Papers by Iulia-Alexandra Oprea
Global Policy Journal, 2024
The paper explores Turkey's use of populist narratives to legitimize its recent assertiveness on ... more The paper explores Turkey's use of populist narratives to legitimize its recent assertiveness on the international stage. The global rise of populism has reshaped political landscapes around the world, influencing not only domestic policy choices but increasingly, foreign policy decisions too.
MOȘTENIREA LUI PETRU MAIOR ABORDĂRI ALE MODERNITĂȚII ÎN EUROPA CENTRALĂ ȘI DE EST, 2024
„What is modernity?” and „When does modernity start in the Middle East?” are questions to which h... more „What is modernity?” and „When does modernity start in the Middle East?” are questions to which historians have not reached a consensus. The historical discourse has been dominated by two antagonistic approaches: the Orienta- list2 perspective - according to which modernity begins in 1789 with Napo- leon’s invasion of Egypt, suggesting that modernity was “imported” from the West - and the revisionist point of view - which places the beginnings of the modern era before the French arrival, limits the impact of the West and claims that modernity has its roots in the region3. However, both hypotheses are problematic; the first includes the assumption that the modern age in the Middle East was created solely by European influence and supremacy, while the second denies the role of the West or reduces it to (colonial) exploitation.
Journal of Balkan and Black Sea Studies, Dec 28, 2023
If during the early Republican era migration was a controlled process serving nation-building, th... more If during the early Republican era migration was a controlled process serving nation-building, the ongoing Syrian refugee crisis has reasserted, and, in the meantime, challenged Turkish national identity. This paper analyzes Diyanet's religious narratives regarding the Syrian refugee crisis, its role in legitimizing the government's refugee policy, and the rising tensions between humanistic Islamic values and nationalism faced by the institution. Methodologically, I primarily rely on content analysis of the Friday sermons released by Diyanet between 2011 and 2018.
Who is a Turk?” is an extremely difficult question which cannot be answered in just one way. The ... more Who is a Turk?” is an extremely difficult question which cannot be answered in just one way. The multiple and sometimes conflicting self-portraits painted over history as well as the cultural richness of the Turkish society provide us with evidence of a complex picture. The auto-images of the Turks in the early republic were defined in opposition with the barbaric, backward, religious and multicultural Ottoman society, regarded as alterity. Domestic otherness, especially of ethnic Kurds and Islamists, was repudiated in order to create an organic and homogeneous society. The failure of the assimilation project caused the reinstating of the Islamic element in the Turkish identity, and later, the scission of the Turkish society, leading to a mixture of competing and complementary identities. In contrast, the image of the Turk in Europe has been static. Turks continue to represent the Other of Europe. The image of Turks in Europe consist in a strong and unchangeable portrait sketched un...
The study captures the image of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, the founder of the Turkish Republic, over ... more The study captures the image of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, the founder of the Turkish Republic, over time, from the establishment of the Kemalist state until nowadays, focusing on the way the Turkish leader was perceived by citizens and represented in the Turkish and international newspapers. Atatürk is a national symbol, a character whose positive traits were often exaggerated and whose ideology, Kemalism, marked the history of the Turkish twentieth century. Starting with the last decade of the twentieth century, Turkish politics have been going through important changes, by concentrating the power into the hands of the Islamic-rooted parties, the Welfare Party in 1996, and the Justice and Development Party, since 2002. Recent researches and the Turkish realities have shown the increasing popularity of the Islamic and Ottoman symbolism in the public space. However, Mustafa Kemal's popularity has not diminished. The image of the founder was retouched in order to make him appear more human. Today, the symbolism of the „human” Atatürk is promoted by ordinary people, and carried into new, private spheres. The paper argues that even if Turkey is losing gradually its „Kemalist faith”, the „father of Turks” remains the omnipresent spiritual leader.
The recent anti-government riots have highlighted the schism within the Turkish society, represen... more The recent anti-government riots have highlighted the schism within the Turkish society, representing an evidence to the dual political orientation of contemporary Turkey, a snapshot of a state of things characterized by diversity, both in terms of values and beliefs, as well as at social and political level. Although, the demonstrators were demanding the resignation of the ruling party, the AKP has not lost its popularity, many Turks continuing to support the Islamic-rooted party, as shown by the pro-government rallies and interviews given by Turkish citizens. Despite the fact that the protests have created panic and doubt regarding the future of Turkey, both at domestic and international level, the events from 2013 are beneficial for the Turkish democracy, citizens assuming the role to restrain and limit the excesses of the ruling authority and conquering their sovereignty after many decades of submission
This paper aims to emphasize the stereotypical representation of Muslims in the Western culture. ... more This paper aims to emphasize the stereotypical representation of Muslims in the Western culture. The study shows that when it comes to Muslims, Westerners are those who are wearing veil, a different kind of veil that covers not the body, but the eyes… The image of the Islamic believer has been predominantly negative during the history. While, in the past, Muslims were seen as evil, unfaithful people, the 9/11 tragic events brought the discrimination of Muslims to a new level. Since the terrorist attacks the Western media has started to call Muslims terrorists, has begun to focus on negative aspects related to the Islamic population and to generalize them. This process generated false beliefs and myths which are strongly rooted in the Western mentality. Statements like „Muslims are terrorists”, “all the Muslims are Arabs”, “Islam is incompatible with democracy and modernity” or “Islamism is synonymous with Fundamentalism” are widely accepted as true. This study brings proofs from reality to debunk the most popular myths related to the Muslim world.
The paper captures the evolution of the Turkish understanding of secularism by emphasizing its sp... more The paper captures the evolution of the Turkish understanding of secularism by emphasizing its specificity. Turkish secularism was designed by the Kemalist elite which instead of avoiding the interference of the state in religion, subjected Islam to tight control by creating the Directorate of Religious Affairs responsible for managing every aspect of faith and religion. This understanding of secularism differs from its contemporary definition according to which the state must keep an equal distance from all religions, granting them freedom of belief, and avoid imposing a state system based on religious rules. If at the beginning of the 20th Century Westernization was a central feature of the Kemalist project, excluding religion from the public sphere and promoting a top-down governance, a century later, due to its liberalization and opening, Westernization became the ally of the Islamicrooted actors, providing them with freedom of religion and belief, and therefore, redefining secularism.
Turkish Cultural Legacy in the Balkans: from Empire to the Turkish Republic, 2023
New Publication investigating Turkey’s changing religious policy in South Eastern Europe under th... more New Publication investigating Turkey’s changing religious policy in South Eastern Europe under the AKP rule in an edited volume on the Turkish Cultural Legacy in the Balkans.
To better understand Turkey’s religious engagement strategies: 1) I considered the reforms and rationale that expanded Diyanet’s mission and strengthened its administrative and bureaucratic capacity in foreign policy; 2) I analysed Turkey’s changing religious community policy home and abroad; and 3)I examined the concept of gönül coğrafya or “lands and peoples close to our heart”- used by Turkey to indicate ex-Ottoman territories, diasporas, and communities that are perceived to have a shared history and culture with Turkey-.
Journal of Balkan and Black Sea Studies, 2023
If during the early Republican era migration was a controlled process serving nation-building, th... more If during the early Republican era migration was a controlled process serving nation-building, the ongoing Syrian refugee crisis has reasserted, and, in the meantime, challenged Turkish national identity. This paper analyzes Diyanet's religious narratives regarding the Syrian refugee crisis, its role in legitimizing the government's refugee policy, and the rising tensions between humanistic Islamic values and nationalism faced by the institution. Methodologically, I primarily rely on content analysis of the Friday sermons released by Diyanet between 2011 and 2018.
Rivista di Studi Politici, 2022
In the age of hybridity or post-liberal international order characterized by the rise of authorit... more In the age of hybridity or post-liberal international order characterized by the rise of authoritarian capitalism, competing norms and no overriding set of paradigms in global governance 1 , Turkey's loosening relations with the West and slide to authoritarianism have been widely regarded with concern by scholars and policy makers. In this context, "tradition dependent rationality" has come to complement or even replace in some cases the rights-based principles of universal rationality embedded in the Enlightenment thought, turning the spotlight on culture, tradition and religion 2. Is Turkey's drift towards Islamic/Islamist authoritarianism entrenched in a unique Turkish Muslim experience; a "popular Islamic" adaptation and revival of Kemalism (respectively post-Kemalism) or rather a replica of the global authoritarian expansion? Researchers have employed different interpretative frameworks to make sense of the AKP's foreign policy. Turkey's warm relations with authoritarian states and engagement with former Ottoman dominions have been interpreted in various ways, ranging from (1) non-ideological manifestation of soft-power 3 , to (2) attempts at reviving Turkey's former imperial power 4 by adopting a neo-Ottomanist orientation in
Acta Marisiensis. Seria Historia, 2020
CATS (Centre for Applied Turkey Studies) Working Paper No. 1, 2020
The risk of homegrown radicalization inspired by extremist Muslim figures and groups, as well as ... more The risk of homegrown radicalization inspired by extremist Muslim figures and groups, as well as the question of repatriating European foreign fighters and their families have created an urgent need to tackle the root causes of religiously-framed radicalization and to develop feasible solutions. Since the conventional “war on terrorism” has proved to be insufficient to fight the spread of radical ideas, it was complemented by a “soft war” or “battle of ideas”.This paper assess the potential role of institutionalized Turkish-Islam in preventing/countering violent extremism efforts abroad, by considering the case of DITIB (Turkish-Islamic Union for Religious Affairs) in Germany. I have been investigating DITIB’s understanding of religiously-motivated radicalization, determining the potential risks, limits and opportunities of religious (counter-)narratives and exploring possible new directions for Turkish-German cooperation is the field of security.
OSMED- Osservatorio sul Mediterraneo, 2019
Identity-building processes require exclusiveness, besides the categories of belonging, which pai... more Identity-building processes require exclusiveness, besides the categories of belonging, which paint the profile of the self- Turkishness and Islam in the case of Turkey-, an equally important role is reserved to the categories of alterity- respectively to the non-Muslim and non-Turkish elements. Othering is a necessary precondition for asserting exclusive Turkishness, while the fear of division and the traumatic memory of the Treaty of Sèvres ensure the exclusion of minorities from the identity sphere and nurture paranoia. In this climate of distrust those who express or display their belonging to other groups than the Turkish-Muslim or stand for minority rights and tolerance are labelled as bölücü (separatists), whether we talk about groups that resort to violence like the PKK, or non-violent human rights activists. When discussing both about the effects and historical roots of the Sèvres syndrome, foreign politics, and subjects like Turkey’s euroscepticism, in close relation with minority rights and policies are primarily considered. Without neglecting this issues, the paper focuses on the identity dimension of the Sèvres syndrome, highlighting the way it has contributed to defining and building Turkishness by distinguishing it from the doubtful Otherness, arguing, in the meantime, that even though the so-called disease has exceeded its historical boundaries and threats, it is still alive in the collective consciousness triggering fear and suspicion in relation with the others and preserving the exclusive definition of Turkish identity.
Yok Edilen Medeniyet: Geç Osmanlı ve Erken Cumhuriyet Dönemlerinde Gayrimüslim Varlığı
Besides being a physiological basic need, food, as well as eating habits
and taste provide us wit... more Besides being a physiological basic need, food, as well as eating habits
and taste provide us with relevant information about the consumer’s
identity, food choices satisfying our emotional need for belonging. “We are what we eat” acquires deeper meaning in the nationalist discourse, both “we” ‐ national identity ‐, and “what we eat”‐ national cuisine‐ be‐
ing engaged in the cultural construct of the nation. The paper analyses
the Turkish case, showing that multiple ethnic and religious identities as
well as regional cuisines were subjected to assimilation and Turkifica‐
tion. Paradoxically, the gastronomic diversity is an element of national
pride in Turkey, multiculturalism being labeled as Turkish. Other aspect
taken into consideration are the effects of phenomena like Westerniza‐
tion and Islamization on Turkish identity and cuisine
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Papers by Iulia-Alexandra Oprea
To better understand Turkey’s religious engagement strategies: 1) I considered the reforms and rationale that expanded Diyanet’s mission and strengthened its administrative and bureaucratic capacity in foreign policy; 2) I analysed Turkey’s changing religious community policy home and abroad; and 3)I examined the concept of gönül coğrafya or “lands and peoples close to our heart”- used by Turkey to indicate ex-Ottoman territories, diasporas, and communities that are perceived to have a shared history and culture with Turkey-.
and taste provide us with relevant information about the consumer’s
identity, food choices satisfying our emotional need for belonging. “We are what we eat” acquires deeper meaning in the nationalist discourse, both “we” ‐ national identity ‐, and “what we eat”‐ national cuisine‐ be‐
ing engaged in the cultural construct of the nation. The paper analyses
the Turkish case, showing that multiple ethnic and religious identities as
well as regional cuisines were subjected to assimilation and Turkifica‐
tion. Paradoxically, the gastronomic diversity is an element of national
pride in Turkey, multiculturalism being labeled as Turkish. Other aspect
taken into consideration are the effects of phenomena like Westerniza‐
tion and Islamization on Turkish identity and cuisine
To better understand Turkey’s religious engagement strategies: 1) I considered the reforms and rationale that expanded Diyanet’s mission and strengthened its administrative and bureaucratic capacity in foreign policy; 2) I analysed Turkey’s changing religious community policy home and abroad; and 3)I examined the concept of gönül coğrafya or “lands and peoples close to our heart”- used by Turkey to indicate ex-Ottoman territories, diasporas, and communities that are perceived to have a shared history and culture with Turkey-.
and taste provide us with relevant information about the consumer’s
identity, food choices satisfying our emotional need for belonging. “We are what we eat” acquires deeper meaning in the nationalist discourse, both “we” ‐ national identity ‐, and “what we eat”‐ national cuisine‐ be‐
ing engaged in the cultural construct of the nation. The paper analyses
the Turkish case, showing that multiple ethnic and religious identities as
well as regional cuisines were subjected to assimilation and Turkifica‐
tion. Paradoxically, the gastronomic diversity is an element of national
pride in Turkey, multiculturalism being labeled as Turkish. Other aspect
taken into consideration are the effects of phenomena like Westerniza‐
tion and Islamization on Turkish identity and cuisine
The inaugural research article in this issue, titled "The Ottoman Dracula: Kazıklı Voyvoda and the Construction of the Rebel and Evil in the Ottoman Empire" by Adrian Gheorghe, delves into the portrayal of the rebellious Romanian prince from the 15th century in Ottoman historical narratives spanning the 15th to 18th centuries. Gheorghe seeks to uncover potential links between the depiction of Dracula in German-speaking Europe and Ottoman historical accounts.
The second research article in this issue, titled "İsrail-Filistin Sorunu Gölgesinde Unutulan Bir Halk: İsrail Çerkeslerinin Sosyal Entegrasyonları ve Sorunları" by Emir Fatih Akbulat, addresses the overlooked Circassian community residing in Israel. The Circassians were historically settled in the region during the Ottoman era, and after the establishment of Israel, they encountered a new government and language. The author highlights that despite facing discrimination due to their Muslim faith, similar to other Muslims, the Circassians have managed to establish positive relations with Israeli authorities and have been employed in roles such as soldiers or policemen.
The third research article in this issue, titled "Negotiating Values: Diyanet and the Syrian Refugee Crisis" by Iulia-Alexandra Oprea, explores the role of the Turkish Presidency of Religious Affairs (Diyanet) and its Friday sermons advocating for acceptance and tolerance of Syrian refugees in Turkey, employing the Islamic concepts of muhacir (migrant) and ensar (helper). The article also delves into the tension between Islamic humanism and Turkish nationalism within contemporary Turkish discourse, as reflected in the narratives presented by Diyanet.
The fourth research article in this issue, titled "The European Union's Soft Power Dynamics in Kazakhstan" by Madina Zhunissova, examines the soft power tools employed by the EU in Kazakhstan since the early 1990s. Utilizing Joseph Nye's concept of soft power, the author seeks to elucidate EU policies in the realms of culture, political values, and foreign policy. Zhunissova's concluding assessment of the EU's engagement in Kazakhstan is that both parties, namely the EU and Kazakh authorities, share an interest in fostering a closer relationship.
The fifth research article (based on a conference paper) in this issue, titled "Transformation of Memorial Culture: The Case of Husein Bey Gradaščević in Contemporary Bosniak Perspective" by Amir Duranović, analyzes Bosniak historiography concerning the Bosniak notable Husein Bey Gradaščević, who initiated a revolt against Ottoman central rule in the early 1830s. According to the author, Bosniak historians, especially since the Bosnian War between 1992 and 1995, tend to interpret Husein Bey's movement as reflecting the desire of Bosniak notables for national autonomy in the 19th century. Another group of historians, including Turkish historians, assess it merely as a resistance movement against the modernization process in the Ottoman Empire.
The sixth article in this issue is a comprehensive book review by Emir Fatih Akbulat, focusing on William H. Holt's book titled "The Balkan Reconquista and Turkey’s Forgotten Refugee Crisis." Akbulat also references earlier studies by scholars such as Justin McCarthy and Nedim İpek on the expulsion of Balkan and Caucasian Muslims during the long 19th century. He assesses Holt's new book as a highly significant contribution to the field, particularly in shedding light on the (lack of a strong) memorial culture of migrants from the Balkans and Caucasus in Turkey.
The final paper is a concise book review by Klaus Kreiser on the book titled "Das Osmanische Europa. Methoden und Perspektiven der Frühneuzeitforschung zu Südosteuropa" (edited by Andreas Helmedach, Markus Koller, Konrad Petrovsky, and Stefan Rohdewald).
In conclusion, I would like to express my gratitude to the authors of these excellent articles. I also extend my thanks to the editorial board members, first of all Cengiz Yolcu, and the referees of this issue for their hard work and valuable efforts during the evaluation process of the articles.
Mehmet Hacısalihoğlu, Prof. Dr.
Editor in Chief