Articles & Book chapters by Matteo Millan
The Journal of Modern History, 2021
During the belle epoque, many thousands of male European citizens joined military youth groups an... more During the belle epoque, many thousands of male European citizens joined military youth groups and paramilitary units, volunteer and private police forces, company defense groups, student battalions, civic militias, and shooting clubs throughout the continent. This article investigates the features, aims, and impact of armed associations in Europe in the approximately thirty years preceding the outbreak of the First World War. The legal context within which armed associations could prosper, their involvement in strikes and in the fight against crime, and the development of patriotic armed groups are the main lines of inquiry pursued in the article. Examination of armed associationism in pre-1914 Europe, a long understudied topic, has the potential to stimulate fresh thinking on crucial aspects of modern statehood, the balance between private rights and public prerogatives, crucial forms of nationalism and patriotism, and deep-seated fears and hopes, and possibly also to shed new light on the Great War and its aftermath. The article argues that armed associationism was a specific social phenomenon with a particularly European dimension and was a response to the profound reconfigurations in social and political balances that were taking place throughout the continent.
Corporate Policing, Yellow Unionism, and Strikebreaking, 1890–1930, 2021
On 14 July 1919, the Italian Parliament was discussing a vote of confidence in Francesco Saverio ... more On 14 July 1919, the Italian Parliament was discussing a vote of confidence in Francesco Saverio Nitti's cabinet. Often accused of being an opportunistic politician and a cold-hearted economist, unable to grasp the passions and the new situation created by the end of the war, Nitti's legacy has often been surrounded by a general antipathy. 1 However, at the time, the government that Nitti was going to lead was seen with great hope. It was born with the ambitious purpose of moving the country away from the legacies of the First World War towards a new future of prosperity. 2 Nitti's internal policy reflected his economics-oriented background and was well exemplified in the motto "consume less, produce more", that he repeated again and again during his parliamentary speeches. Usually tolerant and neutral in economic disputes, Nitti's government was nonetheless harsh and repressive against any real or perceived political demonstrations, often interpreted as the prelude to social revolution and a waste of energies and productive resources. 3 While parliament was discussing the vote of confidence, Nitti, in his capacity as minister of the interior, issued a circular letter to all the prefects of the Kingdom of Italy. The circular was part of a broad set of measures that the government was taking in response to the impending "super strike" (scioperissimo) called by left-wing organisations, parties and unions in solidarity with the Bolsheviks and against the intervention of western powers in Russia. 4 Nitti invited the prefects to "keep in touch" with reliable members of liberal "groups [fasci] and veterans' associations" in order to obtain their "collaboration at times when public authorities cannot remain isolated and only rely on public officials and the public force". Nitti also invited the prefects to prevent any autonomous initiative: if such groups want to cooperate to enforce law and order and to repress violence and attempts at revolution, they will act patriotically by voluntarily observing the orders of the authorities and by accepting their leadership in accordance with the regulations, which cannot be but unique. 5 Interestingly, Mussolini's newly established Fasci di combattimento were among those patriotic organisations that the authorities considered potentially useful for deployment in strikebreaking services. 6
Corporate Policing, Yellow Unionism, and Strikebreaking, 1890–1930, 2021
In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Europe, the United States and large areas o... more In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Europe, the United States and large areas of the globe experienced labour unrest and multiple strike waves at an unprecedented pace and intensity, some of which developed a quasi-revolutionary momentum. From the bitter conflicts of the pre-war period, through the epochal tremors of war and revolution, to the violent spasms of the 1920s and 1930s, a sense of impending cataclysm, symbiotically associated with fears of revolutionary upheaval and forebodings of social anarchy, ceaselessly haunted those who had assumed the role of guardians of the established order. While much work has been devoted to socialist parties and revolutionary organisations, the multifaceted experiences of anti-labour mobilisation and privately organised coercion have not received the same degree of scholarly attention.
European History Quarterly, 2019
European History Quarterly, 2019
From the end of the nineteenth century onwards, Italy witnessed a significant increase in labour ... more From the end of the nineteenth century onwards, Italy witnessed a significant increase in labour conflicts, trade unionism and social protests, all of which shook the foundations of the liberal state. Following the failure of the authorities' attempts to deal with mass protests, efforts were made under the governments of Giovanni Giolitti to adopt new policing policies that embraced state neutrality in social conflicts and the deployment at the same time of substantial police forces to prevent the escalation of conflict and bloodshed. The success of these policies is highly questionable and there were major differences in this respect between northern and southern Italy, and between rural and industrial areas. Nevertheless, these policies contributed to the fear of abandonment and desire for revenge felt by significant sections of the propertied classes, and the issue of strikebreaking was at the centre of the controversy. Focusing on the Po Valley, this article first presents a broad overview of the political situation in Italy with emphasis on policing policies and work replacement, then analyses the various forms of legal and illegal private strikebreaker protection organizations that took on clear subversive aims. Drawing on newspapers and archival records, the article highlights the overlap between private and public law enforcement and the combination of coercion and consensus in the Italian countryside. The long-term consequences of the unresolved issue of strikebreaking and private policing help explain the rise of Fascism after the Great War.
Studi Storici, 2019
L’articolo si propone di analizzare la crisi dello Stato liberale italiano durante l’età giolitti... more L’articolo si propone di analizzare la crisi dello Stato liberale italiano durante l’età giolittiana attraverso la ricostruzione delle declinazioni tanto giuridiche e quanto pratiche delle tematiche della legittima difesa e della costituzione di corpi armati. La prima parte è dedicata al dibattito giuridico su porto d’armi, legittima difesa e corpi armati, con un’attenzione specifica alle posizioni dei positivisti e del giurista Vincenzo Manzini. Al tempo stesso, le questioni di dottrina non restano confinate a trattati ed enciclopedie giuridiche ma riflettono declinazioni pratiche di cruciale importanza sul terreno delle lotte sociali. Pertanto, nella seconda parte, l’articolo affronta l’analisi dell’evoluzione del quadro giuridico relativo a guardie notturne e guardie campestri al fine di sondare i cambiamenti della funzione sociale della proprietà privata e del ruolo dello Stato nella difesa dell’ordine. Infine, attraverso due casi studio (le Pattuglie cittadine di Bologna e i Volontari lavoratori di Parma) vengono esaminati i processi di legittimazione politica e giuridica attraverso i quali dei privati cittadini si arrogano il diritto di reprimere in prima persona scioperi e disordini sociali. A emergere è una critica profonda dei fondamenti della legittimità dello stato liberale in nome di una sorta di legittima difesa di classe e di una riappropriazione della sovranità con chiare spinte eversive.
The Politics of Everyday Life in Fascist Italy, eds. J. Arthurs, M. Ebner, K. Ferris, 2017
New Political Ideas in the Aftermath of the Great War, eds. A. Salvador, A.G. Kjøstvedt, 2017
Despite the conventional images of the Belle Époque, the first fifteen years of the 20th century ... more Despite the conventional images of the Belle Époque, the first fifteen years of the 20th century were undermined by awareness that the foundations of civilized life were precarious. The article analyzes the fears and anxieties, and hopes and aspirations, of propertied classes in Italy, France and Spain in the fifteen years preceding the Great War. The aims of the article are twofold. First it analyzes perceptions of fear during major strikes and daily life, relating them to those cultural factors (like religion and a preoccupation with private property) which contributed to shape and influence anxieties and uncertainness. Emotional expressions are examined in relation both to the political cultures which gave them significance, and to the practices to which they gave rise and from which they also originated. Secondly, the article analyzes the ‘materiality’ of emotions and the emotional characters which are rooted in actions. Indeed, emotions act as a means of framing and reaching judgments on social events and may fuel organizational initiatives and even collective violent practices. Studying the interplay between emotions, political cultures and practices in contexts of high-level political and social unrests, the article offers new insights into a broader comprehension of a crucial (though sometimes underestimated) period in European history.
The purpose of this article is to analyse the role played by organized political violence in pre-... more The purpose of this article is to analyse the role played by organized political violence in pre-1914 Europe, with special regard to labour conflicts, through the analysis of the social composition and the practices of four movements which deliberately resorted to armed organisation: the Somatén in Catalonia (Spain), the Jaunes trade union in the French Département du Nord, the Citizen Patrols, and the agrarian squads in the province of Bologna (Italy). Despite their different origins and contexts, these movements pursued similar political strategies based upon the deliberate use of violence and guns, and shared anti-socialist, authoritarian and anti-democratic purposes. The analysis of their practices and political cultures enable us to evaluate the nature of the democratic processes in pre-1914 Europe and also helps to contextualize and understand the political and social violence which came to the fore after the end of the war in 1918.
Storica. 58, 2014
The purpose of this article is to examine the historiographical debate on armed groups and politi... more The purpose of this article is to examine the historiographical debate on armed groups and political violence from the 1900s to the early 1920s. Analysing the cases of Italy and Spain, the article investigates how practices and forms of organised political violence before the First World War can be interpreted as a sign of the crisis of the Liberal regimes and of the emergence of authoritarian political cultures.
In the last years, historians have paid much attention to paramilitary groups and political violence in the aftermath of the Great War, often considering the conflict itself as a trigger factor. The first section analyses this debate, with special attention to the controversial concept of “brutalization”, while the second section focuses on the cases of Italy and Spain. Finally, the third section uses archival sources to study practices, political cultures and the relationship between State powers and the Catalan Somatén Armado and the Citizens’ Patrols in Bologna in the pre-war period.
Contemporary European History, Nov 2013
This article argues that squadrismo represented a central feature in the ideology and politics of... more This article argues that squadrismo represented a central feature in the ideology and politics of Fascist Italy, influencing the whole period of the dictatorship. In the second half of the twenties, many squadristi became political prisoners, accused of being ‘bad Fascists’: it looked like the end of squadrismo. Despite punishments and (brief) periods of imprisonment, the squadristi actually continued to play an important part in the fascistisation of Italian society, in particular during the intransigent 1930s. By disciplining the blackshirts while continuing to make use of their particular skills, Fascism hoped to ‘tame the revolution’.
Contemporanea, Apr 2013
This article deals with the phenomenon of fascist squads (squadrismo) in Genoa. Because of a larg... more This article deals with the phenomenon of fascist squads (squadrismo) in Genoa. Because of a large presence of workers and trade unions and a strong hostility to Fascism, Genoa provides a remarkable laboratory where interactions between practices and multifaceted representations of blackshirts' violence can be tested. Resorting to largely unexplored sources - such as personal files of blackshirts sentenced to political confinement and transcripts of the 1929 criminal trial against Gerardo Bonelli, former leader of Genoese blackshirts - it has been possible to outline not only the political function of fascist squads but also the social and psychological profile of the protagonists of fascist violence. The analysis of the repression that involved Genoese and Italian squads in the second half of the Twenties makes clear that the blackshirts' experience gave place to opposite and conflicting representations and definitions. Furthermore, the article shows how violent militancy was able to shape individual and collective identities in a way that even the Party's purges were not able to affect.
Abbasso la guerra! Neutralisti in piazza alla vigilia della Prima guerra mondiale in Italia, a cura di F. Cammarano, Le Monnier 2015
Questo non è un libro sull'Italia alla vigilia della Prima guerra mondiale, ma un'indagine su cos... more Questo non è un libro sull'Italia alla vigilia della Prima guerra mondiale, ma un'indagine su cosa la gente comune ha fatto per rimanerne fuori. Attraverso le vicende, spesso violente, occorse dall'agosto 1914 al maggio 1915 in oltre cinquanta città e in molte decine di paesi, si è, per la prima volta, portato alla luce la prassi del neutralismo in Italia, vale a dire l'altra faccia di quella strisciante guerra civile che di solito vede come protagonista l'interventismo. Emerge dal viaggio nelle piazze neutraliste una realtà a geometria variabile, per tempi, modi e caratteristiche sociali, ma sempre espressione di una più o meno ribelle o rassegnata «eccedenza» rispetto alla grande politica. Nei mesi in cui si gioca il destino del Paese, il neutralismo fa emergere un disagio che è un intellegibile, per quanto scomposto, segnale di dolente dissociazione popolare (l'affollata ritualità religiosa pro pace, la rilevante presenza pubblica delle donne, la vivace partecipazione dei soldati, l'incremento di azioni attribuite alla «teppa»). Che il segnale non abbia trovato una adeguata sintesi politica a livello nazionale nulla toglie alla forza, anche disperata, di quel movimento a cui, a cent'anni dagli avvenimenti, va restituito il giusto posto nella storia d'Italia.
Storica. 49 , 2011
Squadrismi Millan legge Reichardt «Storica», n. 49 Sven Reichardt, Camicie nere, camicie brune. M... more Squadrismi Millan legge Reichardt «Storica», n. 49 Sven Reichardt, Camicie nere, camicie brune. Milizie fasciste in Italia e in Germania, il Mulino, Bologna 2009, pp. 616.
Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani
di Matteo Millan PADOVANI, Aurelio. -Nacque a Portici (Napoli) il 28 febbraio 1889, da Vincenzo e... more di Matteo Millan PADOVANI, Aurelio. -Nacque a Portici (Napoli) il 28 febbraio 1889, da Vincenzo e da Maria Annunziata Braccioli.
Books by Matteo Millan
This book provides a comparative and transnational examination of the complex and multifaceted ex... more This book provides a comparative and transnational examination of the complex and multifaceted experiences of anti-labour mobilisation, from the bitter social conflicts of the pre-war period, through the epochal tremors of war and revolution, and the violent spasms of the 1920s and 1930s.
It retraces the formation of an extensive market for corporate policing, privately contracted security and yellow unionism, as well as processes of professionalisation in strikebreaking activities, labour espionage and surveillance. It reconstructs the diverse spectrum of right-wing patriotic leagues and vigilante corps which, in support or in competition with law enforcement agencies, sought to counter the dual dangers of industrial militancy and revolutionary situations. Although considerable research has been done on the rise of socialist parties and trade unions the repressive policies of their opponents have been generally left unexamined. This book fills this gap by reconstructing the methods and strategies used by state authorities and employers to counter outbreaks of labour militancy on a global scale. It adopts a long-term chronology that sheds light on the shocks and strains that marked industrial societies during their turbulent transition into mass politics from the bitter social conflicts of the pre-war period, through the epochal tremors of war and revolution, and the violent spasms of the 1920s and 1930s.
Offering a new angle of vision to examine the violent transition to mass politics in industrial societies, this is of great interest to scholars of policing, unionism and striking in the modern era.
Storia e regione, 2019
Weiten Teilen Europas gelang es nach dem Ersten Weltkrieg nicht, den Zustand einer post-war-socie... more Weiten Teilen Europas gelang es nach dem Ersten Weltkrieg nicht, den Zustand einer post-war-society zu überwinden, in der die öffentliche Teilhabe an Politik zuweilen mit einem hohen Maß an innenpolitischer Gewalt einherging. Insbesondere für die sich neu formierende Rechte und die paramilitärischen Verbände spielte militantes Verhalten eine Schlüsselrolle. Jugendliche und insbesondere Studierende waren wichtige Multiplikatoren in solchen Bewegungen, da sie diese als Experimentierfelder für gewalttätige Erfahrungen betrachteten, wobei sie ihren Mangel an Kriegserfahrung oft durch zunehmende Brutalität gegen innere und äußere Feinde kaschierten.
In den hier versammelten Beiträgen werden die regionalen Dimensionen studentischer Gewalträume und -kulturen untersucht. Im Vordergrund steht dabei die Frage, wie die regionalen Verhältnisse einen Radikalisierungsprozess beschleunigen bzw. bremsen konnten und welche spezifischen Gewaltkulturen sich in den diversen regionalen Gewalträumen entfalteten.
Roma, 1° novembre 1922. Sono passate solo poche ore dalla marcia su Roma, e il neo-presidente del... more Roma, 1° novembre 1922. Sono passate solo poche ore dalla marcia su Roma, e il neo-presidente del Consiglio Benito Mussolini promette l’immediata smobilitazione di tutte le squadre in nome del ripristino più rigoroso dell’ordine pubblico.
In realtà, la conquista del potere non segna affatto la fine dello squadrismo né della violenza. Sia che vengano arruolati nelle unità della nuova Milizia Volontaria oppure che agiscano sotto le spoglie dei circoli rionali o dei gruppi sportivi, gli squadristi continuano a giocare un ruolo decisivo nella scena politica italiana. E quando il regime, anche per merito delle sue camicie nere, sarà abbastanza forte da imporre una dittatura a viso aperto, squadrismo e violenza non verranno mai meno.
Attraverso il ricorso a nuove fonti, questo libro propone una visione innovativa del ruolo dalla violenza squadrista negli anni centrali della dittatura mussoliniana. Le vicissitudini dei protagonisti dello squadrismo sono indagate a tutto tondo: dalle camicie nere condannate al confino di polizia, al pari dei tanto odiati antifascisti, a coloro che sulla pratica della violenza e sul mito dello squadrismo hanno scommesso tutta la loro vita. Ne emerge un quadro complesso e articolato, nel quale lo squadrismo non può di certo essere ritenuto un “residuo anacronistico” né un “effetto collaterale” del percorso ventennale del regime, ma rappresenta piuttosto un elemento imprescindibile nella definizione del fascismo.
Matteo Millan, Guerra di servizi. Tra Italia e Svizzera, la rete informativa della Resistenza, Pa... more Matteo Millan, Guerra di servizi. Tra Italia e Svizzera, la rete informativa della Resistenza, Padova, Il Poligrafo, 317 pp., € 23,00 Il libro è frutto della rielaborazione di una tesi di laurea svolta all'Università di Padova da Matteo Millan, oggi dottorando di ricerca presso lo stesso Ateneo. Il punto di vista della ricerca, per certi versi originale, è ben definito nell'introduzione: studiare il ruolo dell'informazione nel contesto della guerra partigiana come strumento forte di legittimazione (la Resistenza aveva lottato fin dal settembre del 1943 per ottenere un riconoscimento da parte degli Alleati), ma anche «preziosa moneta di scambio nella concessione di aiuti e finanziamenti» (p. 213).
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Articles & Book chapters by Matteo Millan
In the last years, historians have paid much attention to paramilitary groups and political violence in the aftermath of the Great War, often considering the conflict itself as a trigger factor. The first section analyses this debate, with special attention to the controversial concept of “brutalization”, while the second section focuses on the cases of Italy and Spain. Finally, the third section uses archival sources to study practices, political cultures and the relationship between State powers and the Catalan Somatén Armado and the Citizens’ Patrols in Bologna in the pre-war period.
Books by Matteo Millan
It retraces the formation of an extensive market for corporate policing, privately contracted security and yellow unionism, as well as processes of professionalisation in strikebreaking activities, labour espionage and surveillance. It reconstructs the diverse spectrum of right-wing patriotic leagues and vigilante corps which, in support or in competition with law enforcement agencies, sought to counter the dual dangers of industrial militancy and revolutionary situations. Although considerable research has been done on the rise of socialist parties and trade unions the repressive policies of their opponents have been generally left unexamined. This book fills this gap by reconstructing the methods and strategies used by state authorities and employers to counter outbreaks of labour militancy on a global scale. It adopts a long-term chronology that sheds light on the shocks and strains that marked industrial societies during their turbulent transition into mass politics from the bitter social conflicts of the pre-war period, through the epochal tremors of war and revolution, and the violent spasms of the 1920s and 1930s.
Offering a new angle of vision to examine the violent transition to mass politics in industrial societies, this is of great interest to scholars of policing, unionism and striking in the modern era.
In den hier versammelten Beiträgen werden die regionalen Dimensionen studentischer Gewalträume und -kulturen untersucht. Im Vordergrund steht dabei die Frage, wie die regionalen Verhältnisse einen Radikalisierungsprozess beschleunigen bzw. bremsen konnten und welche spezifischen Gewaltkulturen sich in den diversen regionalen Gewalträumen entfalteten.
In realtà, la conquista del potere non segna affatto la fine dello squadrismo né della violenza. Sia che vengano arruolati nelle unità della nuova Milizia Volontaria oppure che agiscano sotto le spoglie dei circoli rionali o dei gruppi sportivi, gli squadristi continuano a giocare un ruolo decisivo nella scena politica italiana. E quando il regime, anche per merito delle sue camicie nere, sarà abbastanza forte da imporre una dittatura a viso aperto, squadrismo e violenza non verranno mai meno.
Attraverso il ricorso a nuove fonti, questo libro propone una visione innovativa del ruolo dalla violenza squadrista negli anni centrali della dittatura mussoliniana. Le vicissitudini dei protagonisti dello squadrismo sono indagate a tutto tondo: dalle camicie nere condannate al confino di polizia, al pari dei tanto odiati antifascisti, a coloro che sulla pratica della violenza e sul mito dello squadrismo hanno scommesso tutta la loro vita. Ne emerge un quadro complesso e articolato, nel quale lo squadrismo non può di certo essere ritenuto un “residuo anacronistico” né un “effetto collaterale” del percorso ventennale del regime, ma rappresenta piuttosto un elemento imprescindibile nella definizione del fascismo.
In the last years, historians have paid much attention to paramilitary groups and political violence in the aftermath of the Great War, often considering the conflict itself as a trigger factor. The first section analyses this debate, with special attention to the controversial concept of “brutalization”, while the second section focuses on the cases of Italy and Spain. Finally, the third section uses archival sources to study practices, political cultures and the relationship between State powers and the Catalan Somatén Armado and the Citizens’ Patrols in Bologna in the pre-war period.
It retraces the formation of an extensive market for corporate policing, privately contracted security and yellow unionism, as well as processes of professionalisation in strikebreaking activities, labour espionage and surveillance. It reconstructs the diverse spectrum of right-wing patriotic leagues and vigilante corps which, in support or in competition with law enforcement agencies, sought to counter the dual dangers of industrial militancy and revolutionary situations. Although considerable research has been done on the rise of socialist parties and trade unions the repressive policies of their opponents have been generally left unexamined. This book fills this gap by reconstructing the methods and strategies used by state authorities and employers to counter outbreaks of labour militancy on a global scale. It adopts a long-term chronology that sheds light on the shocks and strains that marked industrial societies during their turbulent transition into mass politics from the bitter social conflicts of the pre-war period, through the epochal tremors of war and revolution, and the violent spasms of the 1920s and 1930s.
Offering a new angle of vision to examine the violent transition to mass politics in industrial societies, this is of great interest to scholars of policing, unionism and striking in the modern era.
In den hier versammelten Beiträgen werden die regionalen Dimensionen studentischer Gewalträume und -kulturen untersucht. Im Vordergrund steht dabei die Frage, wie die regionalen Verhältnisse einen Radikalisierungsprozess beschleunigen bzw. bremsen konnten und welche spezifischen Gewaltkulturen sich in den diversen regionalen Gewalträumen entfalteten.
In realtà, la conquista del potere non segna affatto la fine dello squadrismo né della violenza. Sia che vengano arruolati nelle unità della nuova Milizia Volontaria oppure che agiscano sotto le spoglie dei circoli rionali o dei gruppi sportivi, gli squadristi continuano a giocare un ruolo decisivo nella scena politica italiana. E quando il regime, anche per merito delle sue camicie nere, sarà abbastanza forte da imporre una dittatura a viso aperto, squadrismo e violenza non verranno mai meno.
Attraverso il ricorso a nuove fonti, questo libro propone una visione innovativa del ruolo dalla violenza squadrista negli anni centrali della dittatura mussoliniana. Le vicissitudini dei protagonisti dello squadrismo sono indagate a tutto tondo: dalle camicie nere condannate al confino di polizia, al pari dei tanto odiati antifascisti, a coloro che sulla pratica della violenza e sul mito dello squadrismo hanno scommesso tutta la loro vita. Ne emerge un quadro complesso e articolato, nel quale lo squadrismo non può di certo essere ritenuto un “residuo anacronistico” né un “effetto collaterale” del percorso ventennale del regime, ma rappresenta piuttosto un elemento imprescindibile nella definizione del fascismo.
dialogue, both comparative and transnational, around a topic that is relatively new for the period 1870-1914, namely armed groups. This subject will be considered in relation to political violence and with a relatively flexible geography: Euro-Mediterranean spaces, understood in a broad sense. By focusing on armed groups and their forms of legitimization,
action and organization, the study of political violence can empirically deepen our knowledge of the so-called “State monopoly of legitimate violence”. Armed groups and their forms of legitimacy were not unrelated to the power of the State, even though these groups were not integrated into national armies (at least, not directly). The main question to be addressed is the relationship between armed groups and the legitimate use of violence, by analyzing similarities, differences, transfers and their influences on the social world at large (associations, coteries, clans, the nation, etc.), throughout the Euro-Mediterranean region between 1870 and 1914.