Papers by Hans-Friedrich Mueller
Ephialtes Accusator. A Case Study in Anecdotal History and Ideology [Athenaeum 87 (1999) 425-445], 1999
Historiogrpaphical survey of the treatment of sources for the career of the democratic reformer E... more Historiogrpaphical survey of the treatment of sources for the career of the democratic reformer Ephialtes, especially the neglected evidence of Valerius Maximus 3.8.ext.4.
"Orosius and the Spectacle of Roman Religious Defeat," in Cignifiliana: Essays in Classics, Comparative Literature, and Philosophy presented to Professor Roy Arthur Swanson, ed. by C.M. Schroeder (New York: Peter Lang, 2005): pp. 122-136., 2005
An exploration of religious aspects of Orosius' historiography, especially his attribution of Rom... more An exploration of religious aspects of Orosius' historiography, especially his attribution of Roman defeats to their dedication to ancestral gods, thus reversing the principles of traditional Roman historiography.
Teoria e Prassi Politica nelle Opere di Plutarco, 1995
Enargeia (demonstratio, vividness) in Plutarch's Life of Pericles.
Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, 2002
Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, 2002
![Research paper thumbnail of Sanctitas Morum, or the General Intersections of Religion and Morality [= Chapter 5 Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus]](https://attachments.academia-assets.com/78471962/thumbnails/1.jpg)
Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, 2002
ISBN 0-203-46326-9 Master e-book ISBN ISBN 0-203-46890-2 (Adobe eReader Format) Virtue therefore ... more ISBN 0-203-46326-9 Master e-book ISBN ISBN 0-203-46890-2 (Adobe eReader Format) Virtue therefore does not discriminate against those who approach: it permits enthused and energetic spirits to enter, nor does it proffer according to any respect of persons miserly or generous portions of itself, but, on offer equally to all alike, it reckons not how much status you have, but rather how much desire, and, in the acquisition of its goods, it leaves taking the measure to you, so that you may carry off with you, as much as your spirit can bear. Virtue's abundance is inexhaustible. One can have as much as one can take. Kindness and mercy unto death Mercy and kindness allow human beings, especially collectively and as military leaders, that is, in roles where they wield great power, to behave like gods. 3 Valerius praises the Roman senate as a representation of the Roman people: "O liberality of the Roman people to be likened unto the kindness of the gods!" (o munificentiam gentis Romanae deorum benignitati aequandam!; 5.1.1). The Roman people earned this laudatory ejaculation by despising Punic money and by releasing Punic captives gratis. The exercise of this decidedly Roman virtue is more than merely godlike. It is grounded in a proper regard for divinity. Lucius Cornelius, consul during the first Punic war, treats the body of Hanno with tender regard:
![Research paper thumbnail of In Iovis Sacrario: in Jupiter's Inner Sanctuary [=Chapter 3 Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus]](https://attachments.academia-assets.com/78471787/thumbnails/1.jpg)
Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, 2002
Major 4 always lingered a while with Jupiter's image in the Capitoline temple's inner chamber (in... more Major 4 always lingered a while with Jupiter's image in the Capitoline temple's inner chamber (in Iouis sacrario). 5 Unfortunately, Valerius' version of the anecdote exists only in epitome. Still, we can place the raw data provided by the epitome in the context of Valerius' overall rhetorical aims. In order to view more clearly Valerius' deviations, it will be useful to keep the attitudes of other authors to the same material in mind. Since, according to Livy, Scipio was not remarkable in real virtue (non ueris tantum uirtutibus mirabilis), Livy explains Scipio's lifelong "nocturnal" visits (actually at earliest dawn, for temples were closed at night) to Jupiter's temple before all public and private acts of importance as specifically designed since youth for the projection of a virtuous image (26.19). For this reason, common opinion believed Scipio derived from gods (26.19). Livy compares this estimation to opinions regarding Alexander the Great, and then proceeds to list the prodigies surrounding Scipio's birth that were used as propaganda, and which, although never asserted nor denied by Scipio himself, nevertheless were circulated by design (arte), with the result that the populace trusted him. Aulus Gellius lists the tale as one of the remarkable stories about Scipio and adds details not found in Livy: the doors to the temple were opened at dawn, and dogs did not bark as Scipio went by (6.1.6). Gellius thus aids us in visualizing the scene. As Holford-Strevens points out, Polybius believed that Scipio was merely acting (10.2.8-13), while Livy allowed the possibility that Scipio believed he was divinely inspired (26.19.4), and Appian simply assumed Scipio was divinely inspired (Hisp. 23). 6 Where, we might ask, would Valerius fit in? Valerius' anecdote appears under the rubric "simulated religion" (De simulata religione; 1.2.1-4). Although the epitomators do not inform us that Scipio Africanus, proud noble, uses this conspicuous activity as a means to awe the people, Paris' version of Valerius' anecdote does tell us that as a result of Scipio's activity, it was generally believed that he descended from Jupiter (ideo Ioue genitus credebatur; 1.2.2 [epit. Par.]). Other anecdotes in the series also contribute to an interpretation. Briefly, Numa claims to meet Aegeria by night in order to receive divine instruction (1.2.1); Sulla flaunts a statue of Delphian Apollo in front of his soldiers (1.2.3); 7 his enemy Marius claims sanction from a woman named Syra Sacricola (1.2.3); and Sertorius' white deer instructs him in everything, or so he has the barbarians believe (1.2.4): 8
![Research paper thumbnail of Vesta Mater: Mother Vesta [=Chapter 2 Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus]](https://attachments.academia-assets.com/78471634/thumbnails/1.jpg)
Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, 2002
invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system... more invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. There is a reason prophets perform miracles: language lacks the power to describe faith. 1 Valerius' contemporary, the historian Velleius Paterculus, ends his history with a dramatic uotum, and begs divine protection for Rome, naming various traditional gods, but ending with an emotional invocation of "Vesta, guardian of Rome's eternal fires" (perpetuorumque custos Vesta ignium; 2.131.1). 2 Even Warde Fowler confesses that "far more than any other cult, that of Vesta represents the reality and continuity of Roman religious feeling." 3 Augustus too had been generous to Vesta. 4 Vesta had long done good service for Rome, and was Rome's chaste mother or Vesta mater. 5 In Valerius' work ten anecdotes relate to Vesta. 6 Their most interesting feature is their focus on conduct appropriate to devotees of this god. Half the anecdotes do not even name the goddess herself, but rather only her priestesses, the Vestales. Observation of human conduct in these anecdotes once again quickly reveals that, if "character in accord with the principles of right conduct" 7 is morality, then much appropriate behavior (the proof by which character is judged), or "morality," has for Valerius a divine foundation. These ten anecdotes show us a living goddess, her power to communicate, her power to intervene in human affairs, and, finally, divinely sanctioned conduct. We shall observe, however, not just the conduct expected from Vesta's priestesses, but also a variety of behaviors deemed appropriate for a wide cross-section of Rome's citizen population: a male plebeian and his household (familia), magistrates, priests (both male and female), daughters (filiae), mothers (matronae), Livia. Let us turn first to a general overview followed by more detailed inspection. Valerius shows us by negative example the conduct expected of Vesta's priestesses: Publius Licinius, Pontifex Maximus, whips a Vestal for letting the sacred fire go out (1.1.6). He also offers a more positive example: the Vestal priestess Aemilia sacrifices her best linen cloak in order to rekindle the flame (1.1.7). The proper regard that should be accorded Vesta's
Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, 2002
![Research paper thumbnail of Juno Valeriana [=Chapter 1 Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus]](https://attachments.academia-assets.com/78471590/thumbnails/1.jpg)
Roman religion in Valerius Maximus, 2002
invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system... more invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. We must never forget that Juno, like all else Roman and Italian, … was remolded and viewed differently by the common people, the politicians, and finally the poets. Palmer (1974), 4 Valerius Maximus viewed Juno not only as a living goddess, but also as a goddess who concerned herself with personal morality in general and chastity (pudicitia) in particular. In fact, this virtue was-in the Valerian view-essential to the political stability of the state, and its burdens were shared by both men and women alike, but by no means whatever, as we shall see, by both equally. Valerius' Juno appears as a stern goddess, somewhat prone to anger. She is animated by the power of chastity (6.1.init.), sets an austere example of earlier manners (2.1.2), takes offense at the presence of a beautiful male actor in her husband's chariot (1.1.16), takes vengeance on Quintus Fulvius Flaccus for stealing marble from her temple (1.1.20), receives a temple on the spot where Marcus Manlius Capitolinus' house once stood (6.3.1), but, in spite of all provocations, comes willingly to Rome from Veii (1.8.3). 2 Juno also appears in non-Roman history. Her temple is the site of a miracle, winds cannot move ashes there (1.8.ext.18), she forgives the sacrilege of Masinissa (1.1.ext.2), and she takes the lives of Cleobis and Biton (5.4.ext.4).
Rhetoric and Religion in Ancient Greece and Rome. Ed. by Sophia Papaioannou, Andreas Serafim, and Kyriakos Demetriou. Trends in Classics — Supplementary Volumes, 106. Ed. by Franco Montanari and Antonios Rengakos. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter., 2021
Because Valerius Maximus explicitly describes his personal emotions and experiences (Praef., 2.6.... more Because Valerius Maximus explicitly describes his personal emotions and experiences (Praef., 2.6.8, 4.4.11, 4.7.ext.1, 3.4.ext.1, 6.1.init., 9.11.ext.4), we may observe his rhetorical strategies for religious self-representation. Valerius combines rhetorical figures (exempla, ēthopoiia, “sincerity”, enargeia) with the traditional vocabulary of Roman religion (e.g. allusions to auspicia) and religious themes (especially traditional gods and ancestral rites). The emotionally charged subjectivity that emerges from this combination embraces not only traditional re- ligion, but also a new imperial religion centered on the divine Caesars, including the living emperor Tiberius. Valerius represents his own heart as a temple (cf. Tacitus Ann. 4.38), and locates Rome’s new imperial religious identity in a sub- jective reinterpretation of the historical exempla of Rome’s republican past. By tracking Valerius’ (re)presentation of his own religious experiences and feelings, we may observe, too, how such self-fashioning itself constitutes a paradigm for readers to emulate.
Veritatis Amicitiaeque Causa: Essays in Honor of Anna Lydia Motto and John R. Clark, ed. by S. N. Byrne and E. P. Cueva (Wauconda, Illinois: Bolchazy-Carducci Publishers), 1999
Nova Tellus: Anuario del Centro de Estudios Clásicos, 2004
En este artículo se investiga, no sólo en términos generales, si los antiguos romanos concebían l... more En este artículo se investiga, no sólo en términos generales, si los antiguos romanos concebían la noche como una esfera diferente del día, sino también, en particular, si los juristas romanos reconocían implícitamente esta distinción cuando se refieren a ella directamente y cuando omiten su relevancia.
The Encyclopedia of Ancient History, 2012
The Encyclopedia of Ancient History, 2012
The Encyclopedia of Ancient History, 2012
The Encyclopedia of Ancient History, 2012
The Encyclopedia of Ancient History, 2012
The Encyclopedia of Ancient History, 2012
The Encyclopedia of Ancient History, 2012
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Papers by Hans-Friedrich Mueller
"M. weaves together an account which ... formulates a distinctive position for his author. The fact that in so doing he also outlines promising methodologies for appreciating Roman religion is a bonus." – Journal of Roman Studies
•Provides an accessible survey of every historical writer of significance in the Roman world
•Traces the growth of Christian historiography under the influence of its pagan adversaries
•Offers valuable insight into current scholarly trends on Roman historiography
•Includes a user-friendly bibliography, catalog of authors and editions, and index
•Selected by Choice as a 2013 Outstanding Academic Title
The Caesar LEGAMUS includes the following Latin selections:
•Caesar’s Character—Sallust: Bellum Catilinae 54
•Caesar as General—De Bello Gallico 1.1:1; 2.15:5-12; 2.20:1-9; 2.22:1-5; 2.24:1-12; 2.25:1-14; 2.27:1-10; 2.35
•Caesar as Cultural Reporter—De Bello Gallico 6.13:4-7; 6.14:1-4; 6.19:1-3; 6.20:1-3 (“On the Gauls”); 6.21-24 (“On the Germans”)
•Caesar against the Senate—De Bello Civili 1.1-2, 7; 3.71-72; 3.87; 3.95-96
•Caesar’s Assassination—Valerius Maximus: Facta et Dicta Memorabilia 4.5.6
Errata
pp. vii, xv, 5, 9, 10: 1.1–7 = 1.1
The innovative LEGAMUS Transitional Readers have been adopted across the country as a proven bridge from the initial study of Latin via basal textbooks to the reading of authentic author texts.
It includes all the required English and Latin selections from Caesar's De Bello Gallico for the 2012-2013 AP* Curriculum.
STUDENT TEXTBOOK
•Introduction includes historical context, an overview of the Roman army, and Caesar as General, Politician, and Writer
•Latin text accompanied by same-page notes (grammatical, literary, historical, contextual)
•Same-page running vocabulary
•Pull-out vocabulary
•Complete Latin-English glossary
•Online grammatical appendix
•Select bibliography
•Eight newly-created maps
•19 black-and-white illustrations
•Appendix: Figures of Speech
TEACHER'S GUIDE
•Introduction
Literal translations
•Questions for discussion and analysis
•AP Connections & questions keyed to Latin passages in De Bello Gallico that link Caesar and Vergil
•Select bibliography
•Clean (macron-free) Latin text for classroom projection