au percuteur dur est illustrée ici à travers une série d’exemples concrets issus de recherches archéologiques et d’études récentes. Un vaste cadre chronologique et géographique est envisagé, des industries oldowayennes d’Afrique orientale au façonnage historique de meules de silex en Périgord en passant par les productions moustériennes d’Europe occidentale.
L’accent est mis sur une modalité particulière consistant à percuter un bloc posé sur une enclume à l’aide d’un percuteur, que ce soit pour fractionner le bloc, pour en tirer des éclats ou encore pour le façonner progressivement en outil. La longévité et l’ubiquité de la percussion sur enclume est une invitation à la réflexion sur la signification des comportements techniques humains.