Books / Ebooks by Federico Donelli
London: I.B. Tauris, 2021
Africa is increasingly becoming an arena for geopolitical competition over its resources and, in ... more Africa is increasingly becoming an arena for geopolitical competition over its resources and, in the last two decades, has seen many emerging powers such as China, India, Russia, Japan & Brazil attempting to strengthen their ties with the continent. Turkey's involvement has been much less discussed, despite the fact that Turkey's strategic involvement with several sub-Saharan African states has been deepening since its active engagement in the Somali crisis of 2011. Federico Donelli brings to light the extent of Turkey's involvement in Africa and analyses the unique characteristics, benefits, challenges and limits of Turkish policy in the region. The book examines the Turkish diplomatic programme as well as its domestic reception, which includes humanitarian aid, religious links such as the OIC (Organisation of Islamic Cooperation), as well as private business links. Crucially, Donelli examines what makes Turkish involvement different from that of other international actors in the region – its historic ties with North Africa under the Ottoman Empire.
Roma: Luiss University Press, 2019
Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, dodicesimo presidente della Repubblica di Turchia, è una figura che unisce ... more Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, dodicesimo presidente della Repubblica di Turchia, è una figura che unisce e che divide: amato fino alla venerazione o contestato fino al disprezzo, nei quasi vent’anni della sua ascesa al potere il leader conservatore ha trasformato il suo Paese dando voce a settori della società che erano ai margini della vita politica fino al suo arrivo, e al tempo stesso imbavagliando i dissidenti.
Ma chi è veramente Erdoğan, e a cosa deve il suo successo? La sua affermazione è solamente frutto di coercizione, corruzione e metodi clientelari, come vogliono gli oppositori, o c’è invece sostanza nel suo modello politico?
Attraverso un viaggio che ripercorre le principali fasi della sua vita privata, dalle umili origini al potere assoluto, e del suo percorso politico, questo libro rivela i tratti meno conosciuti della personalità del leader turco, analizzando le peculiarità della cornice ideologica creata intorno alla sua figura, il sovranismo islamico, e restituendo un ritratto accurato di una delle figure più importanti e complesse del Medio Oriente contemporaneo.
Milano: Mondadori Università., 2019
A seguito delle rivolte arabe del 2011, la competizione per acquisire un ruolo di leadership in M... more A seguito delle rivolte arabe del 2011, la competizione per acquisire un ruolo di leadership in Medio Oriente ha travalicato i tradizionali confini della regione, avviando una corsa per l’influenza nel Corno d’Africa. Negli ultimi anni, le questioni geopolitiche, le appartenenze confessionali differenti, la competizione per le risorse, le opportunità di investimento e le crisi umanitarie dovute al cambiamento climatico sono stati fattori che hanno spinto gli Stati della sponda ovest del Mar Rosso a guardare sempre più verso est, creando le condizioni di quel processo di inclusione nel complesso mediorientale definibile anche come ‘mediorientalizzazione’ del Corno. Da allora, i tre grandi assi mediorientali, l’Asse arabo, l’Asse sciita e il terzo Asse turco-qatariota competono per acquisire risorse e alleanze politiche. Ad emergere sono alleanze aperte e oscillanti, frutto di continue interazioni che accentuano la complessità delle dinamiche politiche regionali e che favoriscono la militarizzazione del Mar Rosso. Sullo sfondo incombe l’elemento confessionale e il rischio che una sua strumentalizzazione possa sfociare in futuri conflitti settari e guerre per procura. Partendo dallo studio della politica estera dei principali attori mediorientali, il volume analizza gli interessi strategici, gli intrecci trasversali e i fattori che hanno reso il Medio Oriente e il Corno d’Africa due tra le regioni più interdipendenti al mondo.
Firenze: Le Monnier Università, 2017
La pax ottomana ha rappresentato per oltre quattro secoli la cifra distintiva del più longevo deg... more La pax ottomana ha rappresentato per oltre quattro secoli la cifra distintiva del più longevo degli imperi mediorientali: l'Impero ottomano. La formula che ha garantito la convivenza pacifica tra culture, lingue ed etnie all'interno di un territorio vastissimo come quello ottomano è oggi più che mai attuale, alla luce delle sfide proposte dall'elaborazione di progetti, analisi e politiche che vadano nella direzione di una mediazione tra Occidente e islam. Il volume, ripercorrendo la traiettoria storica ottomana, mostra come alla base della coabitazione vi fossero elementi riconducibili ad esperienze eterogenee, tra le quali il legalismo islamico, le consuetudini turco mongole, il misticismo sufi e la tradizione cristiano bizantina. Il millet, organizzazione comunitaria non territoriale, rappresentava l'approdo istituzionale della strategia di coabitazione ottomana e si rivelò essere la dimensione privilegiata in cui gli affiliati delle tre grandi comunità religiose (ebrei, cristiano-ortodossi e armeni) poterono contribuire attivamente alla vita di un Impero a maggioranza musulmana, diventandone un pilastro portante.
Peer-reviewed Articles by Federico Donelli
Afriche e Orienti, 2023
Since the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic crisis, the Chinese approach to African countries has... more Since the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic crisis, the Chinese approach to African countries has changed. Beijing is gradually shifting from the investment model to a local development approach based on an emphasis on win-win partnerships within the Belt and Road Initiative's framework. The expansion of China's economic in uence has been followed by a growing interest in African political and security issues. As a result, China has increased its strategic projection. Drawing on the Djibouti case study, this research intends to grasp the more recent developments in the security interactions and political and economic engagement that tie China to the small African country. Speci cally, the article investigates Djibouti's role in China's international strategy. It aims to analyse the motivations, tools, and aims of the Chinese strategic engagement with Djibouti. The rationale of the article is that the consolidation, including military, of the Chinese footprint in Djibouti makes the small African country and the entire Red Sea region a potential testing ground for examining some of the dynamics of balance and rivalry between China and the United States.
Global Policy, 2023
The purpose of this article is to analyse the relationship between Qatar's foreign policy and for... more The purpose of this article is to analyse the relationship between Qatar's foreign policy and foreign aid in the Horn of Africa (HoA), with a particular focus on Somalia. Since the 2017 blockade, the HoA has become increasingly important to Qatar's foreign policy and aid efforts, intensifying political and economic competition with other Gulf players. This research describes Qatar's foreign policy strategies and tools in the HoA from 2011 to 2021, observing the evolution of humanitarian aid interventions in Somalia and the impact of Gulf competition in the country. The research aims to combine neoclassical realism with small-state theory in the analysis of foreign aid, examining Qatari foreign aid interventions in Somalia as a foreign policy tool for exercising autonomy and as an outcome of the Qatari elites' decision-making process.
Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies , 2023
The increase in Turkey's visibility and power in Sub-Saharan Africa has attracted great attention... more The increase in Turkey's visibility and power in Sub-Saharan Africa has attracted great attention. The rise of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and the AK Party, the story goes, engendered an abrupt shift from a cautious to a proactive foreign policy. We posit, however, that the seeds of Turkey's opening to Africa date back decades and are an extension of its centre country (merkez ülke) national role conception. Turkey only appeared cautious prior to the 2000s because of resource constraints. Instead, Ankara's political leaders of all stripes have shared a common conception of Turkey as something far bigger than the nation-state, and have fostered policies aimed at enhancing its agency of action (limited by structural and resource constraints) so as to resume Turkey's role as Afro-Eurasia's centre country. This national role conception coupled with an increase in Turkey's national power since the 1980s have resulted in its opening to and subsequent engagement with Sub-Saharan Africa.
Poliarchie, 2023
Almost two decades after its opening to Africa, Turkey is widely recognized as one of the most ac... more Almost two decades after its opening to Africa, Turkey is widely recognized as one of the most active extra-regional players on the continent. This observation raises the question of how this has been possible. In other words, how has Turkey boosted its footprint in Africa? Is there a well-defined and comprehensive strategy or have choices been determined by political contingencies? By examining the different steps of Turkish engagement in Africa, the article tries to address these queries. It sheds light on how Turkey's policy addresses external inputs and domestic political changes through pragmatic flexibility. Over the years, Turkey has tailored its African policy to systemic and domestic changes. This trait has led to a volatile but continuously transforming approach toward Africa.
Rivista di Politica, 2023
The analysis of Turkish-Chinese relations represents a peculiar case study to analyze middle powe... more The analysis of Turkish-Chinese relations represents a peculiar case study to analyze middle powers’ behavior during a power transition (US-China). Chinese footprint in the Middle East has been steadily growing over the last decade. Turkey, despite having historical relations with the US and Europe, decided to adopt an equidistant position, not counteracting Chinese investments in the country. The following article, through the lenses of Neoclassical Realism, analyzes the factors that brought Ankara to gradually open-up towards Beijing by elaborating on the behavior of a middle power during a power transition.
The International Spectator, 2022
The Rwanda Defence Force recently staged military operations against insurgents in Mozambique and... more The Rwanda Defence Force recently staged military operations against insurgents in Mozambique and the Central African Republic. Both actions were performed outside regional or multinational efforts. This makes the contemporary actions of Rwanda outliers in the international relations of Sub-Saharan Africa and heralds shifts in conflict management on the continent. An explanation is found in the application of neoclassical realist theory to the case of Rwanda – a first – as the country’s leaders have taken advantage of a permissive strategic environment, high clarity, leaders’ beliefs and a strategic culture to produce the output of extra-regional military deployments.
Small Wars & Insurgencies, 2022
Contemporary civil conflicts are increasingly inter- and trans-nationalized: dis- tinctive confli... more Contemporary civil conflicts are increasingly inter- and trans-nationalized: dis- tinctive conflict dynamics extend beyond the boundaries of the respective states and are exposed to foreign involvement, in different forms. Within this trend stands the often mentioned but yet to be fully grasped role of non-state actors, referred to as, among others, proxies, mercenaries, militias (pro- government or not), or insurgents. The article revises the debate on sponsor- proxy relations from a twofold standpoint. First, it connects sponsor-proxy dynamics with current systemic changes by treating the MENA region as an example of a decentered multipolar system. Second, it examines sponsor-proxy dynamics by engaging in a conversation with scholarship on (armed) non-state actors. To do so, the article applies the sponsor-proxy analytical framework to the case studies of the relationship between Iran and the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) in Iraq, and between Turkey and the Syrian National Army (SNA) in Syria. The main argument is that the two cases show a peculiar pattern of sponsor-proxy dynamics, one that is influenced by proxy plurality and competi- tiveness, on the one hand, and by the political relevance of proxies besides their military role.
Contemporary Review of the Middle East, 2021
There is plenty of studies focusing on China's global outreach through its Belt and Road Initiati... more There is plenty of studies focusing on China's global outreach through its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). In tandem with this, the extensive literature on China depicts it as the next hegemon to succeed in the USA. Along this line, flourishing ties with various Asian nations, including the Middle Eastern countries, as a result of China's recent foreign policy activism has been addressed extensively. While most research has been stressing the rising assertiveness of China in world politics, only a limited number of studies have touched upon the responses from middle or small powers against China's ascent. Drawing from neoclassical realism, this article contends two levels of analysis for delineating the interaction between Turkey, a middle power, and China, a rising great power. First, the exchange between Turkey and the USA is vital in determining the cordial relations between Turkey and China. Alteration in the American policy vis-à-vis Turkey in the wake of the Arab Spring is relevant to Turkey's growing relations with China. Second, is the rising anti-Westernism of foreign policy elites as part of the alteration in the strategic culture of Turkish politics, which makes Turkey's rapprochement with China possible. Nevertheless, it should be noted that these two levels are intertwined and feed each other. Consequently, employing a neoclassical realist approach, the article argues that the middle powers' stance against a rising hegemon is conditional upon the bilateral relations with the current hegemon and peculiarities of domestic politics.
Small Wars & Insurgencies , 2021
The reported militarization of the Horn of Africa by Middle Eastern states has generated great in... more The reported militarization of the Horn of Africa by Middle Eastern states has generated great interest among scholars and analysts alike. Their analyses and articles about the projections of power from the Middle East to the Horn of Africa are exaggerated, however, because they underappreciate the extant and enduring security burdens of the states in question and overestimate their national power capabilities. This is largely due to common misperceptions and faulty measures of military power. The question that this article answers is therefore not whether states such as Turkey or the United Arab Emirates (UAE) could redeploy limited military resources extra-regionally, but why would they and for how long? Using empirical data from interviews, defence statistics and data from recent deployments of the UAE and Turkey, we show how these key players are inhibited from prospective, long-term, and sustained deployments extraterritorially. This is supported by our analysis of the two states' power capabilities (latent and actual) and their security burdens that constrain and limit options for the use of military tools abroad in the pursuit of foreign policy aims. This has led both Turkey and the UAE to engage in various forms of remote warfare involving local partners, allied militias, and mercenaries.
Contemporary Italian Politics, 2021
In 2015, the Prime Minister Matteo Renzi launched a new Italian agenda for Africa. Until then Ita... more In 2015, the Prime Minister Matteo Renzi launched a new Italian agenda for Africa. Until then Italian involvement in African affairs had been almost exclusively restricted to multilateral initiatives. Through its new pro-active approach, Italy has engaged with the African countries through a dynamic and multi-layered partnership aimed at fostering peace, stability, economic growth and human development on the continent. Within this framework, Italy intended to go beyond the traditional ‘donor-beneficiary’ relation- ship to build a new partnership model centred around the concept of sharing. The article argues that the need to preserve or at least reinforce its international status as a middle-ranking power has been one of the factors that led Italy to relaunch its involvement in Africa. Nevertheless, statements of intent aside, Italian foreign policy is lagging behind other extra-regional players operating on the continent. Indeed, despite Italy’s natural geographical projec- tion towards the South, its many structural weaknesses and lack of a coherent foreign policy make it a declining middle-ranking power in the international arena, able to operate in Africa, even now, only within the framework of multilateral initiatives.
International Affairs, 2021
Over the past fifteen years, Turkey has tried to achieve the status of global actor. Enhancing ti... more Over the past fifteen years, Turkey has tried to achieve the status of global actor. Enhancing ties with the global South has been one policy to achieve this objective. The article aims to analyse the changing trajectory of Ankara's approach towards a non-traditional orientation of its foreign policy, the southern dimension, by focusing on the determinants of the Justice and Development Party's (AKP) foreign policy in the last decade. The key argument is that the southern orientation of Turkish foreign policy has lost its constructive and developmental direction due to the complex interactions between the regional crisis in Turkey's neighborhood and domestic democratic backsliding, coupled with Erdogan's executive centralization, especially after the failed coup of 2016. As a major finding, the agenda securitization and the increased personalization of Turkey's domestic and international agenda have polluted an attractive foreign policy, even in non-priority regional areas.
Journal of Contemporary African Studies, 2021
Since 2005 the Ankara government has increased its diplomatic engagement in Sub-Saharan Africa (S... more Since 2005 the Ankara government has increased its diplomatic engagement in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA). Along with the improvement of political and economic relations, Turkey has carved out an interesting role in humanitarian assistance and development aid. Taking principles and norms from both, Turkey has elaborated its own way of development which lies between the DAC1 and non-DAC countries. A feature that makes Turkey’s approach toward SSA different from the other extra-regional powers is its unconventional multistakeholder implementation policy on the ground that attributes relevance to the non-state actors (NSAs). These, such as NGOs, trade and businesses associations, have pushed forward the country’s economic, cultural and political interests in SSA. Drawing critically on the informal diplomacy literature and on the studies of Turkey-Africa relations, this article aims to show that Turkish rapprochement toward SSA has made Turkey a new relevant player in the region. Further, it aims to contribute to the literature on the interaction between state and NSAs, providing an empirical analysis within North–South interactions.
Rift Valley Institute, 2021
Since around 2015, the importance of the Gulf states, particularly
Saudi Arabia, the United Arab ... more Since around 2015, the importance of the Gulf states, particularly
Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Qatar, in the affairs
of countries in the Horn of Africa has been growing. At the same
time, Turkey, which made a political choice nearly two decades ago
to ‘open towards Africa’, has also strengthened its presence in the
region. While the Horn of Africa is not the top foreign policy priority
for the Gulf states or Turkey, its geographical proximity—part of the
Gulf’s ‘near abroad’—means that the region demands consistent
attention, particularly from a (maritime) security perspective.
Relations between the countries in the Horn of Africa and their
partners in the Gulf and wider Middle East are asymmetric in
nature. While the Horn countries in focus for this study—Sudan,
Ethiopia, Eritrea and Somalia—are relatively poor, politically
volatile and affected by conflict, their partners across the Red Sea
are comparatively wealthy, largely stable (at least internally) and
increasingly asserting their positions as more proactive middle
powers. For these middle power states, relations with global powers
remain their geopolitical priority. Nonetheless, expansion into areas
such as the Horn of Africa, where they can assert their (growing)
political, financial and military strength, has become an increasingly
important objective of foreign policy.
The scale of resources brought to bear by Turkey and the Gulf states
in their business and humanitarian ventures in the Horn of Africa is
substantial. This does not, however, necessarily correspond to the
priority given to the Horn of Africa by policymakers in Turkey and the
Gulf. For countries in the Horn of Africa, the growing involvement
of these more powerful, wealthier powers in their economies and
foreign relations has offered opportunities—although not without
some risks—to drive domestic (or personal) agendas, and to continue
a long history of avoiding capture by those of global powers.
De Europa, 2021
Political events following the 2011 uprisings in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) have c... more Political events following the 2011 uprisings in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) have contributed to a new conceptualisation (and management) of border issues. The tumultuous period had a dramatic effects on Europe and the southern Mediterranean countries. On the one hand, Europe is facing a continuous redefinition of its borders, especially in the southern neighbourhood but also in the eastern part of the continent. On the other hand, the MENA countries are part of a game in which the political elites deploy sectarian identity, narratives and symbols to neutralise dissent and (re-)assert control, even on borders, spaces and places. Notwithstanding the counter-revolutionary trend, the presence of ongoing civil conflicts, along with the escalation of regional competition over the past decade, has notably changed the political and social landscape in many countries. In this context, the Euro-Mediterranean space seems more and more unstable, and its margins porous. It has become a place of new (internal and external, physical and mental) barriers and systems. European space has been besieged by a new wave of populism that is strengthening national identities and putting a strain on the European Union as a cohesive space. Meanwhile, in some MENA countries, the repression of a new wave of mobilisation in 2019 is silencing counter-hegemonic movements that could potentially cross state and community borders, as well as ethnic and religious divides.
Rivista di Politica, 2021
The U.S. disengagement from the Middle East begun during the Obama administration and perpetuated... more The U.S. disengagement from the Middle East begun during the Obama administration and perpetuated during the Trump four-year term have favored the emergence of a new regional order. As part of the currently fragmented multipolarity in the Middle East, the increased room for maneuver of regional actors has coincided with the spread of new perceptions of insecurity. This regional environment has generated a variety of dynamics including the establishment of coalitions that cross over the sectarian identities, the adoption of interventionist policies, the outbreak of proxy-wars, and the quest for alliances with extra-regional patrons such as Russia and China. Especially China has expanded its presence in the region, thereby laying the basis for long-term influence. For this reason, the Middle East is bound to become a competitive arena between the United States and China. Through the prism of power transition theory, the article explores the two Great Powers' role in the region by charting the future choices of the newly elected U.S. President Joe Biden.
Global Change, Peace & Security, 2021
This paper aims to analyse the growing enlargement of the spheres of competition from the Middle ... more This paper aims to analyse the growing enlargement of the spheres of competition from the Middle East into the Horn of Africa. It does so by using insights from regional order and realist neoclassical literature to understand the expansion of regional powers into this area as the result of strategic interactions within their own region. The central argument is that the clashing interests among Middle Eastern regional powers and power asymmetry with Horn of Africa countries are driving an increased security interdependence between the two Red Sea shores. This increasing security engagement by competing Middle Eastern states is producing an insecurity spillover which threatens to exacerbate regional instability in the Horn. It also presents a new role for Middle Eastern regional powers as security providers, particularly in the case of the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Israel and Turkey. To substantiate this argument, the paper analyses interregional security dynamics by focusing on three empirical cases in the 2015–2020 period: The Gulf Cooperation Council’s crisis, the establishment of a Turkish military bases in the Horn of Africa and Israel’s new diplomatic engagement in Eastern Africa.
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Books / Ebooks by Federico Donelli
Ma chi è veramente Erdoğan, e a cosa deve il suo successo? La sua affermazione è solamente frutto di coercizione, corruzione e metodi clientelari, come vogliono gli oppositori, o c’è invece sostanza nel suo modello politico?
Attraverso un viaggio che ripercorre le principali fasi della sua vita privata, dalle umili origini al potere assoluto, e del suo percorso politico, questo libro rivela i tratti meno conosciuti della personalità del leader turco, analizzando le peculiarità della cornice ideologica creata intorno alla sua figura, il sovranismo islamico, e restituendo un ritratto accurato di una delle figure più importanti e complesse del Medio Oriente contemporaneo.
Peer-reviewed Articles by Federico Donelli
Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Qatar, in the affairs
of countries in the Horn of Africa has been growing. At the same
time, Turkey, which made a political choice nearly two decades ago
to ‘open towards Africa’, has also strengthened its presence in the
region. While the Horn of Africa is not the top foreign policy priority
for the Gulf states or Turkey, its geographical proximity—part of the
Gulf’s ‘near abroad’—means that the region demands consistent
attention, particularly from a (maritime) security perspective.
Relations between the countries in the Horn of Africa and their
partners in the Gulf and wider Middle East are asymmetric in
nature. While the Horn countries in focus for this study—Sudan,
Ethiopia, Eritrea and Somalia—are relatively poor, politically
volatile and affected by conflict, their partners across the Red Sea
are comparatively wealthy, largely stable (at least internally) and
increasingly asserting their positions as more proactive middle
powers. For these middle power states, relations with global powers
remain their geopolitical priority. Nonetheless, expansion into areas
such as the Horn of Africa, where they can assert their (growing)
political, financial and military strength, has become an increasingly
important objective of foreign policy.
The scale of resources brought to bear by Turkey and the Gulf states
in their business and humanitarian ventures in the Horn of Africa is
substantial. This does not, however, necessarily correspond to the
priority given to the Horn of Africa by policymakers in Turkey and the
Gulf. For countries in the Horn of Africa, the growing involvement
of these more powerful, wealthier powers in their economies and
foreign relations has offered opportunities—although not without
some risks—to drive domestic (or personal) agendas, and to continue
a long history of avoiding capture by those of global powers.
Ma chi è veramente Erdoğan, e a cosa deve il suo successo? La sua affermazione è solamente frutto di coercizione, corruzione e metodi clientelari, come vogliono gli oppositori, o c’è invece sostanza nel suo modello politico?
Attraverso un viaggio che ripercorre le principali fasi della sua vita privata, dalle umili origini al potere assoluto, e del suo percorso politico, questo libro rivela i tratti meno conosciuti della personalità del leader turco, analizzando le peculiarità della cornice ideologica creata intorno alla sua figura, il sovranismo islamico, e restituendo un ritratto accurato di una delle figure più importanti e complesse del Medio Oriente contemporaneo.
Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Qatar, in the affairs
of countries in the Horn of Africa has been growing. At the same
time, Turkey, which made a political choice nearly two decades ago
to ‘open towards Africa’, has also strengthened its presence in the
region. While the Horn of Africa is not the top foreign policy priority
for the Gulf states or Turkey, its geographical proximity—part of the
Gulf’s ‘near abroad’—means that the region demands consistent
attention, particularly from a (maritime) security perspective.
Relations between the countries in the Horn of Africa and their
partners in the Gulf and wider Middle East are asymmetric in
nature. While the Horn countries in focus for this study—Sudan,
Ethiopia, Eritrea and Somalia—are relatively poor, politically
volatile and affected by conflict, their partners across the Red Sea
are comparatively wealthy, largely stable (at least internally) and
increasingly asserting their positions as more proactive middle
powers. For these middle power states, relations with global powers
remain their geopolitical priority. Nonetheless, expansion into areas
such as the Horn of Africa, where they can assert their (growing)
political, financial and military strength, has become an increasingly
important objective of foreign policy.
The scale of resources brought to bear by Turkey and the Gulf states
in their business and humanitarian ventures in the Horn of Africa is
substantial. This does not, however, necessarily correspond to the
priority given to the Horn of Africa by policymakers in Turkey and the
Gulf. For countries in the Horn of Africa, the growing involvement
of these more powerful, wealthier powers in their economies and
foreign relations has offered opportunities—although not without
some risks—to drive domestic (or personal) agendas, and to continue
a long history of avoiding capture by those of global powers.
This paper seeks to explain some of the factors driving the engagement of ME countries in the politics of the HOA. Through a multi-level analysis based on the neoclassical realist approach, the paper highlights how these determinants may also explain the changing policies of ME states in the last fifteen years from a trade-humanitarian-diplomatic approach to a security-political one.
L'Approfondimento ricostruisce la vicenda, individuando le motivazioni - di ordine interno, regionale e internazionale - della scelta della Turchia, che segna un riallineamento della collocazione internazionale del paese e un netto avvicinamento a Mosca.
rappresentanza della minoranza curda siriana, di aver preso sotto il proprio controllo alcune città nella provincia al-Hasakah situata nella zona settentrionali del Paese. Tale dichiarazione non solo ha rianimato l’ambizione della comunità curda di dare vita ad uno Stato autonomo nel nord della Siria ma ha anche allarmato la Turchia che da tempo opera per disinnescare il pericolo che l’anarchia siriana diventi incubatrice per future azioni della guerriglia armata del PKK.
A whole section looking at Turkey’s foreign policy was the main focus of the conference.
The idea to gain a clearer picture of the ‘geopolitical depth’ of Turkish foreign policy emerged during these two con- ferences, and inspired the composition of this book. After decades of neutralist foreign policy, and retracing the ancient history of the Ottoman Empire, over the past years Ankara, under the rule of the AK Party, has started an assertive and emphatic approach modifying its internatio- nal agenda. Turkish action in its extended neighborhood followed the architecture of the ‘strategic depth’ doctrine outlined by the current prime minister Davutoğlu. This doctrine was based on the so called ‘zero-problems with neighbors’ approach and was strengthened by the AK Party’s dominance in the Turkish political system. But the idea of ‘geopolitical depth’ finds its roots in a more complex process of re-imagination of the state as a central power in the age of globalization. This book aims to illustrate the types of ap- proaches Turkey has followed to expand its action in the last decades. The five chapters have been organized following a non-standard geopolitical analysis, and considering some relevant case-studies.
The first chapter, written by Bahri Yılmaz, constitutes a general introduction to a still challenging and debated argument, i.e. the comprehension of Turkish foreign policy in the Middle East, or Turkey as a model to be followed by the others countries, investigating Turkish-EU relations. The second chapter, edited by Emidio Diodato, addresses the decisive question about the ‘zero-problems with neighbors’ doctrine, i.e. whether it was a success or
a failure.
The following chapters, written by Alessia Chiriatti, Salih Doğan and Federico Donelli, contain analysis of specific case-studies, concerning with the bilateral or trilateral relations between Turkey, Georgia, Syria, Afghanistan, and Somalia. These case-studies have been debated throughout a regional perspective, focusing also on the role of Turkish non-state actors. Moreover, the states chosen to illustrate the Turkish action in the extended neighborhood have some characteristics in common, even if they are totally different among them. These countries have been faced with dramatic crises and wars that have destabilized their internal and regional equilibrium, thus requiring an external support that Turkey has tried to give, with obvious consequences on its geopolitical engagement.
This chapter aims to show that Turkish rapprochement toward Africa has made Turkey a regional actor different from the traditional western powers, as well as from the emerging non-western ones. The study of the Somali case is an attempt to analyze and explain the characteristics, benefits, challenges and limits of Turkey’s actions in the Horn of Africa.
n order to substantiate this argument, the article is framed within the neoclassical realist approach and divided into three parts. In the first section, the centrality of the Horn of Africa as a security complex is exposed, highlighting the state of relations with the Middle Eastern powers before the worsening of the Yemen crisis in 2015. In order to facilitate the analysis, the article justifies the study of the Middle Eastern powers not as individual states but, rather, as three blocks of alliances or poles, configuring a regional tri-polarity. The second section analyses the effects that the launch of military operations in Yemen (Decisive Storm) has had on the Horn of Africa, with a first reshuffling of the local and trans-regional alliance patterns. The third part highlights the deep effects that the crisis within the GCC has had in the Horn, triggering several regional issues such as the Ras Doumeria border conflict between Eritrea and Djibouti, the tension between Sudan and Egypt, and the Somali territorial integrity.
people and foreign policy. The initial assertion is, that the refugee’s flows from Syria has provoked a change both in policy-makers and society, thus securitization the overall foreign policy agenda, beyond the refugee issue itself.
Il termine “millet”, dall’arabo “milla” definisce le comunità confessionali, senza precisi limiti territoriali, a cui erano attribuiti diritti e prerogative amministrative non alternativi ma complementari all’integrazione nel tessuto civile e sociale dell’Impero ottomano. Il millet piuttosto che istituzione di carattere meramente islamico costituì l’esito di una armoniosa commistione tra l’ordinamento giuridico musulmano in materia di altre religioni e tradizioni, pratiche consuetudinarie nonché costumi di origine pre-islamica. La sostanziale neutralità civico-religiosa dei millet garantì stabilità, dal punto di vista politico, al complesso pluralismo ottomano, configurando inoltre un chiaro esempio di giurisdizione separata, contrassegno non di identità nazionali, ma di status, utile a garantire la coesistenza polietnica tipica di un regime universale quale quello sultanale. Il sistema comunitario dipanava legami interni di tipo verticale, disposti quindi in un ordinamento gerarchico dell’intera comunità, che riflettevano la struttura di gestione e controllo sulla quale era stato edificato l’Impero, conosciuta come ‘hub-and-spoke’.
L’analisi vuole fornire un quadro complessivo e comprensivo della genealogia, fenomenologia e destrutturazione dell’istituzione giuridico amministrativa del millet all’interno delle vicende storiche di un regime imperiale islamico. La progressiva erosione del pluralismo garantito da tale istituto fu determinata dalla convergenza di dinamiche endogene, di contingenze socio-economiche mediterranee nonché dal continuo mutamento degli equilibri di potenza tra l’Occidente ‘cristiano’ e l’Oriente ‘musulmano.
Through the analysis of Turkey’s opening to Cuba, this study explores three sets of questions. Firstly, what is the role assumed by Turkey’s civil society organizations in Turkey’s foreign policy and, how have these organizations influenced Turkish international agenda in three dimensions (public, cultural/religious and humanitarian)?. Secondly, what are the reasons behind Turkish interest towards the region and vice versa, and what are the main dimensions of relationship?. Lastly, what is driving Turkey towards Cuba and how have they strengthened relations with particular attention to the small Muslim community of Havana?.
This research aims at analyzing interests behind Turkey’s approach towards Latin America and the Caribbean, and the future implications. The work assumption is that Turkey-Latin America axis is one of the most interesting social and political phenomena as well as challenge to international future balance. Besides, Turkey-Cuba bilateral relations represents a valid example of one of the key principles of the new course of Turkish foreign policy: the gradual involvement of civil society organizations in Turkey’s international agenda.
The main research question: Is It true that Turkish soft power is going through a period of decline?. In order to answer this research question I analyze Turkey’s efforts in Somalia highlighting features that marked its involvement. The peculiarity of Turkey engagement in Somalia has made a pivotal player in such crisis situation where all other external actors and the international community have been unable to solve and unwilling to fully commit.
The aim of my work is try to explain the Turkish shift after Arab Uprising from an active foreign policy focused on zero problem principle in the neighboring countries to a new discourse based mainly on another principle stated by Prof. Davutoğlu: the total performance principle which includes the use of new soft power tools and discourses thanks to the gradual diversification of roles and actors. Total Performance Principle give emphasis to the involvement of civil society in foreign policy-making process and also underline the joint actions between state and non-state actors on the ground.
These actions are often presented and legitimized under the label of humanitarian intervention or mediation efforts.
In Somalia this approach has allowed Turkey to overwhelming the Somali general lack of confidence and at a same time present Turkish action as neutral, selfless and driving by moral imperative.
My assumption is that Turkey has able to operate in Somalia thanks to the gradual involvement of a greater number of non-state actors, and in particular thanks to an original humanitarian ‘multi-track’ approach. Multi-track is a notion used in humanitarian studies, and mean a coordinated initiatives among multiple-actors, as official state channels and civil organizations such as faith-based NGOs, charitable foundations and businesses associations.
My argument is that if Turkey improves and institutionalizes this approach along with original understanding of Humanitarian Diplomacy, it could revive its soft power and at the same time it could create a new effective kind of smart power, useful to Turkey International ambitious.
About Methodology: I developed my research Inside Soft power theoretical framework and debate, the analysis used a traditional area studies interdisciplinary approach through a qualitative method. I draws sources from different academic fields: Foreign Policy Analysis, International Relations, Humanitarian studies, mediation and peacebuilding studies, and African studies. In addition I also had some interviews with several members of Turkish NGOs.
heritage as an instrument of approach and cohesion in the states arose from the ashes of the empire. In this context, the Balkans represent a fundamental Turkish field of interest as a possible buffer zone against Russian hard power. Multi-directionality of Turkish foreign policy is showed by the renewed interest in regions for a so long time forgotten: the post-conflict settlement in Kosovo could be considered as a case study in the dimension of Turkish influence in the Balkans. For the same logic, Turkey is trying to de-isolate Abkhazia and South Ossetia after the conflicts of 1992 and 2008. The work aims to provide a reconstruction of the renewed Turkish interest for the Balkans focusing its attention on developing both theoretical current Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu and the progressive role played by the dynamic components of civil society. In the first part, the paper will try to understand Turkish role in Kosovo’s reconstruction after war;
secondly, Abkhazia and South Ossetia will constitute a case of control to better understand Turkish soft power in the former Ottoman dominions. Thirdly, the paper will evaluate how the Russian policy limits Turkish ambitions in that regions.
"Il ruolo della società civile nella politica estera turca"
Il lavoro si propone di fornire una ricostruzione storica dello sviluppo di una società civile di ispirazione religiosa in uno Stato costituzionalmente laico come la Turchia, evidenziando il rapporto di complementarietà tra la società stessa e la politica estera impostata dai governi AKP. L’intento è quello di mostrare come la rete sociale costruita dai movimenti islamisti turchi, in particolare comunità testuali e confraternite sufi, abbia costituito il fondamento, nonché l’intelaiatura, di una società civile islamica divenuta presto un importante attore transnazionale. Il suo recente dinamismo ha agevolato l’opera di ampliamento delle sfere di influenza turche facendole acquisire un ruolo primario nel contesto macro-regionale. Molte ONG turco islamiche operano in diversi Paesi, seguendo un modello di intervento alternativo rispetto ai tradizionali movimenti islamici e alle ONG laiche occidentali. L’attività transnazionale di queste, oltre a far acquisire maggiore credibilità internazionale alla Turchia, configura l’emergere di una società civile transnazionale dal carattere pan-ottomano. Un’idea questa da tempo promossa dal più importante movimento Nur guidato da Fethullah Gülen, il quale opera attivamente per diffondere nel mondo musulmano, inteso come ummah, un nuovo insegnamento in cui fede e tolleranza incontrano progresso e business.
Among these countries, Turkey aspires to a leading role. As a matter of fact, the AKP, an Islamic moderate party whose geopolitical thought is well expressed by “Strategic Depth” doctrine of Ahmet Davutoğlu (Minister of Foreign Affairs) is aiming to make Turkey a main actor relaunching the historical Turkish/Ottoman role, as the point of junction between East and West.
During the last ten years, a political central position has added to geopolitical one and it has been characterized by evolving domestic situation where the emerging AKP, with leader Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, has promoted a new model in which tradition and Islam meet modernity and global market, obtaining excellent result strengthened by an unrestrainable economic growth.
Upheavals in Spring 2011 can be considered both a turning point for the whole Middle East and, meanwhile, a chance by Erdoğan to feed dominating ambitious regarding it. In the same time the imagine of Turkey as a winning model for other countries and people, is getting stronger and stronger. Upheavals have also marked the emerging of new regional competitors and this could threaten short term the Turkish geopolitical plans themselves. The “Strategic Depth” theorized by Davutoğlu had inevitably to undergo some of the changes in regional alterations. Contests, especially those ones connected with the directive of “no problems with neighbors” are menaced by Syrian crisis. Understanding the developing of Turkish foreign politics directives, can help to explain present day critical situations and to foresee future developments of Middle East arrangement.