Papers by Tareq Sydiq
Politik und Gesellschaft des Nahen Ostens
Non-Western Global Theories of International Relations, 2022
Peacebuilding, 2022
While research within peace and conflict studies frequently discusses youth, and simultaneously c... more While research within peace and conflict studies frequently discusses youth, and simultaneously criticises the terminology surrounding it, it predominantly considers it as an age-based category. Based on such criticisms, we develop a conceptualisation of youth as a social category, arguing that such generational configurations allow insights into conflict dynamics hidden by a purely age-based conceptualisation. We contrast definitions of age-based youth rooted in epistemic regimes with a sociological understanding of youth generations in an attempt to decouple our definition from such power structures. We suggest three insights from this: That youth generations can work within existing power structures and institutions to address their concerns, rather than being intrinsically antagonistic towards them; that concepts and definitions of youth are rooted in epistemic regimes and thus conceal their highly diverse and situative experiences; and that third, by forming youth generations as social groups, common experiences generate meaning for generation-based conflict dynamics.
Zeitschrift für Friedens- und Konfliktforschung, 2020
Ob Hong Kong, Arab Spring 2.0, die Proteste in Südamerika oder im Iran, 2019 war ein Jahr globale... more Ob Hong Kong, Arab Spring 2.0, die Proteste in Südamerika oder im Iran, 2019 war ein Jahr globaler Protestbewegungen die insbesondere öf-fentliche Räume einnahmen. Manche dieser Protestbewegungen konnten schon 2019 Erfolge erzielen oder sich bereits konsolidieren; die meisten jedoch verließen sich darauf, 2020 weiter Druck aufzubauen auf Regierungen. Mit der globalen Pandemie wurde dies fast schlagartig unmöglich gemacht: Kollektive Entscheidungsgewalt, weiterhin eine Domäne der Regierungen, wurde zum entscheidenden Faktor bei der Krisenbekämpfung, auf die partikulär agierende Protestbewegungen keine un-mittelbare Antwort hatten. Gleichzeitig fiel der öffentliche Raum als entscheidende Arena für die Austragung dieser Konflikte unter den Beschränkungen der Pandemie-Bekämpfung aus. Protestierende wurden damit aus dem Zentrum des öffentlichen Raumes in die Peripherie gedrängt, wo sie mittels dezentraler Techniken versuchen, Mobilisierungen aufrecht zu erhalten, und in der Pandemiebekämpfung mit staatli-chen Institutionen konkurrierten. Während dies den Spielraum von Protestbewegun-gen einschränkt, erlaubt das Herausbilden neuer Konfliktarenen es ihnen, sich für künftige Protestbewegungen bereit zu halten und staatliche Akteure herauszufordern. Dieses Zeitfenster können Regierende nutzen, um aus effizienter Pandemiebekämp-fung Kapital zu schlagen und aus der Interaktion von Institutionen mit AktivistInnen Kooperationen zu erzeugen; ohne aber die zugrundeliegenden Probleme zu lösen, vertagen sich die Protestbewegungen lediglich auf eine Zeit nach der Pandemie.
Protest movements centered around public spaces emerged globally last year, in Hong Kong, South America, Iran or during the Arab Spring 2.0. While some could already achieve successes or consolidate themselves in 2019, most were hoping to continue pressuring governments and building momentum in 2020. The global pandemic squandered these hopes rapidly: collective decision making, still in the domain of governments, became a crucial factor in fighting the crisis, and protest movements as independent actors did not have a direct response. Simultaneously, public space as an arena for conflict articulation became inaccessible due to anti-pandemic efforts. Protestors were thus driven out of the center of public spaces and into the periphery, where they employed decentralized techniques in order to maintain their mobilization and to compete with state institutions in offering policy choices regarding anti-pandemic efforts. While limiting repertoires of protest movements, new conflict arenas allow them to sustain mobilization for future protest movements and continue challenging state actors. This period of limited protest activities can be used by governments, to accumulate political capital from efficient anti-pandemic policies and to foster cooperations with protesters. Unless they solve underlying causes of protests, however, protest movements will merely delay their activites to a time after the pandemic.
Re-Configurations Contextualising Transformation Processes and Lasting Crises in the Middle East and North Africa, 2021
Iran has a long and storied tradition of protest and revolution. This tradition has been characte... more Iran has a long and storied tradition of protest and revolution. This tradition has been characterized by a range of diverse oppositional activities. The "Tobacco Protests" of the late nineteenth century, for example, brought together a successful alliance of clergy and bazaaris against the state . Similarly, the beginning of the twentieth century saw a mobilization of socialist, feminist, and ethno-political groups as well as regionalist and nationalist politicians . The 1979 Iranian revolution once again brought the diversity of these opposition forces to the surface when a diverse alliance, united in its desire to see the end of the regime, proved capable of overthrowing the Shah (Foran 1994; Kurzman 2004). During the first years after the revolution, this oppositional diversity was reproduced within the political elite. This soon became a problem for the new rulers, and groups that differed from the new state ideology were quickly persecuted and marginalized (Schirazi 1998).
Social Science Quarterly, 2015
Objectives This article examines cross-national variation in interreligious favorability across t... more Objectives This article examines cross-national variation in interreligious favorability across the globe. We develop and test several hypotheses linking globalization to attitudes toward the religious other through mechanisms of religious belonging and contact. Methods Utilizing cross-national data in 20 countries from the Pew Global Attitudes Surveys (2011), we run a series of multilevel and logistic regression estimations to test our hypotheses about global contact, religious identity, and interreligious favorability. Results We find that global contact has a positive effect on interreligious favorability, whereas holding religious identity increases negative sentiments toward religious outgroups. We also find that increased levels of globalization inhibit the negative impact of religious belonging and threat perceptions on favorable views of the religious other. Conclusion Although globalization increases the salience of religion as an exclusive identity category at the expense of decreased interreligious favorability, individuals become more conducive to interreligious tolerance thanks to frequent social contact at higher levels of globalization.
Contention. The Multidisciplinary Journal of Social Protest, 2020
Based on fieldwork carried out from 2017 and 2018, this article examines various attempts to both... more Based on fieldwork carried out from 2017 and 2018, this article examines various attempts to both organize publicly and disrupt such attempts during the Iranian protests during that time. It argues that interference with spatial realities influenced the social coalitions built during the protests, impacting the capacity of actors to build such coalitions. The post-2009 adaptation of the state inhibited cross-class coalitions despite being challenged, while actors used spatial phrasing indicating they perceived spatial divisions to emulate political ones. Meanwhile, in the immediate aftermath of the December 2017 protests, further attempts to control protest actions impacted not only those who would be able to participate in such events in the future, but also those who felt represented by them and who would be likely to sympathize with them. Based on the spatial conditions under which coalitions form, I argue that asymmetrical contestations of spatiality determined the outcome of the December 2017 protests and may contribute to an understanding of how alliances in Iran will form in the future.
Contention. The Multidisciplinary Journal of Social Protest, 2020
Introduction to Special Section: The Spatiality of Protest in Contention: The Multisdisciplinary ... more Introduction to Special Section: The Spatiality of Protest in Contention: The Multisdisciplinary Journal of Social Protest.
Conference Presentations by Tareq Sydiq
Kairedin Tezera: Dymanics of Legal Pluralism and Hybridism: the case of customary, religious and ... more Kairedin Tezera: Dymanics of Legal Pluralism and Hybridism: the case of customary, religious and State legal systems among Muslim Siltie People southern Ethiopia
Christopher Appiah-Thompson, Jim Jose, Tod Moore: Examining the Role of Customary Institutions and Culture in the Resolution of Electoral Conflict in Ghana
Liliana Narvaez-Rodriguez: Namibia’s trajectory of peace: A case for institutional hybridity
Martina Santschi: Negotiating statehood and authority: Trajectories of (post-) civil war governance structures and practices in Northern Bahr el-Ghazal, South Sudan
Tim Glawion: The genius inefficacy of rebel governance: a case study of Ndélé in the Central African Republic
Nestor Zante : When the State fails to provide security: vigilantism and co-production of security in rural Burkina Faso
Alzbeta Svablova: Early warning in Liberia: Fostering the disconnections between the state and its citizens
Kayode Onipede: Pelupelu: A Complementary Perspective to Governance in Nigeria (1900-1958)
Drafts by Tareq Sydiq
Books by Tareq Sydiq
Rebel Governance in the Middle East, 2023
This paper draws from research on protests under rebel governance and during the international in... more This paper draws from research on protests under rebel governance and during the international intervention in Afghanistan (2001-2021) to argue that civilians continuously articulated interests and pressured both rebels and government. Rather than conceptualizing the conflict between state building and state failure, it can be read as a competition to govern. In mediating rural conflicts and building relationships even with constituencies which resented their rule, the Taliban out-governed the government, accommodating protesters where possible and repressing them where they challenged military gains. This process hollowed the Republic’s support base. Afghan protest movements against the new government thus face a novel situation: Less fragmented, more nationally connected and addressing a less insulated government which may prove responsive to their grievances, yet facing more repression and state violence which may intimidate activists.
Uploads
Papers by Tareq Sydiq
Protest movements centered around public spaces emerged globally last year, in Hong Kong, South America, Iran or during the Arab Spring 2.0. While some could already achieve successes or consolidate themselves in 2019, most were hoping to continue pressuring governments and building momentum in 2020. The global pandemic squandered these hopes rapidly: collective decision making, still in the domain of governments, became a crucial factor in fighting the crisis, and protest movements as independent actors did not have a direct response. Simultaneously, public space as an arena for conflict articulation became inaccessible due to anti-pandemic efforts. Protestors were thus driven out of the center of public spaces and into the periphery, where they employed decentralized techniques in order to maintain their mobilization and to compete with state institutions in offering policy choices regarding anti-pandemic efforts. While limiting repertoires of protest movements, new conflict arenas allow them to sustain mobilization for future protest movements and continue challenging state actors. This period of limited protest activities can be used by governments, to accumulate political capital from efficient anti-pandemic policies and to foster cooperations with protesters. Unless they solve underlying causes of protests, however, protest movements will merely delay their activites to a time after the pandemic.
Conference Presentations by Tareq Sydiq
Christopher Appiah-Thompson, Jim Jose, Tod Moore: Examining the Role of Customary Institutions and Culture in the Resolution of Electoral Conflict in Ghana
Liliana Narvaez-Rodriguez: Namibia’s trajectory of peace: A case for institutional hybridity
Martina Santschi: Negotiating statehood and authority: Trajectories of (post-) civil war governance structures and practices in Northern Bahr el-Ghazal, South Sudan
Tim Glawion: The genius inefficacy of rebel governance: a case study of Ndélé in the Central African Republic
Nestor Zante : When the State fails to provide security: vigilantism and co-production of security in rural Burkina Faso
Alzbeta Svablova: Early warning in Liberia: Fostering the disconnections between the state and its citizens
Kayode Onipede: Pelupelu: A Complementary Perspective to Governance in Nigeria (1900-1958)
Drafts by Tareq Sydiq
Books by Tareq Sydiq
Protest movements centered around public spaces emerged globally last year, in Hong Kong, South America, Iran or during the Arab Spring 2.0. While some could already achieve successes or consolidate themselves in 2019, most were hoping to continue pressuring governments and building momentum in 2020. The global pandemic squandered these hopes rapidly: collective decision making, still in the domain of governments, became a crucial factor in fighting the crisis, and protest movements as independent actors did not have a direct response. Simultaneously, public space as an arena for conflict articulation became inaccessible due to anti-pandemic efforts. Protestors were thus driven out of the center of public spaces and into the periphery, where they employed decentralized techniques in order to maintain their mobilization and to compete with state institutions in offering policy choices regarding anti-pandemic efforts. While limiting repertoires of protest movements, new conflict arenas allow them to sustain mobilization for future protest movements and continue challenging state actors. This period of limited protest activities can be used by governments, to accumulate political capital from efficient anti-pandemic policies and to foster cooperations with protesters. Unless they solve underlying causes of protests, however, protest movements will merely delay their activites to a time after the pandemic.
Christopher Appiah-Thompson, Jim Jose, Tod Moore: Examining the Role of Customary Institutions and Culture in the Resolution of Electoral Conflict in Ghana
Liliana Narvaez-Rodriguez: Namibia’s trajectory of peace: A case for institutional hybridity
Martina Santschi: Negotiating statehood and authority: Trajectories of (post-) civil war governance structures and practices in Northern Bahr el-Ghazal, South Sudan
Tim Glawion: The genius inefficacy of rebel governance: a case study of Ndélé in the Central African Republic
Nestor Zante : When the State fails to provide security: vigilantism and co-production of security in rural Burkina Faso
Alzbeta Svablova: Early warning in Liberia: Fostering the disconnections between the state and its citizens
Kayode Onipede: Pelupelu: A Complementary Perspective to Governance in Nigeria (1900-1958)