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Dirk Kotzé

University of South Africa, Political Sciences, Faculty Member

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Phone: +27827897401
Address: Department of Political Sciences,
University of South Africa (UNISA)
PO Box 392
Unisa
0003
South Africa

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Papers by Dirk Kotzé

Public health and democratic governance: COVID-19’s impact on South Africa’s democracy

Zeitschrift für Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft

The research is motivated by the need to determine the impact of South Africa’s COVID-19 regulati... more The research is motivated by the need to determine the impact of South Africa’s COVID-19 regulations on its quality of democracy. It takes into account the interests of individual (liberal) rights in competition with the state’s interests of public security. Theoretical assumptions, based on classical democratic theories, which rely on the separation of powers and checks-and-balance principles, were used. The South African government architecture is assessed, especially in the context of accountability and oversight requirements. For this purpose, the relationship between the legislature and executive is most relevant. The South African government decided on a state of disaster to manage the pandemic, but it is contrasted with a state of emergency as the constitutional alternative. Its implementation, especially the institutional framework used for it, is analysed. The role of Parliament during the pandemic is used as an important test of the quality of democracy. The conclusions ar...

An Election Postponement as a Change of the Constitution: Its Democratic and Constitutional Implications

Politikon

Foreign policy continuity in a changing international environment: A bifocal predicament for South Africa

Civic pride, national identity and the quality of democracy in South Africa

Civic pride generally presumes the presence of an uncontested heritage, common values about ident... more Civic pride generally presumes the presence of an uncontested heritage, common values about identity, trust in the political and constitutional dispensation, and a perception of equitable ownership of the benefits of the political and economic dispensations. South Africa‟s history, however, is one of contested heritages, polarised nationalisms, wide-ranging claims on identities and counter-identities and racially-determined socio-economic inequalities. Therefore there is no ostensible foundation for a national sense of civic pride. In response to apartheid the transitional and transformational philosophy is predicated on nation-/state-building and democratisation. It includes national reconciliation, constitutionmaking with a strong human rights emphasis, redress of structural inequalities, efforts to memorialise the past and an emphasis on social cohesion. Given the social engineering numerous questions arise about the role of civic pride in transitions. The research question for t...

The unforeseen consequences of globalisation

Discourse, 2009

Globalisation is inextricably integrated into the logic of capitalism. Globalisation is in the fi... more Globalisation is inextricably integrated into the logic of capitalism. Globalisation is in the first instance a world system of values and institutions in support of an open and free market with the minimum of nationalist interventions. Globalisation is said to be premised on the concept of holism (i.e. that the whole is worth more than the sum total of its individual components). Another dimension of globalisation is its close association with global communication and its effect on culture and identity. Globalisasie is onlosmaaklik deel van die kapitalistiese denkwyse. Globalisasie is in die eerste plek 'n wereldstelsel van waardes en instellings ter ondersteuning van 'n oop en vrye mark met die minimum nasionalistiese inmenging. Globalisasie is na bewering gegrond op die idee van holisme (d.i. die geheel is meer as die somtotaal van sy samestellende dele). Nog 'n dimensie van globalisasie is sy noue verbintenis met wereldwye kommunikasie en die uitwerking daarvan op ku...

n Terugblik op die verkiesing - hoe lyk die politieke landskap nou?

Die algemene verkiesing van 2004 word beskou as die herdenkingsgeleentheid vir die afgelope tien ... more

Implications of the democracy-development relationship for conflict resolution

African Journal on Conflict Resolution, 2007

Election of the National President: South Africa’s Approach and Its Implications for Presidentialism

Politikon, 2019

Political Science research on the President's role in South African politics has been limited and... more Political Science research on the President's role in South African politics has been limited and therefore poses a research challenge. In this article, the President's election by the National Assembly is linked to a number of factors. The legislative electoral system has a direct impact on it; also, South Africa's government is a hybrid, presidential/parliamentary system; and political party electoral procedures are followed to elect party leaders. The presidential electoral system has several implications for legislative-executive relations, including presidential accountability, approval of the Presidency's budget by Parliament, and Parliament's power to remove the President from office. Special attention is paid to the 2019 party campaigns, to the extent of their coexistence with presidential campaigns, and to the parliamentary electoral procedure. Conclusions identify the implications of the fact that the President's election is primarily determined by the power balance between the main political parties. Especially since 2007, it is also determined by internal party dynamics.

Political Party Funding in the 2004 Election

Journal of African elections, 2001

The paper concentrates on public funding of political parties during the 2004 general election. T... more The paper concentrates on public funding of political parties during the 2004 general election. The fact that no regulatory framework exists for private funding is detrimental to the proper regulation of public funding so the Institute for Democracy in South Africa has launched a court action to compel parties to disclose their private sources. International experiences and comparisons are used as a point of reference to analyse the South African situation. South Africa's framework for party funding consists of the African Union and Southern African Development Community agreements, the Public Funding of Represented Political Parties Act and its Regulation, and the Electoral Code of Conduct. South African parties represented in the national and provincial legislatures are funded on the basis of a formula consisting of proportional and equitable components by a fund appropriated mainly by Parliament and managed by the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC). The parties' accountability to the IEC is hampered by a lack of statutory powers.

n Analise van die ideologie van die Suid-Afrikaanse Kommunistiese Party, 1950-1984

Proefskrif (M.A.) -- Universiteit van Stellenbosch, 1985.Full text to be digitised and attached t... more

South Africa's foreign policy and international relations during 2012

The year 2012 was significant for South Africa's foreign policy and relations in the sense th... more The year 2012 was significant for South Africa's foreign policy and relations in the sense that the country held a seat on the United Nations (UN) Security Council, and, earlier in the year, completed its term as a member of the African Union (AU) Peace and Security Council. At the same time South Africa chaired SADC's Organ on Politics, Defence and Security Cooperation and was, therefore, specifically responsible for peace processes in Zimbabwe, Madagascar and the DRC. It was also the year after the global COP17/CMP7 meeting in Durban, and the complex developments in North Africa - Libya in particular. The year did not see significant formal policy developments save for the ANC's policy-making National Conference at which international relations were considered.

Africa's concept of 'unconstitutional change of government' - how appropriate?

Egypt is the latest example of the African Union's (AU) decision to declare events as an &quo... more Egypt is the latest example of the African Union's (AU) decision to declare events as an "unconstitutional change of government", and to suspend Egypt's AU membership on 5 July 2013. This is premised on the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance (2007), which was preceded by the Algiers Declaration on Unconstitutional Changes of Government (1999) and the Lome Declaration for an Organization of African Unity (OAU) Response to Unconstitutional Changes of Government (2002). At present, four AU members are suspended for the same reason: Madagascar, Guinea-Bissau, the Central African Republic (CAR) and Egypt. However, the regime changes in 2011 in Tunisia and Egypt, and in 2012 in Mali, were not treated in the same fashion - regardless of the fact that the changes which occurred did not follow a constitutional route. One of the pertinent questions, therefore, is: in the case of Egypt, what were the significant differences between the developments in 2011 and in 2013, and did the AU's response in terms of the African Charter provide an effective diplomatic instrument to approach or resolve such situations?

The nature of democracy in South Africa

The focus in this article is on the nature of democracy in South Africa. This does not mean that ... more The focus in this article is on the nature of democracy in South Africa. This does not mean that the state of democracy (especially its stage of consolidation) is completely ignored; however, as it is argued that democratic consolidation does to a certain degree determine the nature of democracy. Democracy in South Africa is explored in terms of four different layers: (1) the political stratification of society in order to sustain a democratic dispensation, (2) the role of society in public participation between elections, (3) the content of democracy, and (4) the role of the state in relation to society and in economy. A discussion of international media perceptions about democracy in South Africa is followed by a conclusion.

From Transition to Consolidation: The 1999 South African General Election

Africa Quarterly, 1999

Is Nation-Building the Solution for South Africa?

Indian Journal of African Studies, 1997

The New (Final) South African Constitution

Journal of Theoretical Politics, 1996

Democratization in the South African context is essentially a state-building process, in which co... more Democratization in the South African context is essentially a state-building process, in which constitution-making plays an important part. The transition from apartheid manifested itself in two concurrent processes, namely establishing a power-sharing, interim period as well as negotiating a new constitution. The first phase in the transition process, consisting of two phases, to a large extent has determined the outcome of the final constitution in the form of 34 Constitutional Principles. The second phase is directed by the elected Constitutional Assembly (CA), which has become an institutionalized process largely detached from the population. Two concurrent processes in the final transitional phase, in addition to the CA, are the quest for white, ethnic self-determination deliberated by the statutory Volkstaat Council, and the call for international mediation by the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP). Mediation is viewed by the IFP as an alternative negotiating strategy in order to cir...

African Political Elites: The Search for Democracy and Good Governance

... Page 5. 6. Political Leadership in Senegal: Clientelism and Monopolisation of Power..... 181 ... more

Transitional governments of national unity (GNU): instruments of democratization or transitional stabilization1

GNUs used in transitional periods of political post-crisis stress are generally assessed on the b... more GNUs used in transitional periods of political post-crisis stress are generally assessed on the basis of their contribution towards democratization. Normally the assessment outcome is pessimistic-but is it realistic? GNUs have been included in many transitional roadmaps like in) and several others. The research challenge is to determine what the negotiators' original motivation for their formation was and therefore what can be realistic assessment criteria. Trust building, to assist with constitution-making and preparing for the first election, security sector reform and other embryonic institutionalization priorities or implementation of transitional justice were all GNU priorities in the past. Preventing violence from recurring (i.e negative peace) and stabilizing the political situation are arguably some of the most immediate objectives but they are not yet positive democratization objectives. GNUs operate in the context of yet incomplete party political development, ongoing constitutional negotiations, executive dominance over the legislature in the GNU, weak electoral infrastructure and economic crises. None of them are conducive for immediate democratization. The research outcome is that GNUs are neither established for, nor designed to, promote democratization. Their main purpose is to consolidate implementation of a peace agreement or a negotiated transition; to build trust amongst the main political leaders; to prevent political conflict from recurring; and to facilitate preparations for an election and constitutional negotiations. Democratization is more likely only thereafter.

Discordant Comrades: identities and loyalties on the South African left by ALLISON DREW. Aldershot, Burlington, VT, Singapore and Sydney: Ashgate, 2000. Pp. 309. £43.00

Journal of Modern African Studies, 2002

The political economy of development in South Africa

African Security Review, 2000

Public health and democratic governance: COVID-19’s impact on South Africa’s democracy

Zeitschrift für Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft

The research is motivated by the need to determine the impact of South Africa’s COVID-19 regulati... more The research is motivated by the need to determine the impact of South Africa’s COVID-19 regulations on its quality of democracy. It takes into account the interests of individual (liberal) rights in competition with the state’s interests of public security. Theoretical assumptions, based on classical democratic theories, which rely on the separation of powers and checks-and-balance principles, were used. The South African government architecture is assessed, especially in the context of accountability and oversight requirements. For this purpose, the relationship between the legislature and executive is most relevant. The South African government decided on a state of disaster to manage the pandemic, but it is contrasted with a state of emergency as the constitutional alternative. Its implementation, especially the institutional framework used for it, is analysed. The role of Parliament during the pandemic is used as an important test of the quality of democracy. The conclusions ar...

An Election Postponement as a Change of the Constitution: Its Democratic and Constitutional Implications

Politikon

Foreign policy continuity in a changing international environment: A bifocal predicament for South Africa

Civic pride, national identity and the quality of democracy in South Africa

Civic pride generally presumes the presence of an uncontested heritage, common values about ident... more Civic pride generally presumes the presence of an uncontested heritage, common values about identity, trust in the political and constitutional dispensation, and a perception of equitable ownership of the benefits of the political and economic dispensations. South Africa‟s history, however, is one of contested heritages, polarised nationalisms, wide-ranging claims on identities and counter-identities and racially-determined socio-economic inequalities. Therefore there is no ostensible foundation for a national sense of civic pride. In response to apartheid the transitional and transformational philosophy is predicated on nation-/state-building and democratisation. It includes national reconciliation, constitutionmaking with a strong human rights emphasis, redress of structural inequalities, efforts to memorialise the past and an emphasis on social cohesion. Given the social engineering numerous questions arise about the role of civic pride in transitions. The research question for t...

The unforeseen consequences of globalisation

Discourse, 2009

Globalisation is inextricably integrated into the logic of capitalism. Globalisation is in the fi... more Globalisation is inextricably integrated into the logic of capitalism. Globalisation is in the first instance a world system of values and institutions in support of an open and free market with the minimum of nationalist interventions. Globalisation is said to be premised on the concept of holism (i.e. that the whole is worth more than the sum total of its individual components). Another dimension of globalisation is its close association with global communication and its effect on culture and identity. Globalisasie is onlosmaaklik deel van die kapitalistiese denkwyse. Globalisasie is in die eerste plek 'n wereldstelsel van waardes en instellings ter ondersteuning van 'n oop en vrye mark met die minimum nasionalistiese inmenging. Globalisasie is na bewering gegrond op die idee van holisme (d.i. die geheel is meer as die somtotaal van sy samestellende dele). Nog 'n dimensie van globalisasie is sy noue verbintenis met wereldwye kommunikasie en die uitwerking daarvan op ku...

n Terugblik op die verkiesing - hoe lyk die politieke landskap nou?

Die algemene verkiesing van 2004 word beskou as die herdenkingsgeleentheid vir die afgelope tien ... more

Implications of the democracy-development relationship for conflict resolution

African Journal on Conflict Resolution, 2007

Election of the National President: South Africa’s Approach and Its Implications for Presidentialism

Politikon, 2019

Political Science research on the President's role in South African politics has been limited and... more Political Science research on the President's role in South African politics has been limited and therefore poses a research challenge. In this article, the President's election by the National Assembly is linked to a number of factors. The legislative electoral system has a direct impact on it; also, South Africa's government is a hybrid, presidential/parliamentary system; and political party electoral procedures are followed to elect party leaders. The presidential electoral system has several implications for legislative-executive relations, including presidential accountability, approval of the Presidency's budget by Parliament, and Parliament's power to remove the President from office. Special attention is paid to the 2019 party campaigns, to the extent of their coexistence with presidential campaigns, and to the parliamentary electoral procedure. Conclusions identify the implications of the fact that the President's election is primarily determined by the power balance between the main political parties. Especially since 2007, it is also determined by internal party dynamics.

Political Party Funding in the 2004 Election

Journal of African elections, 2001

The paper concentrates on public funding of political parties during the 2004 general election. T... more The paper concentrates on public funding of political parties during the 2004 general election. The fact that no regulatory framework exists for private funding is detrimental to the proper regulation of public funding so the Institute for Democracy in South Africa has launched a court action to compel parties to disclose their private sources. International experiences and comparisons are used as a point of reference to analyse the South African situation. South Africa's framework for party funding consists of the African Union and Southern African Development Community agreements, the Public Funding of Represented Political Parties Act and its Regulation, and the Electoral Code of Conduct. South African parties represented in the national and provincial legislatures are funded on the basis of a formula consisting of proportional and equitable components by a fund appropriated mainly by Parliament and managed by the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC). The parties' accountability to the IEC is hampered by a lack of statutory powers.

n Analise van die ideologie van die Suid-Afrikaanse Kommunistiese Party, 1950-1984

Proefskrif (M.A.) -- Universiteit van Stellenbosch, 1985.Full text to be digitised and attached t... more

South Africa's foreign policy and international relations during 2012

The year 2012 was significant for South Africa's foreign policy and relations in the sense th... more The year 2012 was significant for South Africa's foreign policy and relations in the sense that the country held a seat on the United Nations (UN) Security Council, and, earlier in the year, completed its term as a member of the African Union (AU) Peace and Security Council. At the same time South Africa chaired SADC's Organ on Politics, Defence and Security Cooperation and was, therefore, specifically responsible for peace processes in Zimbabwe, Madagascar and the DRC. It was also the year after the global COP17/CMP7 meeting in Durban, and the complex developments in North Africa - Libya in particular. The year did not see significant formal policy developments save for the ANC's policy-making National Conference at which international relations were considered.

Africa's concept of 'unconstitutional change of government' - how appropriate?

Egypt is the latest example of the African Union's (AU) decision to declare events as an &quo... more Egypt is the latest example of the African Union's (AU) decision to declare events as an "unconstitutional change of government", and to suspend Egypt's AU membership on 5 July 2013. This is premised on the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance (2007), which was preceded by the Algiers Declaration on Unconstitutional Changes of Government (1999) and the Lome Declaration for an Organization of African Unity (OAU) Response to Unconstitutional Changes of Government (2002). At present, four AU members are suspended for the same reason: Madagascar, Guinea-Bissau, the Central African Republic (CAR) and Egypt. However, the regime changes in 2011 in Tunisia and Egypt, and in 2012 in Mali, were not treated in the same fashion - regardless of the fact that the changes which occurred did not follow a constitutional route. One of the pertinent questions, therefore, is: in the case of Egypt, what were the significant differences between the developments in 2011 and in 2013, and did the AU's response in terms of the African Charter provide an effective diplomatic instrument to approach or resolve such situations?

The nature of democracy in South Africa

The focus in this article is on the nature of democracy in South Africa. This does not mean that ... more The focus in this article is on the nature of democracy in South Africa. This does not mean that the state of democracy (especially its stage of consolidation) is completely ignored; however, as it is argued that democratic consolidation does to a certain degree determine the nature of democracy. Democracy in South Africa is explored in terms of four different layers: (1) the political stratification of society in order to sustain a democratic dispensation, (2) the role of society in public participation between elections, (3) the content of democracy, and (4) the role of the state in relation to society and in economy. A discussion of international media perceptions about democracy in South Africa is followed by a conclusion.

From Transition to Consolidation: The 1999 South African General Election

Africa Quarterly, 1999

Is Nation-Building the Solution for South Africa?

Indian Journal of African Studies, 1997

The New (Final) South African Constitution

Journal of Theoretical Politics, 1996

Democratization in the South African context is essentially a state-building process, in which co... more Democratization in the South African context is essentially a state-building process, in which constitution-making plays an important part. The transition from apartheid manifested itself in two concurrent processes, namely establishing a power-sharing, interim period as well as negotiating a new constitution. The first phase in the transition process, consisting of two phases, to a large extent has determined the outcome of the final constitution in the form of 34 Constitutional Principles. The second phase is directed by the elected Constitutional Assembly (CA), which has become an institutionalized process largely detached from the population. Two concurrent processes in the final transitional phase, in addition to the CA, are the quest for white, ethnic self-determination deliberated by the statutory Volkstaat Council, and the call for international mediation by the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP). Mediation is viewed by the IFP as an alternative negotiating strategy in order to cir...

African Political Elites: The Search for Democracy and Good Governance

... Page 5. 6. Political Leadership in Senegal: Clientelism and Monopolisation of Power..... 181 ... more

Transitional governments of national unity (GNU): instruments of democratization or transitional stabilization1

GNUs used in transitional periods of political post-crisis stress are generally assessed on the b... more GNUs used in transitional periods of political post-crisis stress are generally assessed on the basis of their contribution towards democratization. Normally the assessment outcome is pessimistic-but is it realistic? GNUs have been included in many transitional roadmaps like in) and several others. The research challenge is to determine what the negotiators' original motivation for their formation was and therefore what can be realistic assessment criteria. Trust building, to assist with constitution-making and preparing for the first election, security sector reform and other embryonic institutionalization priorities or implementation of transitional justice were all GNU priorities in the past. Preventing violence from recurring (i.e negative peace) and stabilizing the political situation are arguably some of the most immediate objectives but they are not yet positive democratization objectives. GNUs operate in the context of yet incomplete party political development, ongoing constitutional negotiations, executive dominance over the legislature in the GNU, weak electoral infrastructure and economic crises. None of them are conducive for immediate democratization. The research outcome is that GNUs are neither established for, nor designed to, promote democratization. Their main purpose is to consolidate implementation of a peace agreement or a negotiated transition; to build trust amongst the main political leaders; to prevent political conflict from recurring; and to facilitate preparations for an election and constitutional negotiations. Democratization is more likely only thereafter.

Discordant Comrades: identities and loyalties on the South African left by ALLISON DREW. Aldershot, Burlington, VT, Singapore and Sydney: Ashgate, 2000. Pp. 309. £43.00

Journal of Modern African Studies, 2002

The political economy of development in South Africa

African Security Review, 2000

IMAGINATION AND ASSOCIATION: INTERACTIONS BETWEEN STATE IDENTITY AND NATIONAL IDENTITY IN SOUTH AFRICA

The origin of ‘South Africa’ as a state concept is uncertain. Some would trace it to the unificat... more The origin of ‘South Africa’ as a state concept is uncertain. Some would trace it to the unification in 1910. Others might associate it with the South African Republic (ZAR) in the Transvaal between 1852 and 1902. As a concept it has been contested in the past, especially by the Black Consciousness movement and the PAC in the form of ‘Azania’. However, the ANC’s founding name in 1912 (SANNC) used ‘South African’ as its national indicator.
‘South Africa’ can be either a geographical description or it can represent an autonomous identity. South Africa and the Central African Republic are the only two states that use a direct reference to Africa in its name. The purpose of this discussion is a search for state identity indicators.

Civic pride, national identity and the quality of democracy in South Africa

Civic pride generally presumes the presence of an uncontested heritage, common values about ident... more Civic pride generally presumes the presence of an uncontested heritage, common values about identity, trust in the political and constitutional dispensation, and a perception of equitable ownership of the benefits of the political and economic dispensations. South Africa " s history, however, is one of contested heritages, polarised nationalisms, wide-ranging claims on identities and counter-identities and racially-determined socioeconomic inequalities. Therefore there is no ostensible foundation for a national sense of civic pride. In response to apartheid the transitional and transformational philosophy is predicated on nation-/state-building and democratisation. It includes national reconciliation, constitution-making with a strong human rights emphasis, redress of structural inequalities, efforts to memorialise the past and an emphasis on social cohesion. Given the social engineering numerous questions arise about the role of civic pride in transitions. The research question for this study is: can civic pride be a contemporaneous by-product of nation-/state-building in South Africa after 1994 or will it only be a consequence of nation-building on the long-term (in other words, that consensus about a national identity is a prerequisite for civic pride)? Is there a qualitative correlation between the quality of democracy and the prevalence of civic pride?

Mediation and the responsibility to enforce implementation

This article was prompted by the question: why do some peace accords last while others do not? Th... more This article was prompted by the question: why do some peace accords last while others do not? The premise is that agreements often fail, because they were not properly implemented. The question then is: who are responsible for its implementation and does it include a degree of enforcement? Partly based on the international community’s “responsibility to protect” citizens against violations of international humanitarian law, this article argues that the international community is increasingly intervening in national states and that it constitutes a responsibility to promote peace and security. Any mediation by an external party is by definition a form of intervention but has to contend with the implications of state sovereignty. This article argues that mediators or the international organizations they represent have as part of their mediation function a responsibility to ensure that the mediated agreement is implemented. The contested aspect is whether that responsibility includes also enforcement. The case of Madagascar (2009-2013) is used to investigate whether such enforcement already exists in practice and what some of the complicating conditions are. The conclusions are that the controversial conceptual nature of the “responsibility to enforce” must be acknowledged. More attention is paid to the preparations and negotiated process of mediation than to the implementation phase. Elections as part of a transition process are a critical point at which enforcement can be challenged by the increasing prominence of national sovereignty. Enforcement is therefore more viable by actors with the required power leverage in the form of “carrots-and-sticks” than mediators with authority but not sufficient power. Implementation enforcement is therefore more of an interest-based consideration than a normative value, though the international community has embraced it as a norm in discursive terms but not yet as a principle.