
Gilda Sensales
Address: Rome, Lazio, Italy
less
Related Authors
Noel B. Salazar
KU Leuven
Elisa Brilli
University of Toronto
Charis Psaltis
University of Cyprus
Andrea Peto
Central European University
Jennifer Sheehy Skeffington
London School of Economics and Political Science
Nour Kteily
Northwestern University
Cristiana Facchini
Università di Bologna
Cor Baerveldt
University of Alberta
Armando Marques-Guedes
UNL - New University of Lisbon
Juan Soto
Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana-Iztapalapa
InterestsView All (7)
Uploads
Papers by Gilda Sensales
creating and molding its image. Using four scales, this study explores the following issues as they relate to normal populations who have no link to terrorism: (1) Terrorist Definitions; (2) Attitudes, Beliefs and Experiences of
Terrorism; (3) Immediate Impact of Terrorism; and (4) perceived positive or
negative role of the media. Moreover, the study analyzes the role of political orientation and the need for cognitive closure (NFC) in shaping one’s representations of terrorism. The sample consists of 409 Italian respondents.
Four analyses of main components were conducted. Subsequently, a secondorder factor analysis of all four scales generated a three-factor solution that accounts for 51% of the variance. Finally, a correlational analysis of political
orientation, NFC, and representations of terrorists and terrorism was performed. Results suggest that more conservative participants, who exhibited a higher NFC, view terrorists as psychologically deviant and criminal. By contrast, leftwing participants, with a lower NFC, view terrorism as a complex phenomenon linked to politics of fear and discrimination. These participants view the media
as having a negative role relating to the perpetuation of terrorism.
Keywords: representations of terrorists; terrorism; media role; social psychological perspective; political orientation; NFC
published in 1954 in Lindzey’s Handbook of Social Psychology. The third part draws on the results of a survey aimed at exploring the role played by some key issues, provided by Allport’s chapter, in the international scientific communication conveyed by the ‘Psychological literature’ from 1887 to 1954.
Some ‘founding myths’ of the discipline are brought into question by the analysis of the survey’s main results: in particular, the myth supporting the idea of an Anglophone and entirely individuocentric social psychology, or that
of an entirely sociocentric European tradition, and that of social psychology’s limited applicative disposition
traditions, such as philosophy, sociology, psychology, and criminology, the development of the conceptual boundaries of social psychology as an autonomous science was the result of a historic effort. Resulting from a negotiation process between competing stances, some voices relevant to the identity construction of social psychology have been lost over time. Within the framework of a “polycentric” historical perspective
valorizing local histories, the present study aims to scrutinize those early voices, which were later marginalized. To this scope, we conducted a narrative analysis on the first volumes explicitly naming social psychology in their titles and identified the main themes, conceptual frameworks, and scientific advancements. The analysis illustrates the work of Gualtiero Sarfatti and articulates his forgotten contribution to drawing
social psychology as a distinct discipline, built on the scientific method and positioned within the psychological sociocentric tradition. Our analysis reveals the leading role of Sarfatti in the disciplinary foundation of social psychology as a psychological science based on the concept of social psyche. Yet despite the fact his contribution was influential in the scholarly community of his time, our work highlights how his voice vanished from the subsequent disciplinary developments to date, and suggests some explanations behind this neglect.
Keywords: critical history, forerunners of Italian social psychology, narrative analysis
JOURNALISTIC COMMUNICATION ABOUT FEMALE MINISTERS
OF THE PRODI (2006) AND BERLUSCONI (2008) GOVERNMENTS.
A SOCIAL-PSYCHOLOGICAL ANALYSIS
ON HEADLINES OF THE ITALIAN PRESS WITH DIFFERENT
CULTURAL AND IDEOLOGICAL ORIENTATION
The study focuses on media representations of ten women ministers in two different Italian governments - six ministers of the center-left government led by Prodi in 2006 (Bindi, Bonino, Lanzillotta, Melandri, Pollastrini, Turco) and four ministers of the center-right led by Berlusconi in 2008 (Carfagna, Gelmini, Meloni, Prestigiacomo). These representations, monitored in 514 news headlines from five Italian newspapers (L’Unità, La Repubblica, Il Corriere della Sera, Il Tempo, Il Giornale), were analyzed according to a twofold comparative perspective
centered on the role of ministers’ political affiliations and on the role of the source ideological and cultural orientation. The study also examines the use of sexist language by detecting the generic masculine and the specific feminine applied to the ministers. Textual data were processed with different steps of the statistical package SPAD- T for the analysis of the vocabulary and the lexicographic characterization of headlines relating to the ten ministers and the five daily papers
in two years. In the analysis of the sexist language we found an over-utilization of the masculine generic by all dailies and a few cases of feminine specific, mainly by the left and center-left dailies. The language under observation was interpreted
as a site of production, reproduction and dissemination of representations strongly permeated by gender stereotypes. Through this study, we have shown that these stereotypes, operating in a political context in which the role of women is still
very marginal, contribute to crystallize women’s marginality, rather than providing incentives to overcome it and pave the way for greater women’s participation in politics.
Keywords: sexist language, social representations and gender stereotypes, media, women in politics.
political communication and gender representations
The research is framed in the tradition of social representations with particular reference
to the media role and language. The object of investigation is to explore the political communication
dedicated to the nine women ministers of the center-left government in 2006
(six) and center-right government in 2008 (four) and its possible correspondence with
the representations self-reported by Italian women involved in politics. The aims are to
highlight: 1) the existence of gender stereotypical traits considered masculine or feminine
(eg. competitiveness vs. collaborativeness, independence vs. dependence, assertiveness
vs. liabilities, etc.); 2) the reference to internal obstacles (no leadership, low self-esteem
and self-efficacy, etc.) and 3) external (glass ceiling theory, labyrinth theory, no quotas for
women, etc.) in the careers of women ministers; 4) the use of a more abstract or more
concrete language to describe the characteristics/activities of women ministers according
to the LCM (Semin e Fiedler, 1988); 5) the use of language which gives/takes away visibility
to the female genre of ministers (eg., male generic or female specific). The material
under consideration is composed of 175 articles published in five Italian newspapers
(L’Unità, La Repubblica, Il Corriere della Sera, Il Tempo, Il Giornale). They were selected
because they contained the names of women ministers in the titles. Each of the five points
above has been transformed into content categories detected in the body of the article and
reported in the form of lemmas (composed of the specific modality of the variable and
of the Minister name) in a lexicographic files which contains also the words of the headlines.
By the MOTS step of the statistical program SPAD-T were obtained frequencies of
general vocabulary consisting of words relating to headlines and to content variables. The
results allow to discuss the differences in language and content in general, with respect
to the ten women ministers, and in comparison with the representations self-reported by
Italian women politician.
Keywords: gender stereotypes, sexist language, analysis on newspapers, content analysis,
lexicographical analysis, representations of women in politics [203-230].
creating and molding its image. Using four scales, this study explores the following issues as they relate to normal populations who have no link to terrorism: (1) Terrorist Definitions; (2) Attitudes, Beliefs and Experiences of
Terrorism; (3) Immediate Impact of Terrorism; and (4) perceived positive or
negative role of the media. Moreover, the study analyzes the role of political orientation and the need for cognitive closure (NFC) in shaping one’s representations of terrorism. The sample consists of 409 Italian respondents.
Four analyses of main components were conducted. Subsequently, a secondorder factor analysis of all four scales generated a three-factor solution that accounts for 51% of the variance. Finally, a correlational analysis of political
orientation, NFC, and representations of terrorists and terrorism was performed. Results suggest that more conservative participants, who exhibited a higher NFC, view terrorists as psychologically deviant and criminal. By contrast, leftwing participants, with a lower NFC, view terrorism as a complex phenomenon linked to politics of fear and discrimination. These participants view the media
as having a negative role relating to the perpetuation of terrorism.
Keywords: representations of terrorists; terrorism; media role; social psychological perspective; political orientation; NFC
published in 1954 in Lindzey’s Handbook of Social Psychology. The third part draws on the results of a survey aimed at exploring the role played by some key issues, provided by Allport’s chapter, in the international scientific communication conveyed by the ‘Psychological literature’ from 1887 to 1954.
Some ‘founding myths’ of the discipline are brought into question by the analysis of the survey’s main results: in particular, the myth supporting the idea of an Anglophone and entirely individuocentric social psychology, or that
of an entirely sociocentric European tradition, and that of social psychology’s limited applicative disposition
traditions, such as philosophy, sociology, psychology, and criminology, the development of the conceptual boundaries of social psychology as an autonomous science was the result of a historic effort. Resulting from a negotiation process between competing stances, some voices relevant to the identity construction of social psychology have been lost over time. Within the framework of a “polycentric” historical perspective
valorizing local histories, the present study aims to scrutinize those early voices, which were later marginalized. To this scope, we conducted a narrative analysis on the first volumes explicitly naming social psychology in their titles and identified the main themes, conceptual frameworks, and scientific advancements. The analysis illustrates the work of Gualtiero Sarfatti and articulates his forgotten contribution to drawing
social psychology as a distinct discipline, built on the scientific method and positioned within the psychological sociocentric tradition. Our analysis reveals the leading role of Sarfatti in the disciplinary foundation of social psychology as a psychological science based on the concept of social psyche. Yet despite the fact his contribution was influential in the scholarly community of his time, our work highlights how his voice vanished from the subsequent disciplinary developments to date, and suggests some explanations behind this neglect.
Keywords: critical history, forerunners of Italian social psychology, narrative analysis
JOURNALISTIC COMMUNICATION ABOUT FEMALE MINISTERS
OF THE PRODI (2006) AND BERLUSCONI (2008) GOVERNMENTS.
A SOCIAL-PSYCHOLOGICAL ANALYSIS
ON HEADLINES OF THE ITALIAN PRESS WITH DIFFERENT
CULTURAL AND IDEOLOGICAL ORIENTATION
The study focuses on media representations of ten women ministers in two different Italian governments - six ministers of the center-left government led by Prodi in 2006 (Bindi, Bonino, Lanzillotta, Melandri, Pollastrini, Turco) and four ministers of the center-right led by Berlusconi in 2008 (Carfagna, Gelmini, Meloni, Prestigiacomo). These representations, monitored in 514 news headlines from five Italian newspapers (L’Unità, La Repubblica, Il Corriere della Sera, Il Tempo, Il Giornale), were analyzed according to a twofold comparative perspective
centered on the role of ministers’ political affiliations and on the role of the source ideological and cultural orientation. The study also examines the use of sexist language by detecting the generic masculine and the specific feminine applied to the ministers. Textual data were processed with different steps of the statistical package SPAD- T for the analysis of the vocabulary and the lexicographic characterization of headlines relating to the ten ministers and the five daily papers
in two years. In the analysis of the sexist language we found an over-utilization of the masculine generic by all dailies and a few cases of feminine specific, mainly by the left and center-left dailies. The language under observation was interpreted
as a site of production, reproduction and dissemination of representations strongly permeated by gender stereotypes. Through this study, we have shown that these stereotypes, operating in a political context in which the role of women is still
very marginal, contribute to crystallize women’s marginality, rather than providing incentives to overcome it and pave the way for greater women’s participation in politics.
Keywords: sexist language, social representations and gender stereotypes, media, women in politics.
political communication and gender representations
The research is framed in the tradition of social representations with particular reference
to the media role and language. The object of investigation is to explore the political communication
dedicated to the nine women ministers of the center-left government in 2006
(six) and center-right government in 2008 (four) and its possible correspondence with
the representations self-reported by Italian women involved in politics. The aims are to
highlight: 1) the existence of gender stereotypical traits considered masculine or feminine
(eg. competitiveness vs. collaborativeness, independence vs. dependence, assertiveness
vs. liabilities, etc.); 2) the reference to internal obstacles (no leadership, low self-esteem
and self-efficacy, etc.) and 3) external (glass ceiling theory, labyrinth theory, no quotas for
women, etc.) in the careers of women ministers; 4) the use of a more abstract or more
concrete language to describe the characteristics/activities of women ministers according
to the LCM (Semin e Fiedler, 1988); 5) the use of language which gives/takes away visibility
to the female genre of ministers (eg., male generic or female specific). The material
under consideration is composed of 175 articles published in five Italian newspapers
(L’Unità, La Repubblica, Il Corriere della Sera, Il Tempo, Il Giornale). They were selected
because they contained the names of women ministers in the titles. Each of the five points
above has been transformed into content categories detected in the body of the article and
reported in the form of lemmas (composed of the specific modality of the variable and
of the Minister name) in a lexicographic files which contains also the words of the headlines.
By the MOTS step of the statistical program SPAD-T were obtained frequencies of
general vocabulary consisting of words relating to headlines and to content variables. The
results allow to discuss the differences in language and content in general, with respect
to the ten women ministers, and in comparison with the representations self-reported by
Italian women politician.
Keywords: gender stereotypes, sexist language, analysis on newspapers, content analysis,
lexicographical analysis, representations of women in politics [203-230].