
David Movrin
Associate Professor at the Department of Classics at the University of Ljubljana. Studied at universities in Ljubljana, Budapest (CEU), and at Oxford (Keble College); published a series of papers, co-redacted the Latin-Slovenian Dictionary in six volumes, translated a Latin textbook and workbook set (Learn to Read Latin) as well as works by Euripides, Athanasius, Sulpicius Severus, and others; edited a series of translations, and published two monographs, Fidus Interpres (2010) and Sources of Monasticism (2011). Classics and Communism (2013), co-edited with a team of researchers, was included by the Slovenian Research Agency in their Excellence in Scholarship series. It was followed by Classics and Class (2016), Classics and Communism in Theatre (2019) and Proletarian Classics (2022). The two-volume multi-author History of Slovenian Literary Translation (2023), which includes chapters on translations from Greek and Latin and on translating Homer, was recognized among the outstanding research achievements of the University of Ljubljana. Partner in Europa Ciceroniana (europa-ciceroniana.eu). Currently serving as the editor of Clotho.
Address: Aškerčeva 2, SI-1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia
Address: Aškerčeva 2, SI-1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia
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Papers by David Movrin
moved to St Petersburg to earn his master’s in classical philology from Dorpat (now Tartu) and his doctorate in Greek literature from Kazan. In 1890 he became extraordinarius in Moscow, and in 1892 ordinarius in Odessa, from where he retired in 1907. Known primarily for his Quaestiones Sapphicae, he was forced to launch a second career in 1919, after World War I and then the October Revolution permanently separated him from his family and deprived him of his pension. He served as contractual professor of classical philology in Ljubljana until 1930 when he finally returned to Prague. Based on both published and archival material, the paper provides a historical context for his academic career (which had its roots in the Russian Philological Seminary in Leipzig, where Luňák was recommended by Friedrich Ritschl). It thus attempts to understand the somewhat disparate aspects of his complex scholarly itinerary. Apart from providing his comprehensive bibliography, the study hopes to serve as a stimulus for other primary sources to surface in the future.
Yet all the educational experience of the aforementioned principals could not have prepared them for what the gods had in store this time. Once the war ended, one of them was living in Austria as a refugee, the other was discharged and put to trial, the third was demoted, placed in a different school and ordered to teach mathematics, and the fourth found himself in jail. While extreme, the fate of the four classicists among the school principals was by no means exceptional. In 1934, the Ministry of Education had employed 62 classicists. In 1949, only 42 were still there, although the territory covered by the statistics had been enlarged by 26%, due to the return of territories conquered by Italy in 1918. The survivors were mostly praesentes corpore, absentes autem spiritu, “present in body, but absent in spirit,” since by that time only two of them were left teaching the subject they been trained in, a destiny that was also shared by teachers of other politically undesirable subjects – to the extent that Slovenian students at the time were predominantly taught by amateurs.
Yet the classical tradition was also saved, paradoxically, by Stalin’s attack on the same Party. The Cominform conflict in 1948 astonished the Yugoslav communists and pushed them towards a tactical détente with the West, prompting a revision of some of the policies, including education. The process was led by the top echelons of the Party – such as Milovan Djilas, head of the central Agitprop, Boris Kidrič, in charge of Yugoslav economy, and Edvard Kardelj, Party’s chief ideologue – during the Third Plenum of the Central Committee Politburo in Belgrade in December 1949. Their newly discovered love of Latin and Greek, documented in the minutes of the Politburo Plenum, was overseen only by the discriminating eye of Josip Broz Tito. Classical gymnasia were revived, Latin was reintroduced to some of the other gymnasia, students returned to study classics at the university and a classical journal, Živa antika, was established in 1951, paying respects to the Third Plenum in its first editorial. Publicly, prominent classicists were praising the thaw. State Security records provide a nuanced picture, with agents noting their remarks about "Slovenian University lagging behind" and "nobody publishing anything, having no access to the recent literature."
The change which provided the discipline with a new lease on life did not last for long. Stalin’s death was followed by a rapprochement between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union. With no particular political incentive to preserve classics as a hallmark of its unique understanding of Marxism-Leninism, the Party proceeded to dissolve the classical gymnasium at the end of fifties and to make Latin slightly more marginal with each subsequent reform, until its position during the years of "directed education" in the 1980s was worse than the one alleviated by the plenum of 1949.
The paper was published in a volume that offers a survey of the reception of Classical Antiquity in the literature for youngsters by applying regional perspectives from East-Central and Western Europe, Africa, Israel, Japan, New Zealand, Russia, and the United States. The title "Our Mythical Childhood..." hints at the elusive and paradoxical potential of the ancient tradition that is both a fixed base shared by many people worldwide since their early life as well as a body of references constantly being reinterpreted in response to local challenges. The reader is given a deeper insight into the processes shaping children’s and young adults’ identities and their cultural formation. The volume fills an important gap in the scholarship and contributes to the development of Reception Studies in innovative and attractive directions. Editor: Katarzyna Marciniak, contributors: Jerzy Axer, Elena Ermolaeva, Valentina Garulli, Agata Grzybowska, Elizabeth Hale, Edith Hall, Owen Hodkinson, Katarzyna Jerzak, Joanna Kłos, Przemysław Kordos, Beata Kubiak Ho-Chi, Bettina Kümmerling-Meibauer, Helen Lovatt, Adam Łukaszewicz, Katarzyna Marciniak, Lisa Maurice, Barbara Milewska-Waźbińska, David Movrin, Sheila Murnaghan, Elżbieta Olechowska, Hanna Paulouskaya, Deborah H. Roberts, Ewa Rudnicka, Peter T. Simatei, Wilfried Stroh, Robert A. Sucharski, Christine Walde.
Retelling the Bible, edited by Lucie Dolezalova and Tamas Visi, presents a collection of case studies of biblical retellings in various contexts. Every section starts with an introduction presenting a brief overview of the field, the issues treated, as well as the nature and directions of contemporary scholarly discourse. After a detailed general introduction defining the Bible itself and the concept of retelling, the notion of Apocrypha is readdressed, particularly analyzing the way they are composed. Then follow the sections Translation and Interpretation from Jerome to the Post-Holocaust period, Preaching and Teaching the Bible in the Middle Ages through the Enlightenment, Biblical Characters as Models in medieval hagiography, Biblical Poetry from Late Antiquity to Bruce Springsteen, and finally the retelling strategies and challenges of Children's Bibles and a brief treatment of retelling Beyond the Text.
This article undertakes a unique task – the first attempt to reconstruct one of the performances from that time, a lost play from 1706 with a supposedly ancient motif about Emperor Jovinian who was miraculously led to conversion, De Joviniano imperatore mire correcto. It outlines the dramatic plot based on two literary sources, one from the Gesta Romanorum collection and the other from the Summa Theologica by a Dominican writer called Antoninus of Florence. With a collection of six periochae, “theater programs” preserved from similar school performances of the time, it also sketches the Erwartungshorizont of possible variations, just as they were presented on different European stages at the time. Furthermore, the paper presents the treatment of this motif, known as ATU 757, “The Emperor’s Haughtiness Punished,” in a series of other traditions, starting from its roots in the biblical story of King Nebuchadnezzar (Dan 3:31–4:34) through the authors such as Herrand of Wildonie, Geoffrey Chaucer, Hans Sachs, William Morris, and Henry Wadsworth Longfellow, to the contemporary 20th-century opera by Josef Tal and Israel Eliraz. In this light, the 1706 performance in Ruše emerges as a significant annual highlight of cultural life in the region, with young intellectuals introducing their audience of several thousand viewers to a complex motif from European literary tradition that was both spiritually and socially provocative.
moved to St Petersburg to earn his master’s in classical philology from Dorpat (now Tartu) and his doctorate in Greek literature from Kazan. In 1890 he became extraordinarius in Moscow, and in 1892 ordinarius in Odessa, from where he retired in 1907. Known primarily for his Quaestiones Sapphicae, he was forced to launch a second career in 1919, after World War I and then the October Revolution permanently separated him from his family and deprived him of his pension. He served as contractual professor of classical philology in Ljubljana until 1930 when he finally returned to Prague. Based on both published and archival material, the paper provides a historical context for his academic career (which had its roots in the Russian Philological Seminary in Leipzig, where Luňák was recommended by Friedrich Ritschl). It thus attempts to understand the somewhat disparate aspects of his complex scholarly itinerary. Apart from providing his comprehensive bibliography, the study hopes to serve as a stimulus for other primary sources to surface in the future.
Yet all the educational experience of the aforementioned principals could not have prepared them for what the gods had in store this time. Once the war ended, one of them was living in Austria as a refugee, the other was discharged and put to trial, the third was demoted, placed in a different school and ordered to teach mathematics, and the fourth found himself in jail. While extreme, the fate of the four classicists among the school principals was by no means exceptional. In 1934, the Ministry of Education had employed 62 classicists. In 1949, only 42 were still there, although the territory covered by the statistics had been enlarged by 26%, due to the return of territories conquered by Italy in 1918. The survivors were mostly praesentes corpore, absentes autem spiritu, “present in body, but absent in spirit,” since by that time only two of them were left teaching the subject they been trained in, a destiny that was also shared by teachers of other politically undesirable subjects – to the extent that Slovenian students at the time were predominantly taught by amateurs.
Yet the classical tradition was also saved, paradoxically, by Stalin’s attack on the same Party. The Cominform conflict in 1948 astonished the Yugoslav communists and pushed them towards a tactical détente with the West, prompting a revision of some of the policies, including education. The process was led by the top echelons of the Party – such as Milovan Djilas, head of the central Agitprop, Boris Kidrič, in charge of Yugoslav economy, and Edvard Kardelj, Party’s chief ideologue – during the Third Plenum of the Central Committee Politburo in Belgrade in December 1949. Their newly discovered love of Latin and Greek, documented in the minutes of the Politburo Plenum, was overseen only by the discriminating eye of Josip Broz Tito. Classical gymnasia were revived, Latin was reintroduced to some of the other gymnasia, students returned to study classics at the university and a classical journal, Živa antika, was established in 1951, paying respects to the Third Plenum in its first editorial. Publicly, prominent classicists were praising the thaw. State Security records provide a nuanced picture, with agents noting their remarks about "Slovenian University lagging behind" and "nobody publishing anything, having no access to the recent literature."
The change which provided the discipline with a new lease on life did not last for long. Stalin’s death was followed by a rapprochement between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union. With no particular political incentive to preserve classics as a hallmark of its unique understanding of Marxism-Leninism, the Party proceeded to dissolve the classical gymnasium at the end of fifties and to make Latin slightly more marginal with each subsequent reform, until its position during the years of "directed education" in the 1980s was worse than the one alleviated by the plenum of 1949.
The paper was published in a volume that offers a survey of the reception of Classical Antiquity in the literature for youngsters by applying regional perspectives from East-Central and Western Europe, Africa, Israel, Japan, New Zealand, Russia, and the United States. The title "Our Mythical Childhood..." hints at the elusive and paradoxical potential of the ancient tradition that is both a fixed base shared by many people worldwide since their early life as well as a body of references constantly being reinterpreted in response to local challenges. The reader is given a deeper insight into the processes shaping children’s and young adults’ identities and their cultural formation. The volume fills an important gap in the scholarship and contributes to the development of Reception Studies in innovative and attractive directions. Editor: Katarzyna Marciniak, contributors: Jerzy Axer, Elena Ermolaeva, Valentina Garulli, Agata Grzybowska, Elizabeth Hale, Edith Hall, Owen Hodkinson, Katarzyna Jerzak, Joanna Kłos, Przemysław Kordos, Beata Kubiak Ho-Chi, Bettina Kümmerling-Meibauer, Helen Lovatt, Adam Łukaszewicz, Katarzyna Marciniak, Lisa Maurice, Barbara Milewska-Waźbińska, David Movrin, Sheila Murnaghan, Elżbieta Olechowska, Hanna Paulouskaya, Deborah H. Roberts, Ewa Rudnicka, Peter T. Simatei, Wilfried Stroh, Robert A. Sucharski, Christine Walde.
Retelling the Bible, edited by Lucie Dolezalova and Tamas Visi, presents a collection of case studies of biblical retellings in various contexts. Every section starts with an introduction presenting a brief overview of the field, the issues treated, as well as the nature and directions of contemporary scholarly discourse. After a detailed general introduction defining the Bible itself and the concept of retelling, the notion of Apocrypha is readdressed, particularly analyzing the way they are composed. Then follow the sections Translation and Interpretation from Jerome to the Post-Holocaust period, Preaching and Teaching the Bible in the Middle Ages through the Enlightenment, Biblical Characters as Models in medieval hagiography, Biblical Poetry from Late Antiquity to Bruce Springsteen, and finally the retelling strategies and challenges of Children's Bibles and a brief treatment of retelling Beyond the Text.
This article undertakes a unique task – the first attempt to reconstruct one of the performances from that time, a lost play from 1706 with a supposedly ancient motif about Emperor Jovinian who was miraculously led to conversion, De Joviniano imperatore mire correcto. It outlines the dramatic plot based on two literary sources, one from the Gesta Romanorum collection and the other from the Summa Theologica by a Dominican writer called Antoninus of Florence. With a collection of six periochae, “theater programs” preserved from similar school performances of the time, it also sketches the Erwartungshorizont of possible variations, just as they were presented on different European stages at the time. Furthermore, the paper presents the treatment of this motif, known as ATU 757, “The Emperor’s Haughtiness Punished,” in a series of other traditions, starting from its roots in the biblical story of King Nebuchadnezzar (Dan 3:31–4:34) through the authors such as Herrand of Wildonie, Geoffrey Chaucer, Hans Sachs, William Morris, and Henry Wadsworth Longfellow, to the contemporary 20th-century opera by Josef Tal and Israel Eliraz. In this light, the 1706 performance in Ruše emerges as a significant annual highlight of cultural life in the region, with young intellectuals introducing their audience of several thousand viewers to a complex motif from European literary tradition that was both spiritually and socially provocative.
Biography as a genre now presents more of a problem than a functional concept. The old Plutarchian and Suetonian distinctions, posited by Friedrich Leo with wide repercussions, are nowhere to be found. The demarcation between biography and neighboring genres is often questionable and researchers frequently prefer to speak of the biographic, which seems to be free from strict classifications. Aretalogy, once a catchword for the texts presented in this book, has been exposed as pure theoretical fiction; the entire current of research started by Richard Reitzenstein has disappeared after the criticism of Howard Kee. Another genre, hagiography, can hardly offer a more stable point of departure. Its main difficulty has been demonstrated by Felice Lifshitz. The texts it represents were considered historiography during the entire first - and much of the second - Christian millennium; it is difficult to treat them outside of that particular context. When they were finally deposed and proclaimed a separate category, this was mostly due to a new deity, the Nation, which was to occupy the historical holy of holies. Like biography, hagiography seems to elude excessive genre classification; Van Uytfanghe has shown that one can, at the most, speak of the hagiographic discourse. A problem that is of particular interest here is the question of gospels. The general opinion about their relationship towards pagan biography has changed dramatically, twice, within the last century. For a long time, they were considered a phenomenon sui generis, yet in recent times their resemblance to the works of classical authors is again seen as a fact.
The present study applies the relevant methodology for comparing pagan and Christian texts, established by Richard Burridge, to the lives of Antony and Pachomius. It seems that their roots within the ancient biographic tradition can be also taken for granted. Yet this is hardly an indicative fact; it certainly does not imply that the Christian lives had other formative influences apart from the obvious effect of the gospels.
The second chapter thus deals with direct contact between both traditions. It is based on a long line of research that tried to define Christian biography in terms of ancient literary genres. The search has failed to produce any satisfactory result, mostly due to problematic conceptions of the nature of genre as such. Still, it has brought to light a series of significant findings. Richard Reitzenstein has shown how Vita Antonii quotes, several times, the Life of Pythagoras by Porphyry. Astonished by this discovery, he developed a theory of nothing less than Pythagorean roots of the entire monastic movement.
This striking direct contact has justified the next logical stage in the present analysis, namely its search for parallels. Researchers have so far concentrated on the highly consequential Vita Antonii; as a counterbalance, the study here also deals with the less circulated Vita Pachomii. This confirms the more comprehensive findings and their validity for the broader Christian biographic tradition, precisely by means of its different, even marginal position. This searching for parallels is based on the system once developed by Ludwig Bieler during his inquiry into the lives of holy men of Late Antiquity. A comparison along the lines of destiny, personality, knowledge, teaching, and activity of pagan and Christian holy men actually yields several similarities between pagan and Christian tradition.
It is nonetheless difficult to label, as Reitzenstein did, the early Christian biographers as mere epigones, imitators of an existent literary genre. Seen from a closer perspective, their work is also quite different from the texts written by their pagan predecessors. Its major distinction is its constant use of the Scriptures; its constant presence in the text dwarfs the number of classical allusions. A Christian saint is not merely an updated variant of the divine philosophers but is also a new Moses, a new Elijah, a new John the Baptist.
This leads to the crux of the matter: what was the reason for using both frameworks of reference? Why did the author of the Life of Antony decide to endow the desert ascetic with features of both pagan and Christian models? What prevented him from simply relinquishing the pagan references? The answer seems to be in the polemical atmosphere of the texts mentioned; both Vita Antonii and Vita Pachomii keep questioning, in various ways, the role of παιδεία. They argue, both openly and otherwise, with those who endorse different ideas on education and the necessary cultural background. This is not only a polemic between Christianity and its surrounding pagan culture; the texts also seem to reflect the internal problems of the developing Christian community. Incorporating the pagan tradition appears to have functioned as a warrant of legitimacy, of certain enculturation of its message among the educated audience whose horizons were shaped by the classical παιδεία.
Yet the nature of this enculturation appears to have been mostly formal, designed to elicit attention and benevolence from the reader. The text brims with constant correction of this message, coupled with its simultaneous translation into the language of the Scriptures. Here, the intention is less mysterious; the author is guiding his readers towards a new message with different, Christian content.
The core of the survey deals with two predominant influences within this historical timeframe. The first is a tendency towards a free reconstruction of the author’s message, towards an adaptation of its language and culture to the audience in the target language, based on a conviction that the only way to understand the other is within a framework of what one already knows. This is opposed by the inclination towards translating the original as literally as possible and towards understanding the foreign text in its very foreignness. Both impulses may be traced through the history of translation in various cultures; the present analysis focuses on four periods in European history when one or the other was particularly dominant. The former was especially prevalent during the Roman antiquity and then again in the time of Neoclassicism; the latter prevailed with the rise of Christianity and once more during the era of Romanticism.
The Romans competed with their originals and attempted to surpass them while transforming Latin into a refined, responsive and rich language. The arrival of Christianity precipitated a radical turn. Christian translators saw their original as inspired; its tidings of salvation had to be transmitted without unnecessary and arbitrary adornment, which called for an effort to translate the text as precisely as possible; a principle which also remained the norm during the Middle Ages and the Renaissance. A further revolution was later brought about by the “unfaithful beauties”, les belles infidèles, as translations with significant adjustments to both culture and taste of the audience were called in the period of Neoclassicism. They were in turn countered by Romantic theorists and their “foreignisation”, Verfremdung, a desire to transmit an image of the original and its cultural universe which would be as precise as possible. Both currents may in fact be understood as a part of a wider debate that centres on the problem of translatability.
The inquiry is accompanied by a collection of sources for translation history, first time in Slovenian translation, provided by the author: “Letter to Fuscus on the advantages of translating” by Pliny the Younger, “Letter to Pammachius on the best way of translating” by Saint Jerome, “Preface to translation of Saint John Chrysostom” by Burgundio of Pisa, “Letter on translating the New Testament” by Desiderius Erasmus, “Dedication of translation of Lucian” by Nicolas Perrot d’Ablancourt, “Translations” by Johann Wolfgang von Goethe and “What is Translation,” a treatise by Ulrich von Wilamowitz-Moellendorf. Each text comes from a different period; together they provide the reader with a point of departure for an independent approach to the problems of translation and their historical manifestations.
Ex suo fundit gutture
Gaudetque die nitido
Et laudat diem carmine,
Salutat collem viridem
Nec non planitiem.
Quacumque ibam, ubivis
Morabar, nondum nobilem
Tam vultus pulchri, gracilis
Videbam talem virginem,
Clementi perquam animo,
Tam corde placido.
Et ubicumque adsumus
Et nos venimus obvii,
Nos mititer aspicimus
Et utriusque oculi,
Quod facit haec amoris vis,
Sunt pleni lacrimis.
A Journal of Roman Thought
Peer-reviewed scientific review (ISSN 2532-5353)
Rivista della Società Internazionale degli Amici di Cicerone
e del Centro di Studi Ciceroniani
Nuova Serie Volume IV, 2, 2020
Direttore Carlos LÉVY
Direttore esecutivo Ermanno MALASPINA
SOMMAIRE – SOMMARIO
“Cicero, Society, and the Idea of artes liberales” Atti del convegno a cura di Jerzy AXER, Katarzyna MARCINIAK 259
K. MARCINIAK, Praefatio 261
List of the Participants 270
M. PSZCZOLIŃSKA, Cronaca del Convegno 273
J. AXER, E. MALASPINA, Cicero Varsoviensis, XXX annis post / Cicero in Warsaw 30 Years Later 285
L. GAMBERALE, Si verum dicimus, haec est mea germana patria (Cic. leg. 2, 3) 291
A.A. RASCHIERI, Cicero in the Encyclopaedia of Giorgio Valla 317
W. LUDWIG, Cicero’s De officiis in Humanist School Instruction – The Philologus Incomparabilis Hieronymus Wolf and His Great Commentary (1563) 337
J. CLARE, «The Great Patrician of the Speaking Art»: Cicero, from the Republic of Letters to the English Republic 353
S. LOJKINE, D’un long silence... Cicéron dans la querelle française des inversions (1667-1751) 375
J. PIÀ-COMELLA, La réception française de Cicéron au 20e siècle : le cas Carcopino 447
Y. TAKADA, Difference Is Not Indifference: Cicero and Modern Japan 465
K. TEMPEST, Cicero’s artes liberales and the Liberal Arts 479
S. SCHREINER, Cicero im Klassenzimmer. Eine österreichische Fallstudie 501
The Formation of Civil Society: Cicero’s Role in Artes Liberales Education Today 511
W. GÖRLER, Cicero on artes liberales. Merits and Problems 513
A. BALBO, K. MARCINIAK, J. AXER, D. MOVRIN, E. MALASPINA, M. JANKA, Panel Discussion 523
Comptes rendus – Recensioni 545
C. BELTRÃO DA ROSA, F. SANTANGELO (eds.), Cicero and Roman Religion (S. ROZZI) 547
M. GALZERANO, La fine del mondo nel De Rerum Natura di Lucrezio (A. ORLANDO) 553
I. LEONARDIS, Varrone, unus scilicet antiquorum hominum. Senso del passato e pratica antiquaria (M. CALLIPO) 561
A.A. RASCHIERI, Lettura degli autori e insegnamento retorico. Ricerche intorno a Quintiliano e alla retorica antica (A. MANDRINO) 565
F. ARCARIA, «Iudicis est semper in causis verum sequi, patroni non numquam veri simile, etiam si minus sit verum, defendere»: Il “dovere di verità” tra la deontologia forense italiana e l’esperienza giuridica romana (G. SPOSITO) 569
F. CITTI, D. PELLACANI (edd.), Ragione e furore. Lucrezio nell’Italia contemporanea (A. CROTTO) 572
D. MOVRIN, E. OLECHOWSKA (eds.), Classics and Communism in Theatre. Graeco-Roman Antiquity on the Communist Stage (A. CROTTO) 576
Bulletin bibliographique – Bollettino bibliografico (S. ROZZI) 583
Abstracts – Key Words 589
Σχολαστικὸς κολυμβᾶν βουλόμενος παρὰ μικρὸν ἐπνίγνη· ὤμοσεν
οὖν μὴ ἅψασθαι ὕδατος, ἐὰν μὴ πρῶτον μάθῃ κολυμβᾶν.
Študent, ki je šel plavat, se je skoraj utopil; zato je prisegel, da se vode
ne dotakne več, dokler se prej ne nauči plavati.
Revija Clotho, poimenovana po najmlajši izmed rojenic, po tisti, ki prede nit življenja, skuša vzpostaviti nov prostor, kjer bo mogoče ustvarjati, raziskovati in se pri tem učiti. Vendar po možnosti ne na način, iz katerega se norčuje Philogelos, torej ne od daleč, ne da bi se dotaknili vode. Spogleduje se s tistimi revijami na dobrih univerzah, kjer pomembno vlogo zaupajo študentom in kjer se najboljši med njimi učijo tako, da sprejemajo odgovornost za čisto konkretne zadolžitve – ne samo za uredniške, kjer od blizu spoznajo logiko recenzentskega sistema, temveč tudi za prevajalske in za znanstvene.
eVge eXoptatVs sVrreXIt Vt arCeat Ignes
arDeret sI qVa proXIMVs VCaLegon
Krasno, postavljen je, zdaj bo lahko odganjal plamene,
če bo v bližini mostu kje Ukalégon vzplamtel.
Ukalégon je precej obskurna mitološka figura, Priamov prijatelj iz tretjega speva Iliade, novi prevod Jelene Isak Kres ga označi kot »razsodnega moža«. Potem se pojavi še pri Vergiliju, v drugem spevu Eneide, ko Ahajci požgejo Trojo - in še enkrat, že s pridihom parodije, pri Juvenalu, v tretji satiri, ki sem jo nekoč prevajal in si najbrž samo zato zapomnil ime. Primožu se je zdelo imenitno dvoje - da so učeni Ljubljančani v začetku 19. stoletja na most vzidali še kar subtilno literarno referenco in da so jo njihovi potomci več rodov kasneje, v začetku 20. stoletja, spoštljivo ohranili. Ploščo sem si shranil v telefon in zraven pomislil, kako značilno je za Primoža, da ti zna sredi Zmajskega mostu, ki si ga videl že tolikokrat, odpreti oči za Homerja, Vergilija in Juvenala, ki so vzidani vanj. Hkrati sem razmišljal, kako bi ga nagovoril za članek o tem napisu, da bi ga lahko objavili v novi znanstveni reviji, ki jo pripravljamo z našimi študenti. Ravno na študente na svojem oddelku je bil vedno zelo ponosen. Naslednjega jutra sem potem izvedel, da članka ne bo, tako da ne vem, kaj bi mi rekel. Precej dobro pa vem, kaj si misli zdajle, kjerkoli že bere to zgodbo in njeno čudno sumljivo časovno sovpadanje. Z nasmeškom si mrmra misel nekega drugega skeptičnega učenjaka, Giordana Bruna, ki jo je rad citiral: Se non è vero, è ben trovato. Če že ni res, je pa vsaj dobro izmišljeno.
Head of a traveller, wherefore seeking whom
Whence by what way how purposed art thou come
To this well-nightingaled vicinity?
My object in inquiring is to know.
But if you happen to be deaf and dumb
And do not understand a word I say,
Then wave your hand, to signify as much.
ALCMAEON: I journeyed hither a Boetian road.
CHORUS: Sailing on horseback, or with feet for oars?
ALCMAEON: Plying with speed my partnership of legs.
CHORUS: Beneath a shining or a rainy Zeus?
ALCMAEON: Mud's sister, not himself, adorns my shoes.
CHORUS: To learn your name would not displease me much.
ALCMAEON: Not all that men desire do they obtain.
CHORUS: Might I then hear at what thy presence shoots.
ALCMAEON: A shepherd's questioned mouth informed me that--
CHORUS: What? for I know not yet what you will say.
ALCMAEON: Nor will you ever, if you interrupt.
CHORUS: Proceed, and I will hold my speechless tongue.
ALCMAEON: This house was Eriphyle's, no one else's.
CHORUS: Nor did he shame his throat with shameful lies.
ALCMAEON: May I then enter, passing through the door?
CHORUS: Go chase into the house a lucky foot.
And, O my son, be, on the one hand, good,
And do not, on the other hand, be bad;
For that is very much the safest plan.
ALCMAEON: I go into the house with heels and speed.
The book is divided into 7 parts: The Basics, Language, The Traditional Fields, The Physical Remains, The Written Word, The Classics and Related Disciplines, The Classics since Antiquity. Topics covered range from history and literature, lexicography and linguistics, epigraphy and palaeography, to archaeology and numismatics, and the study and reception of the classics.
Guidance is given not only to read, for example, an archaeological or papyrological report, but also on how to find such sources when they are relevant to research. Concentrating on "how-to" topics, the Handbook for Classical Research is a much needed resource for both teachers and students.
Nesrečnik, kdorkoli že je! V njegovih besedah lahko prepoznamo zahrbtnost velikih duhovnikov,2 ki so takole zmerjali križanega Gospoda: »Druge je rešil, sebe pa ne more rešiti.« Resnično, ko bi bil ta človek, kdorkoli že je, rojen v tistih časih, bi proti Gospodu bržkone govoril z enakim glasom, s kakršnim zdaj izreka bogokletje proti Gospodovemu svetniku.
Zato sem ustvaril to knjižico in se pri tem zanašam nate v prepričanju, da je ne boš pokazal nikomur, saj si tako obljubil. Vseeno pa se bojim, da boš ti zanjo predstavljal nekakšna vrata, in ko bo enkrat zunaj, je ne bo mogoče priklicati nazaj. Če se bo to zgodilo in se ti bo zdelo primerno, da jo prebere še kdo, te prosim, poskrbi, da bodo bralci bolj pozorni na dejanja v njej kot na besede, ki jih posredujejo. Naj potrpijo, če jih bo v ušesih zbodel pomanjkljiv slog, saj božje kraljestvo ne stoji na zgovornosti, temveč na veri. Spomnijo naj se tudi, da odrešenja svetu niso oznanili govorniki (če bi bilo koristno, bi namreč Gospod lahko ubral tudi to pot), temveč ribiči.
Besedilo grške recenzije A je prevedeno po kritični izdaji, ki jo je oskrbel Tony Burke, De infantia Iesu evangelium Thomae Graece, Corpus christianorum – series apocryphorum 17 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2010). Po njej in po izdaji Gerharda Schneiderja Evangelia infantiae apocrypha (Freiburg: Herder, 1995) so povečini povzete tudi opombe.
Besedilo papirusa je prevedeno po kritični izdaji Praxeis Paulou – Acta Pauli: Nach dem Papyrus der Hamburger Staats- und Universitäts-
Bibliothek (Hamburg: J. J. Augustin, 1936), ki sta jo objavila Wilhelm Schubart in Carl Schmidt. Po tej izdaji so povzete tudi opombe z numeracijo. Na mestu, kjer je papirus poškodovan in sta besedilo dopolnila Schubart in Schmidt, so oklepaji; njihova uporabnost v prevodu hitro naleti na svoje meje. Brati jih je treba cum grano salis, vendar po svoje opozarjajo na nezanesljivost pisne predloge, kot se je ohranila. – Slabo berljiva in nezanesljiva mesta, tudi teh je precej, v prevodu niso posebej označena.
že pri njegovem učitelju Klementu Aleksandrijskem. Ali z njim lahko
enačimo tako imenovani »Petrov nauk« (gr. didaskalía), ostaja odprto.
Po devetih letih jalovega obleganja si je Odisej izmislil zvijačo, trojanskega konja, polnega skritih vojakov. Grki so ga res zgradili, ga kot spravni dar boginji Ateni pustili na obali in dozdevno odšli, v resnici pa so odpluli le do bližnjega otoka Teneda. Zmagoslavni Trojanci so konja pripeljali v mesto, Grki z Odisejem na čelu pa so se ponoči splazili ven in odprli vrata rojakom, ki so se vmes vrnili. Skupaj so požgali in oropali nebogljeno mesto, v zmedi pobili mataste sovražnike, si s plenom vred razdelili še njihove ženske in se začeli pripravljati na odhod domov.
Zgodovinska slika je za spoznanje bolj zapletena, Pahomij ni bil najverjetneje ne prvi ne edini samotar, ki je odkril, da »človeku ni dobro samemu biti«, vsaj hkrati z njegovimi so v Egiptu že obstajali tudi drugi samostani. Toda kirurški vpogled v skupinsko dinamiko, v duhovne prednosti in čustvene pasti skupnega življenja, ki ga ponujajo Pahomijevi življenjepisci, ostaja s svojo nadrobnostjo nepreseženo okno v trenutek, ko so se korenine samostanov, na katere se je kasneje oprla Benediktova Evropa, zasidrale v egiptovskem pesku in se začele v njem nepričakovano naglo razraščati.
kdo s takšnim možem (kot pravi Ajshil) se bo spoprijel?
Kdo sodi obenj? Kdo je zanesljiv?
se je zazdelo, da se ustanovitelj lepih in opevanih Aten lahko primerja in kosa z očetom nepremagljivega in slovečega Rima. Nemara mi torej uspe, da z razumom očistim povest in ji dam podobo zgodovine; kjer pa trmasto prezira to, kar je še verjetnega, in ne sprejema mešanja s tem, kar se spodobi, bom molil za naklonjene bralce, ki starodavne pripovedi sprejemajo s prizanesljivostjo.
The conference was interdisciplinary and presented Jerome in the light of the latest discoveries; its particular focus were the archaeological finds of Christian Emona from 2018. The papers considered – but were not limited to – researching Jerome within the framework of historical context, archaeology, biblical exegesis, patristics, classical philology, and theology. The symposium was organized by the Slovenian Academy of Sciences and Arts together with the Faculty of Theology and Faculty of Arts of the University of Ljubljana.
The purpose of the symposium is to bring together scholars from different fields of humanities, arts and literature, and to investigate the present social and spiritual condition, when it sometimes seems that the role of humanistic tradition is diminishing. The papers will shed light on these challenges, discussing the role of the arts and their relevance for the world and the human person, as well as their role in the future of an open and solidarity-based democratic society.
Ohranilo se je 35 knjig, knjige 1–10 ter 21–45 ter redki odlomki drugih (denimo tisti, v katerih opisuje Ciceronovo smrt in jih je ohranil
Seneka Starejši), ter periohe, kratki izvlečki posameznih knjig, spisani verjetno med 3. in 4. stoletjem; zlasti dragoceni so pri tistih knjigah, ki so danes izgubljene.
This is the topic to which this particular volume is primarily dedicated. Both established as well as younger European scholars explore different literary, philosophical, ethical, aesthetic, religious, cultural, and social aspects of humanism. Most of the studies highlight its historical dimension: humanism was grounded in ancient literature and thought, and has shaped the conceptual framework of reception and interpretation of antiquity for centuries (Weiss, Kersten, Movrin, and Senegačnik). At the same time, its cognitive and ethical dynamics developed and upgraded its traditions, and thus directed the flow of European culture and, in some respects, even transformed the foundations of its civilization.
However, humanism was not shaped exclusively by its relation to antiquity: a valuable source, as well as contrast to its anthropology, was medieval Christian anthropology, mainly as reflected in its supreme expression, Dante’s poetry (Širca). In the following chapters, history is analyzed from several perspectives: on the one hand, there are investigations of conceptual movements in the understanding of the world, time and human being, which have expanded the general, “global” horizon of humanistic thinkers (Szönyi, Molnár, Łukaszyk). On the other hand, there is research exploring national and regional luminaries (Marinčič on the influence of P. P. Vergerius on P. Trubar, Pobežin on P. P. Vergerius, and Hriberšek on Ž. Herberstein) and literary phenomena. These studies frequently redefine the established literary and historical image of the humanist period.
The second thematic area of this volume is devoted to the challenges of humanism. To the influence of its central ideas on contemporary culture, particularly on literature (Kuret); to cognitive, ethical, and social dilemmas arising from the conflict of humanistic anthropology and the new patterns in understanding the human condition; and finally to the possibilities opened up by the fresh readings of the humanist tradition.
The studies of this volume offer several original insights and new perspectives on the cultural issues of the present time, with contributions that analyze the fundamental experience of humanity in the horizon of humanistic self-understanding (Russo). With globalization as well as with the revolution in media and communication, humanistic culture faces radical changes, which require new reflections regarding the concept of individual disciplines (Zabel).
Rokopisna oblika besedila je v natisu spremenjena v tem, da so imena govorečih oseb pomaknjena z levega roba med tekoče besedilo, dvopičja za njimi, ki uvajajo replike, pa so opuščena. Oštevilčenje, ki ga v rokopisu ni, je dodano za večjo preglednost besedila in za lažjo uporabo spremne študije. Številke strani so pomaknjene z vrha strani na dno. Ohranjene so oblike grških imen iz rokopisa (Zeus; Haimon; Polineikes; Teiresias; nominativi Antigone, Ismene, Evridike, Kreon), ki so odraz tedanjih pravopisnih norm, pa tudi nedorečenosti (npr. Dionizos, Pallada), a niso samo jezikovni in kulturni dokument časa, temveč dajejo besedilu značilen kolorit. V skrajno redkih primerih so bili potrebni lektorski popravki pri postavljanju ločil, pri čemer so bila upoštevana pravila iz časa, ko je prevod nastal. Prevajalčeve (redke) napake in lastne popravke »tehničnega« besedila (oštevilčenja strani) ta izdaja izpušča.
Prevajalec sam opozarja na posebnost zborskih partij in liričnih vložkov, ki jih je prevajal v rimah. Ti deli besedila (v Antigoni je to šest zborskih pesmi in dva komosa, žalostinki, ki ju izvajata izmenoma zbor in posamezen dramski lik) so bili izvorno namenjeni petju: po zgledu nekaterih uveljavljenih izdaj grških tragedij so v tej knjigi natisnjeni ležeče. Če so besede, ki jih je vodja zbora prvotno govoril (npr. verzi 178–181), prevedene v rimanih verzih, so v skladu s prevajalčevo predstavo prav tako natisnjene ležeče.
V knjigi je reproduciran odlomek iz Hribovškovega rokopisa, ki naj bralcu odkrije vidno sled pesnikovega največjega prevajalskega dela in mu tudi na ta način približa njegov svet.
slepota je rdeča nit drame, Sofokles nanjo opozori že v prvem verzu – se po letih tavanja z Antigono ustavi v Atenah. Zaničevani in nemočni starec, antični kralj Lear, je prepuščen muham ali naklonjenosti krajevnih veljakov in usmiljenju ali brezbrižnosti lastnih otrok, Antigone in Ismene ter Eteokla in Polinejka. A kdor vidi, je slep, znova
ugotavlja Sofokles, in šele kdor je slep, v resnici vidi. Ojdip kot tebanski kralj ni bil tisto, kar so v njem videli someščani, kot berač in begunec pa po dolgem trpljenju ni to, za kar ga imajo zdaj. V Tebah je veljal za rešitelja in modrega vladarja, ki je strl Sfingino uganko, vendar ni vedel niti tega, kdo je, zaradi njega je po mestu začela pustošiti kuga. V očeh Atencev sprva obvelja za nadležnega pritepenca, a ga na koncu k sebi pokliče bog, mestu v blagoslov. Čas, v katerem je nastajala drama, je bil bridek tako za pisca kot za njegovo mesto. Atene, ki so se opotekale skozi zadnja leta že izgubljene peloponeške vojne, so se kmalu po Sofoklovi smrti izmučene in sestradane predale Sparti. Ostarelega Sofokla je lastnti sin v sporu s polbratom na sodišču dolžil starostne neprištevnosti, ta izkušnja se najbrž zrcali v trpkem opisu Ojdipovega spora s Polinejkom. »Tedaj je baje starec sodnikom recitiral dramo, ki jo je imel ravno v rokah in jo je nazadnje napisal, Ojdipa v Kolonu,«
pripoveduje Ciceron v svojem razmišljanju o starosti. »Nato je sodnike vprašal, ali lahko takšno pesem ustvari nekdo, ki je neprišteven. Po recitaciji so sodniki izrekli oprostilno sodbo.«