Salvatore Tufano
Università degli Studi "La Sapienza" di Roma, Dipartimento di Scienze dell'Antichità, Cultore della materia
BA, MA, Phd Sapienza University of Rome
Postdoctoral Fellowship McGill University
Assegnista di ricerca Sapienza Università di Roma
Chercheur postdoc Université de Fribourg
Cultore della materia in Storia greca Sapienza Università di Roma (2017-today)
Assegnista di ricerca in Storia greca Sapienza Università di Roma
External Collaborator Grupo de Investigación (GI-1908) de Estudos Clásicos e Medievais da USC (Departamento de Filoloxía Clásica, Francesa e Italiana)
2023-2034: Abilitazione Scientifica Nazionale alle funzioni di professore universitario di Seconda Fascia nel Settore Concorsuale 10/D1 - STORIA ANTICA.
Docente di ruolo di Italiano, latino e greco presso il Liceo Classico Giulio Cesare (Roma).
Current Projects: A History of Orchomenos (book under contract); Divination and Greek History; Federalism and Ancient Debates; Syracuse and the Olympieion; Greek Local Historiography
Supervisors: Pietro Vannicelli, Paola Ceccarelli, Hans Beck, Stephen Lambert, and Cecilia Criado
Postdoctoral Fellowship McGill University
Assegnista di ricerca Sapienza Università di Roma
Chercheur postdoc Université de Fribourg
Cultore della materia in Storia greca Sapienza Università di Roma (2017-today)
Assegnista di ricerca in Storia greca Sapienza Università di Roma
External Collaborator Grupo de Investigación (GI-1908) de Estudos Clásicos e Medievais da USC (Departamento de Filoloxía Clásica, Francesa e Italiana)
2023-2034: Abilitazione Scientifica Nazionale alle funzioni di professore universitario di Seconda Fascia nel Settore Concorsuale 10/D1 - STORIA ANTICA.
Docente di ruolo di Italiano, latino e greco presso il Liceo Classico Giulio Cesare (Roma).
Current Projects: A History of Orchomenos (book under contract); Divination and Greek History; Federalism and Ancient Debates; Syracuse and the Olympieion; Greek Local Historiography
Supervisors: Pietro Vannicelli, Paola Ceccarelli, Hans Beck, Stephen Lambert, and Cecilia Criado
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Books by Salvatore Tufano
Special thanks are due to the editors of the TSO-Supplements series, Hans Beck and Fabienne Marchand, for their invaluable support and help.
Papers by Salvatore Tufano
biographical materials on Aristoxenus and with the earliest reception
of Epaminondas’ musical and philosophical education. Besides, I contend that Aristoxenus is a reliable source for the early years of Epaminondas’ life and, as such, the tradition that is based on Aristoxenus should be trusted in the reconstruction of Epaminondas’ early years.
of the traditions on the Boiotian migration, the presence of this group can be detected
both in Aiolis and in Ionia. The author concentrates on the nature of the ancient literary
tradition and chooses two case studies: a first one is related to two Aiolian islands (Tenedos
and Lesbos), whereas the second one is the Boiotian contribution to the Ionian migration.
The nature itself of the sources allows us to detect the Boiotian presence and to identify two
strategies through which this tradition was preserved, namely the action of private aristocratic
families and the role of common sanctuaries as reservoirs of collective memory.
The paper discusses the documentation relating to the office of the boiotarchos in the im-perial period. Although the Boiotian koinon was revived around the middle of the 1stcent. BC, it is only in the Flavian period that thereis clear evidence of the rebirth of the office of the boiotarchos(cp. Plut. an seni resp. 785C; praec. ger. reip. 813D). The first epi-graphic source is Hadrian's letter to the Lokrian town of Naryka (SEGLI 641), whilethe last known boiotarch, Cn. Curtius Dexippos, was active during the principate of Decius (IGVII 3426; Scythica VindobonensiaF III Martin-Grusková). On the basis of a compar-ative analysis of the literary and epigraphic sources on the office, the authorsuggests the existence of a single boiotarchosin the imperial age. The institution was endorsed by the Roman authorities and was favourably received in Boiotia, where the boiotarchy was pre-sent from the originsof the regional institutions. The office ofthe boiotarchoswould have been heldin turn by the individualBoiotian teleand would not have had as its main pur-pose the administrationof the imperial cult, as the fragment of the Scythica Vindobonensiaalso shows: here the boiotarchosis involvedin regional coordination and hasan adminis-trative function, still less importantthan the local authorities of the individual poleis of Boiotia. These towns still appear autonomous and not subordinate to the boiotarchosin thedocumentation of the 2nd century.
Thanks are due for comments and support to Sebastian Scharff, Fabienne Marchand, Albert Schachter and the anonymous referees.
hegemony in Greece (371-362 BCE). The analysis of a trial against Epameinondas in 369 BCE, signals this event as a
political trial. Other episodes during these years demonstrate that this and other trials can be considered as
examples of Schauprozess, as lately theorized by Koskenniemi. In a system where political opposition was restrained
by the lack of institutional provisos, the trials were used to attack opponents, using legal means for achieving
political ends.
[PDF AVAILABLE UPON REQUEST]
Special thanks are due to the editors of the TSO-Supplements series, Hans Beck and Fabienne Marchand, for their invaluable support and help.
biographical materials on Aristoxenus and with the earliest reception
of Epaminondas’ musical and philosophical education. Besides, I contend that Aristoxenus is a reliable source for the early years of Epaminondas’ life and, as such, the tradition that is based on Aristoxenus should be trusted in the reconstruction of Epaminondas’ early years.
of the traditions on the Boiotian migration, the presence of this group can be detected
both in Aiolis and in Ionia. The author concentrates on the nature of the ancient literary
tradition and chooses two case studies: a first one is related to two Aiolian islands (Tenedos
and Lesbos), whereas the second one is the Boiotian contribution to the Ionian migration.
The nature itself of the sources allows us to detect the Boiotian presence and to identify two
strategies through which this tradition was preserved, namely the action of private aristocratic
families and the role of common sanctuaries as reservoirs of collective memory.
The paper discusses the documentation relating to the office of the boiotarchos in the im-perial period. Although the Boiotian koinon was revived around the middle of the 1stcent. BC, it is only in the Flavian period that thereis clear evidence of the rebirth of the office of the boiotarchos(cp. Plut. an seni resp. 785C; praec. ger. reip. 813D). The first epi-graphic source is Hadrian's letter to the Lokrian town of Naryka (SEGLI 641), whilethe last known boiotarch, Cn. Curtius Dexippos, was active during the principate of Decius (IGVII 3426; Scythica VindobonensiaF III Martin-Grusková). On the basis of a compar-ative analysis of the literary and epigraphic sources on the office, the authorsuggests the existence of a single boiotarchosin the imperial age. The institution was endorsed by the Roman authorities and was favourably received in Boiotia, where the boiotarchy was pre-sent from the originsof the regional institutions. The office ofthe boiotarchoswould have been heldin turn by the individualBoiotian teleand would not have had as its main pur-pose the administrationof the imperial cult, as the fragment of the Scythica Vindobonensiaalso shows: here the boiotarchosis involvedin regional coordination and hasan adminis-trative function, still less importantthan the local authorities of the individual poleis of Boiotia. These towns still appear autonomous and not subordinate to the boiotarchosin thedocumentation of the 2nd century.
Thanks are due for comments and support to Sebastian Scharff, Fabienne Marchand, Albert Schachter and the anonymous referees.
hegemony in Greece (371-362 BCE). The analysis of a trial against Epameinondas in 369 BCE, signals this event as a
political trial. Other episodes during these years demonstrate that this and other trials can be considered as
examples of Schauprozess, as lately theorized by Koskenniemi. In a system where political opposition was restrained
by the lack of institutional provisos, the trials were used to attack opponents, using legal means for achieving
political ends.
[PDF AVAILABLE UPON REQUEST]
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In particolare, è dapprima messo in discussione il Lokalpatriotismus di Plutarco, che non regge davanti alle condizioni storiche della Beozia tra I e II secolo; secondariamente, a un approccio tradizionale al testo come mosaico di frammenti, che prevede anche la considerazione dell'importante voce di Aristofane di Beozia, è associato un metodo che privilegia altre strategie per l'individuazione di fonti locali nell'opera di Plutarco, quali la valorizzazione delle "fonti indeterminate" (Muccioli). Dalla convergenza di questi tre approcci (su Plutarco come Beota, come lettore reticente e come fonte interessata) emergerà una prospettiva articolata, che cerca di proporre un nuovo modello di storiografia locale, intesa anche come capitale sociale delle aristocrazie greche dell'età imperiale.
In this paper, I would like to focus my attention on the first writers of Boeotian histories and to offer a few examples of the richness and variety that these fragments reveal. Starting from Hellanicus, who displays a version of the founding myth of Cadmus (F 51a Fowler) in deep contrast with the storyline followed by the Athenian sources, I will then concentrate on four texts by Armenidas (BNJ 378) and Aristophanes (BNJ 379), who can be dated to the middle and to the second half of the fourth century. These few case studies may suggest how short-sighted are the current definitions of local versus great historiography, a debated issue which can be better understood only through an analysis of the single cases. Boeotia represents a particularly stimulating one, since the overall bad representation that this region had in the classical sources -starting nonetheless from the local Pindar in the sixth Olympic (152)- might be challenged by a structured reading of its local historians.
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What really strikes the modern scholar who knows the importance of Thucydides in the first quarter of the twentieth century (Morley 2014; Id. – Lee 2015) is the absence of any explicit reference, by Benjamin, to the ancient historian. If we try to enlarge the picture to the other ancient historians, the only specific mention of Herodotus in a contribution on the Russian writer Leskov (Der Erzähler. Betrachtungen zum Werk Nikolai Lesskows, 1936: GS II/2: 445-6) fairly does any justice to Benjamin, who misquotes a chapter of the Histories, giving the misleading impression that the ancient historian would have left unexplained the weird cold-heartedness of the pharaoh Psammetichus (Hist. III 14). Starting from this misreport of Herodotus, in my paper I would like to focus on three pivotal theses of Benjamin’s Über den Begriff der Geschichte: a complete analysis of the work would be desirable, but a significant choice could be enough, to show that Benjamin often repeats ancient answers and approaches, when dealing with modern issues –it could even be inferred from the examples that he might have known the ancient historians’ works.
When he declares that a cultural document is nevertheless a document of Barbarei (Thesis XV), he criticizes both the veracity of the source itself, a potentially distorted genius, who often comes from the upper classes, and the persistence of slavery: if the scepticism towards the sources is a modern need, we know for a fact that the ancient historian was not usually a commoner. Benjamin also states that choosing a calendar (Th. XV) means imposing a biased diaframma on the reconstruction itself of a historical development (see Clarke 2008), as could be shown from Thucydides’ strong objection to the annalistic criterion (V 20,2); writing history can mean looking for an eternal picture of the past (Th. XVI), whose recurring coexistence of great and smaller events (III) recalls Herodotus’ evolution of the bigger poleis into smaller ones (I 5,4) and Thucydides’ astonishment at considering the evolution of the poleis from the past to the present (I 10,1- 2).
The paper is therefore meant as a prologue to future researches on the relationships between the ancient historiographies and Benjamin’s philosophy of history, despite this apparently being focused on the contemporary rejection of Stalinian historical materialism.
PhD Thesis, Table of Contents
Sapienza University of Rome, July 2016
Although Aristoxenus did not write a biography of Epameinondas, he referred to the philosophical and musical instruction of the man (FF 18 and 96 Wehrli). Ancient biographies of Epameinondas often focused on his expertise in music. Through a consideration of the extant data on the musical education of Epameinondas, I contend that the stress on the relevant teachers in all the available areas depends on the original picture provided by Aristoxenus. In particular, the often-neglected list of teachers of Nep. 15.2,1-2 shows that the spiritual background of Epameinondas reflected the virtues assigned to the perfect 'Pythagorean' way of life.
Epameinondas thus embodied the perfect Pythagorean versed in music and in temperance, according to the model of Pythagorean life as is imagined in the extant Pythagorean works of Aristoxenus. In order to corroborate the idea of a 'pythagorizing' Epameinondas, Aristoxenus listed all the single teachers of Epameinondas and built a spiritual network around him. The paper finally leads to two, important additional conclusions: a possible new material for the works of Aristoxenus, hitherto neglected (Nep. 15.2), and the central role of Aristoxenus in the creation of the legend of Epameinondas, along with other works more classically defined as historiographical.