I am David Mokam, Associate Professor of History at the University of Ngaoundere, Cameroon. My research fields are: associations, nationalism, democratization in Cameroon.
In 1960, Mrs. Julienne Keutcha became the first female parliamentarian in Cameroon. She
served al... more In 1960, Mrs. Julienne Keutcha became the first female parliamentarian in Cameroon. She served alone in that capacity till 1965. A significant increase in the number of female parliamentarians was witnessed in 1992 when 23 women were elected to the National Assembly. This number decreased to 10 during the 1997-2002 legislature before reaching 20 in 2002, 25 in 2007 and 56 in 2013 when they represented around 31.11% of the Lower House, being a little higher than the percentage prescribed by the African Union, 30%. This increase of the women’s presence in the National Assembly was saluted by the United Nations that congratulated the government for making it possible through legislation. This is an external appreciation. To the opinion of internal analysts, the increase was made possible by the civil society that had educated Cameroonians in general and women folk in particular. This controversy introduces the question of the efficiency of legislation as regards this increase. An appraisal of facts as they unfolded during the under study shows that the only existence of the legislation could not bring about this result. As a matter of fact, the existing vague legislation left initiatives to political parties that were not prepared to favor women folk going to parliament. Moreover, this legislation had not provided any target percentage to political parties. The system put in place by this legislation had not provided for independent candidates system for which many female Cameroonians could apply easier than for the list system. Practically, the legislation alone could not enhance female political participation. This is why the actions (sensitization, lobbying) of the civil society contributed more than any other factor to the increase of female presence in Cameroonian parliament.
This article addresses the dual colonial legacy in relation with brain drain in Cameroon. Brain d... more This article addresses the dual colonial legacy in relation with brain drain in Cameroon. Brain drain, here, has some political expressions and consequences. These political aspects of brain drain in Cameroon mostly concern its English-speaking population. As a matter of fact, a keen analysis shows that, since reunification in 1961, the rulers of Cameroon have essentially been enforcing the system of administration and the culture inherited from the French colonization to the detriment of the British colonial legacy which, apparently, has been assimilated to the first one. The British system of administration favoured dialogue and participation, contrary to the French system which was mostly repressive and gave little room to freedom. The advent of democratization in 1990 gave the opportunity to Anglophones to start a struggle for protecting the British colonial legacy of Cameroon. This struggle was repressed and constituted the main factor behind Anglophone Brain drain in Cameroon from 1990 to 2004. L'exode des compétences au Cameroun a plusieurs causes et revêt plusieurs aspects dont certains ont de grands relents politiques. Ces derniers aspects ont contribué au départ des cerveaux anglophones. A l'analyse, on s'aperçoit que cet exode est la conséquence de la gestion particulière qui a été faite du double héritage culturel légué par les colonisations britannique et française. De 1990 à 2004, des universitaires et autres compétences camerounaises anglophones de renom ont pris le chemin de l'étranger pour des causes essentiellement politiques, notamment la menace à leur intégrité physique. Ce travail se propose de montrer que les pouvoirs politiques camerounais, depuis la réunification, ont eu la propension d'adopter essentiellement le mode d'administration et de culture hérité de la France. Le modèle d'administration hérité de la France est assez répressif et laisse peu de place à l'expression libre. Il est contraire au mode administratif colonial britannique qui était favorable au dialogue et à la participation. Avec l'avènement de la démocratisation dans les années 1990, les Anglophones ont engagé un mouvement de protection de leur culture qu’ils ont estimé avoir été assimilée. Cela leur a causé beaucoup d'ennuis et a constitué un facteur décisif de l’expatriation de certains d’entre eux.
1996 and 2006 were two milestones in the political history of Cameroon. They represent, respectiv... more 1996 and 2006 were two milestones in the political history of Cameroon. They represent, respectively, the establishment of a one-party system in the country and the parliament’s passing of bill that created an independent body to organize country’s elections. The road followed by Cameroon, when compared to those of most African countries, notably Niger and Benin, seems to be different in regards to what political framework was chosen. Analyzing discourse from Cameroonian newspapers in comparison with similar events in Benin and Niger, the article shows that since 1966 the country’s rulers have laboured to create a ‘Cameroonian exception’ to its method of governance, with the eventual aim of having a Cameroonian model of democracy. In reality, the hidden aim has been to perpetuate the domination of the state party in the political landscape of the country.
Dans la pratique du multipartisme au Cameroun, de nombreuses élections ont été organisées sur la ... more Dans la pratique du multipartisme au Cameroun, de nombreuses élections ont été organisées sur la base de textes législatifs et réglementaires accordant une bonne place aux considérations ethniques et régionales. Les explications officielles ont justifié l'intégration de ces considérations ethniques et régionales par le souci d'assurer une unité nationale et d'éviter des exclusions. En réalité, cette intégration a un enjeu principal: la volonté de perpétuer la domination politique de l'ancien parti unique.
From 1961 to 1986, not so many youths hailing frol Northern Cameroon coold get the many jobs that... more From 1961 to 1986, not so many youths hailing frol Northern Cameroon coold get the many jobs that were available for higher education graduates because very few of them went through that type of education.Since 1987, the number of higher education graduates originating from this region has increased considerably, thanks especially to the creation of the University of Ngaoundéré in 1992. In the meantime, job opportunities were becoming very scarce. The University of Ngaoundéré and the native communities can work in collaborationso as to reduce the rate of joblessness for these graduates. Key words:youths, Northern Cameroon, higher education, University of Ngaoundéré, professional insertion
This paper aims at presenting the main paths followed by African women for their emancipation. Th... more This paper aims at presenting the main paths followed by African women for their emancipation. These channels have been used by Cameroonian women of the Sahel for their emancipation in a society that has marginalized them for many decades, thanks to tradition. The main paths of this emancipation are: trade, prostitution and education. Trade and education appear to be laudable paths for the emancipation of African women in general and particularly for the Sahelian Cameroonian woman. Education is perhaps the better way for this emancipation since it gives African woman good assets that can enable her to be more successful when taking other paths for her emancipation.
Cet article présente et analyse les principales crises vécues par les associations régionales au ... more Cet article présente et analyse les principales crises vécues par les associations régionales au Cameroun colonial de 1947 à 1959. Ces crises ont été les dissensions internes, les querelles de leadership, les scissions et l’adhésion aux partis politiques, notamment l’Union des populations du Cameroun. Elles ont eu des effets profonds sur le fonctionnement de ces associations régionales qui n’ont pas pu atteindre leurs objectifs fixés dans les statuts. Elles ont donc connu la désunion, le dérapage et l’obstruction de l’administration coloniale dans les Cameroun français. Tout cela n’était point de nature à assurer leur fonctionnement optimum et à leur permettre d’atteindre leurs objectifs. Puisque ces derniers avaient été pour l’essentiel détournés, on est tenté de se demander si les objectifs fixés dans les statuts n’étaient pas fictifs, les objectifs réels étant ceux que leurs leaders ont passé l’essentiel du temps à poursuivre. Mots clés : Cameroun, associations régionales, crises, administration coloniale, élections.
When France took over Cameroon, oll tax, one of the Territory's main sources of revenue that made... more When France took over Cameroon, oll tax, one of the Territory's main sources of revenue that made up the budget was on an upward trend till 1931. In this year poll tax revenues started decreasing because of the effects of the economic crisis. Nonetheless, the contribution of this tax to the colonial budget became more important, whereas the means of its payment, which was essentially derived from agricultural and cattle commodities, witnessed a severe drop in price. In order to avoid a drastic in the revenues from the poll tax incomes, some measures were taken locally and in France. These measures helped to avoid disaster for this tax till 1934, when the French colonial economy started recovering. Key words: Economic crisis, poll tax, district officer, commodity price, budget, customs income
Cette réflexion scrute les rapports qu'ont eus les autorités étatiques et la jeunesse universitai... more Cette réflexion scrute les rapports qu'ont eus les autorités étatiques et la jeunesse universitaire du Cameroun de 1961 à 2005 à travers la question suivante: quelle a été la réaction des associations estudiantines face au déploiement des stratégies étatiques de répression, de régulation, d'infiltration et de manipulation des mouvements estudiantins? Une analyse des différentes stratégies développées de part et d'autre, l'interprétation des actions des uns et des autres permettent d'argumenter que les mouvements estudiantins ont longtemps marché sur les sentiers battus de la violence et du vandalisme qui ne leur ont pas attiré les sympathies de l'opinion publique. Il a fallu attendre près de quarante ans pour qu'ils opèrent une rupture en adoptant systématiquement la non-violence qui a pris de court les autorités étatiques habituées à la répression après la provocation.Mots clés: Cameroun, associations estudiantines,stratégie, université, jeunesse
Modern African states result from the assemblage of ethnic groups by Western colonizers. It is be... more Modern African states result from the assemblage of ethnic groups by Western colonizers. It is believed that such an assemblage cannot make a viable nation as viewed in the Western hemisphere. Colonial masters used such a premise in order to play Africans against one another within their respective territories. Accordingly, French colonial authorities used regional interest to prevent regional associations from fully supporting nationalist movement in Cameroon. This paper attempts to show that the premise whereby regional interest opposes national interest is false, as was proved during the colonial era by Cameroonian nationalists and regional associations that claimed independence and reunification. Our demonstration, which is carried out through the exploitation of archival material, interviews and newspapers, shows that regional associations are capable of transcending regional interest to defend national interest. Unfortunately, from 1945 till today, they have been the victims of the manipulation orchestrated successively by the colonial masters and their postcolonial accomplices, the rulers of independent Cameroon. The use by postcolonial rulers of the divide and rule law is an indication that the colonial legacy they have inherited is well catered for and represents a danger for Cameroonians in particular and for Africans in general who are yet to draw lessons from what happened in Rwanda and is happening in Côte d’Ivoire and Sudan. Key words: national interest; regional interest; Cameroon; regional associations; nationalism.
Northern Cameroon has a traditional food culture that varies slightly from one people to the
othe... more Northern Cameroon has a traditional food culture that varies slightly from one people to the other. This food culture has many aspects among which we have cooking and eating techniques, cooking and eating tools. Urban phenomenon and social mobility have contributed in altering this traditional culture. Nonetheless, floor restaurants, which function well in towns, contribute their own quota in lessening the alteration speed of this traditional food culture. That is what this paper attempts to show. Keywords : Floor restaurants; food culture; Ngaoundéré; Northern Cameroon.
In 1960, Mrs. Julienne Keutcha became the first female parliamentarian in Cameroon. She
served al... more In 1960, Mrs. Julienne Keutcha became the first female parliamentarian in Cameroon. She served alone in that capacity till 1965. A significant increase in the number of female parliamentarians was witnessed in 1992 when 23 women were elected to the National Assembly. This number decreased to 10 during the 1997-2002 legislature before reaching 20 in 2002, 25 in 2007 and 56 in 2013 when they represented around 31.11% of the Lower House, being a little higher than the percentage prescribed by the African Union, 30%. This increase of the women’s presence in the National Assembly was saluted by the United Nations that congratulated the government for making it possible through legislation. This is an external appreciation. To the opinion of internal analysts, the increase was made possible by the civil society that had educated Cameroonians in general and women folk in particular. This controversy introduces the question of the efficiency of legislation as regards this increase. An appraisal of facts as they unfolded during the under study shows that the only existence of the legislation could not bring about this result. As a matter of fact, the existing vague legislation left initiatives to political parties that were not prepared to favor women folk going to parliament. Moreover, this legislation had not provided any target percentage to political parties. The system put in place by this legislation had not provided for independent candidates system for which many female Cameroonians could apply easier than for the list system. Practically, the legislation alone could not enhance female political participation. This is why the actions (sensitization, lobbying) of the civil society contributed more than any other factor to the increase of female presence in Cameroonian parliament.
This article addresses the dual colonial legacy in relation with brain drain in Cameroon. Brain d... more This article addresses the dual colonial legacy in relation with brain drain in Cameroon. Brain drain, here, has some political expressions and consequences. These political aspects of brain drain in Cameroon mostly concern its English-speaking population. As a matter of fact, a keen analysis shows that, since reunification in 1961, the rulers of Cameroon have essentially been enforcing the system of administration and the culture inherited from the French colonization to the detriment of the British colonial legacy which, apparently, has been assimilated to the first one. The British system of administration favoured dialogue and participation, contrary to the French system which was mostly repressive and gave little room to freedom. The advent of democratization in 1990 gave the opportunity to Anglophones to start a struggle for protecting the British colonial legacy of Cameroon. This struggle was repressed and constituted the main factor behind Anglophone Brain drain in Cameroon from 1990 to 2004. L'exode des compétences au Cameroun a plusieurs causes et revêt plusieurs aspects dont certains ont de grands relents politiques. Ces derniers aspects ont contribué au départ des cerveaux anglophones. A l'analyse, on s'aperçoit que cet exode est la conséquence de la gestion particulière qui a été faite du double héritage culturel légué par les colonisations britannique et française. De 1990 à 2004, des universitaires et autres compétences camerounaises anglophones de renom ont pris le chemin de l'étranger pour des causes essentiellement politiques, notamment la menace à leur intégrité physique. Ce travail se propose de montrer que les pouvoirs politiques camerounais, depuis la réunification, ont eu la propension d'adopter essentiellement le mode d'administration et de culture hérité de la France. Le modèle d'administration hérité de la France est assez répressif et laisse peu de place à l'expression libre. Il est contraire au mode administratif colonial britannique qui était favorable au dialogue et à la participation. Avec l'avènement de la démocratisation dans les années 1990, les Anglophones ont engagé un mouvement de protection de leur culture qu’ils ont estimé avoir été assimilée. Cela leur a causé beaucoup d'ennuis et a constitué un facteur décisif de l’expatriation de certains d’entre eux.
1996 and 2006 were two milestones in the political history of Cameroon. They represent, respectiv... more 1996 and 2006 were two milestones in the political history of Cameroon. They represent, respectively, the establishment of a one-party system in the country and the parliament’s passing of bill that created an independent body to organize country’s elections. The road followed by Cameroon, when compared to those of most African countries, notably Niger and Benin, seems to be different in regards to what political framework was chosen. Analyzing discourse from Cameroonian newspapers in comparison with similar events in Benin and Niger, the article shows that since 1966 the country’s rulers have laboured to create a ‘Cameroonian exception’ to its method of governance, with the eventual aim of having a Cameroonian model of democracy. In reality, the hidden aim has been to perpetuate the domination of the state party in the political landscape of the country.
Dans la pratique du multipartisme au Cameroun, de nombreuses élections ont été organisées sur la ... more Dans la pratique du multipartisme au Cameroun, de nombreuses élections ont été organisées sur la base de textes législatifs et réglementaires accordant une bonne place aux considérations ethniques et régionales. Les explications officielles ont justifié l'intégration de ces considérations ethniques et régionales par le souci d'assurer une unité nationale et d'éviter des exclusions. En réalité, cette intégration a un enjeu principal: la volonté de perpétuer la domination politique de l'ancien parti unique.
From 1961 to 1986, not so many youths hailing frol Northern Cameroon coold get the many jobs that... more From 1961 to 1986, not so many youths hailing frol Northern Cameroon coold get the many jobs that were available for higher education graduates because very few of them went through that type of education.Since 1987, the number of higher education graduates originating from this region has increased considerably, thanks especially to the creation of the University of Ngaoundéré in 1992. In the meantime, job opportunities were becoming very scarce. The University of Ngaoundéré and the native communities can work in collaborationso as to reduce the rate of joblessness for these graduates. Key words:youths, Northern Cameroon, higher education, University of Ngaoundéré, professional insertion
This paper aims at presenting the main paths followed by African women for their emancipation. Th... more This paper aims at presenting the main paths followed by African women for their emancipation. These channels have been used by Cameroonian women of the Sahel for their emancipation in a society that has marginalized them for many decades, thanks to tradition. The main paths of this emancipation are: trade, prostitution and education. Trade and education appear to be laudable paths for the emancipation of African women in general and particularly for the Sahelian Cameroonian woman. Education is perhaps the better way for this emancipation since it gives African woman good assets that can enable her to be more successful when taking other paths for her emancipation.
Cet article présente et analyse les principales crises vécues par les associations régionales au ... more Cet article présente et analyse les principales crises vécues par les associations régionales au Cameroun colonial de 1947 à 1959. Ces crises ont été les dissensions internes, les querelles de leadership, les scissions et l’adhésion aux partis politiques, notamment l’Union des populations du Cameroun. Elles ont eu des effets profonds sur le fonctionnement de ces associations régionales qui n’ont pas pu atteindre leurs objectifs fixés dans les statuts. Elles ont donc connu la désunion, le dérapage et l’obstruction de l’administration coloniale dans les Cameroun français. Tout cela n’était point de nature à assurer leur fonctionnement optimum et à leur permettre d’atteindre leurs objectifs. Puisque ces derniers avaient été pour l’essentiel détournés, on est tenté de se demander si les objectifs fixés dans les statuts n’étaient pas fictifs, les objectifs réels étant ceux que leurs leaders ont passé l’essentiel du temps à poursuivre. Mots clés : Cameroun, associations régionales, crises, administration coloniale, élections.
When France took over Cameroon, oll tax, one of the Territory's main sources of revenue that made... more When France took over Cameroon, oll tax, one of the Territory's main sources of revenue that made up the budget was on an upward trend till 1931. In this year poll tax revenues started decreasing because of the effects of the economic crisis. Nonetheless, the contribution of this tax to the colonial budget became more important, whereas the means of its payment, which was essentially derived from agricultural and cattle commodities, witnessed a severe drop in price. In order to avoid a drastic in the revenues from the poll tax incomes, some measures were taken locally and in France. These measures helped to avoid disaster for this tax till 1934, when the French colonial economy started recovering. Key words: Economic crisis, poll tax, district officer, commodity price, budget, customs income
Cette réflexion scrute les rapports qu'ont eus les autorités étatiques et la jeunesse universitai... more Cette réflexion scrute les rapports qu'ont eus les autorités étatiques et la jeunesse universitaire du Cameroun de 1961 à 2005 à travers la question suivante: quelle a été la réaction des associations estudiantines face au déploiement des stratégies étatiques de répression, de régulation, d'infiltration et de manipulation des mouvements estudiantins? Une analyse des différentes stratégies développées de part et d'autre, l'interprétation des actions des uns et des autres permettent d'argumenter que les mouvements estudiantins ont longtemps marché sur les sentiers battus de la violence et du vandalisme qui ne leur ont pas attiré les sympathies de l'opinion publique. Il a fallu attendre près de quarante ans pour qu'ils opèrent une rupture en adoptant systématiquement la non-violence qui a pris de court les autorités étatiques habituées à la répression après la provocation.Mots clés: Cameroun, associations estudiantines,stratégie, université, jeunesse
Modern African states result from the assemblage of ethnic groups by Western colonizers. It is be... more Modern African states result from the assemblage of ethnic groups by Western colonizers. It is believed that such an assemblage cannot make a viable nation as viewed in the Western hemisphere. Colonial masters used such a premise in order to play Africans against one another within their respective territories. Accordingly, French colonial authorities used regional interest to prevent regional associations from fully supporting nationalist movement in Cameroon. This paper attempts to show that the premise whereby regional interest opposes national interest is false, as was proved during the colonial era by Cameroonian nationalists and regional associations that claimed independence and reunification. Our demonstration, which is carried out through the exploitation of archival material, interviews and newspapers, shows that regional associations are capable of transcending regional interest to defend national interest. Unfortunately, from 1945 till today, they have been the victims of the manipulation orchestrated successively by the colonial masters and their postcolonial accomplices, the rulers of independent Cameroon. The use by postcolonial rulers of the divide and rule law is an indication that the colonial legacy they have inherited is well catered for and represents a danger for Cameroonians in particular and for Africans in general who are yet to draw lessons from what happened in Rwanda and is happening in Côte d’Ivoire and Sudan. Key words: national interest; regional interest; Cameroon; regional associations; nationalism.
Northern Cameroon has a traditional food culture that varies slightly from one people to the
othe... more Northern Cameroon has a traditional food culture that varies slightly from one people to the other. This food culture has many aspects among which we have cooking and eating techniques, cooking and eating tools. Urban phenomenon and social mobility have contributed in altering this traditional culture. Nonetheless, floor restaurants, which function well in towns, contribute their own quota in lessening the alteration speed of this traditional food culture. That is what this paper attempts to show. Keywords : Floor restaurants; food culture; Ngaoundéré; Northern Cameroon.
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Papers by david mokam
served alone in that capacity till 1965. A significant increase in the number of female
parliamentarians was witnessed in 1992 when 23 women were elected to the National
Assembly. This number decreased to 10 during the 1997-2002 legislature before reaching 20
in 2002, 25 in 2007 and 56 in 2013 when they represented around 31.11% of the Lower
House, being a little higher than the percentage prescribed by the African Union, 30%. This
increase of the women’s presence in the National Assembly was saluted by the United
Nations that congratulated the government for making it possible through legislation. This is
an external appreciation. To the opinion of internal analysts, the increase was made possible
by the civil society that had educated Cameroonians in general and women folk in particular.
This controversy introduces the question of the efficiency of legislation as regards this
increase. An appraisal of facts as they unfolded during the under study shows that the only
existence of the legislation could not bring about this result. As a matter of fact, the existing
vague legislation left initiatives to political parties that were not prepared to favor women folk
going to parliament. Moreover, this legislation had not provided any target percentage to
political parties. The system put in place by this legislation had not provided for independent
candidates system for which many female Cameroonians could apply easier than for the list
system. Practically, the legislation alone could not enhance female political participation. This
is why the actions (sensitization, lobbying) of the civil society contributed more than any
other factor to the increase of female presence in Cameroonian parliament.
L'exode des compétences au Cameroun a plusieurs causes et revêt plusieurs aspects dont certains ont de grands relents politiques. Ces derniers aspects ont contribué au départ des cerveaux anglophones. A l'analyse, on s'aperçoit que cet exode est la conséquence de la gestion particulière qui a été faite du double héritage culturel légué par les colonisations britannique et française. De 1990 à 2004, des universitaires et autres compétences camerounaises anglophones de renom ont pris le chemin de l'étranger pour des causes essentiellement politiques, notamment la menace à leur intégrité physique. Ce travail se propose de montrer que les pouvoirs politiques camerounais, depuis la réunification, ont eu la propension d'adopter essentiellement le mode d'administration et de culture hérité de la France. Le modèle d'administration hérité de la France est assez répressif et laisse peu de place à l'expression libre. Il est contraire au mode administratif colonial britannique qui était favorable au dialogue et à la participation. Avec l'avènement de la démocratisation dans les années 1990, les Anglophones ont engagé un mouvement de protection de leur culture qu’ils ont estimé avoir été assimilée. Cela leur a causé beaucoup d'ennuis et a constitué un facteur décisif de l’expatriation de certains d’entre eux.
Key words:youths, Northern Cameroon, higher education, University of Ngaoundéré, professional insertion
notamment l’Union des populations du Cameroun. Elles ont eu des effets profonds sur le fonctionnement de ces associations régionales qui n’ont pas pu atteindre leurs objectifs fixés dans les statuts. Elles ont donc connu la désunion, le dérapage et l’obstruction de l’administration coloniale dans les Cameroun français. Tout cela n’était point de nature à assurer leur fonctionnement optimum et à leur permettre d’atteindre leurs objectifs. Puisque ces derniers avaient été pour l’essentiel détournés, on est tenté de se demander si les objectifs fixés dans les statuts n’étaient pas fictifs, les objectifs réels étant ceux que leurs leaders ont passé l’essentiel du temps à poursuivre.
Mots clés : Cameroun, associations régionales, crises, administration coloniale, élections.
Key words: Economic crisis, poll tax, district officer, commodity price, budget, customs income
demonstration, which is carried out through the exploitation of archival material, interviews and newspapers, shows that regional associations are capable of transcending regional interest to defend national interest. Unfortunately, from 1945 till today, they have been the victims of the manipulation orchestrated successively by the colonial masters and their postcolonial accomplices, the rulers of independent Cameroon. The use by postcolonial rulers of the divide and rule law is an indication that the colonial legacy they have inherited is well catered for and represents a danger for Cameroonians
in particular and for Africans in general who are yet to draw lessons from what happened in Rwanda and is happening in Côte d’Ivoire and Sudan.
Key words: national interest; regional interest; Cameroon; regional associations;
nationalism.
other. This food culture has many aspects among which we have cooking and eating techniques, cooking and
eating tools. Urban phenomenon and social mobility have contributed in altering this traditional culture.
Nonetheless, floor restaurants, which function well in towns, contribute their own quota in lessening the
alteration speed of this traditional food culture. That is what this paper attempts to show.
Keywords : Floor restaurants; food culture; Ngaoundéré; Northern Cameroon.
served alone in that capacity till 1965. A significant increase in the number of female
parliamentarians was witnessed in 1992 when 23 women were elected to the National
Assembly. This number decreased to 10 during the 1997-2002 legislature before reaching 20
in 2002, 25 in 2007 and 56 in 2013 when they represented around 31.11% of the Lower
House, being a little higher than the percentage prescribed by the African Union, 30%. This
increase of the women’s presence in the National Assembly was saluted by the United
Nations that congratulated the government for making it possible through legislation. This is
an external appreciation. To the opinion of internal analysts, the increase was made possible
by the civil society that had educated Cameroonians in general and women folk in particular.
This controversy introduces the question of the efficiency of legislation as regards this
increase. An appraisal of facts as they unfolded during the under study shows that the only
existence of the legislation could not bring about this result. As a matter of fact, the existing
vague legislation left initiatives to political parties that were not prepared to favor women folk
going to parliament. Moreover, this legislation had not provided any target percentage to
political parties. The system put in place by this legislation had not provided for independent
candidates system for which many female Cameroonians could apply easier than for the list
system. Practically, the legislation alone could not enhance female political participation. This
is why the actions (sensitization, lobbying) of the civil society contributed more than any
other factor to the increase of female presence in Cameroonian parliament.
L'exode des compétences au Cameroun a plusieurs causes et revêt plusieurs aspects dont certains ont de grands relents politiques. Ces derniers aspects ont contribué au départ des cerveaux anglophones. A l'analyse, on s'aperçoit que cet exode est la conséquence de la gestion particulière qui a été faite du double héritage culturel légué par les colonisations britannique et française. De 1990 à 2004, des universitaires et autres compétences camerounaises anglophones de renom ont pris le chemin de l'étranger pour des causes essentiellement politiques, notamment la menace à leur intégrité physique. Ce travail se propose de montrer que les pouvoirs politiques camerounais, depuis la réunification, ont eu la propension d'adopter essentiellement le mode d'administration et de culture hérité de la France. Le modèle d'administration hérité de la France est assez répressif et laisse peu de place à l'expression libre. Il est contraire au mode administratif colonial britannique qui était favorable au dialogue et à la participation. Avec l'avènement de la démocratisation dans les années 1990, les Anglophones ont engagé un mouvement de protection de leur culture qu’ils ont estimé avoir été assimilée. Cela leur a causé beaucoup d'ennuis et a constitué un facteur décisif de l’expatriation de certains d’entre eux.
Key words:youths, Northern Cameroon, higher education, University of Ngaoundéré, professional insertion
notamment l’Union des populations du Cameroun. Elles ont eu des effets profonds sur le fonctionnement de ces associations régionales qui n’ont pas pu atteindre leurs objectifs fixés dans les statuts. Elles ont donc connu la désunion, le dérapage et l’obstruction de l’administration coloniale dans les Cameroun français. Tout cela n’était point de nature à assurer leur fonctionnement optimum et à leur permettre d’atteindre leurs objectifs. Puisque ces derniers avaient été pour l’essentiel détournés, on est tenté de se demander si les objectifs fixés dans les statuts n’étaient pas fictifs, les objectifs réels étant ceux que leurs leaders ont passé l’essentiel du temps à poursuivre.
Mots clés : Cameroun, associations régionales, crises, administration coloniale, élections.
Key words: Economic crisis, poll tax, district officer, commodity price, budget, customs income
demonstration, which is carried out through the exploitation of archival material, interviews and newspapers, shows that regional associations are capable of transcending regional interest to defend national interest. Unfortunately, from 1945 till today, they have been the victims of the manipulation orchestrated successively by the colonial masters and their postcolonial accomplices, the rulers of independent Cameroon. The use by postcolonial rulers of the divide and rule law is an indication that the colonial legacy they have inherited is well catered for and represents a danger for Cameroonians
in particular and for Africans in general who are yet to draw lessons from what happened in Rwanda and is happening in Côte d’Ivoire and Sudan.
Key words: national interest; regional interest; Cameroon; regional associations;
nationalism.
other. This food culture has many aspects among which we have cooking and eating techniques, cooking and
eating tools. Urban phenomenon and social mobility have contributed in altering this traditional culture.
Nonetheless, floor restaurants, which function well in towns, contribute their own quota in lessening the
alteration speed of this traditional food culture. That is what this paper attempts to show.
Keywords : Floor restaurants; food culture; Ngaoundéré; Northern Cameroon.