This article examines two closely related themes: the triangle of tradition, capital and the stat... more This article examines two closely related themes: the triangle of tradition, capital and the state; and resistance to neotraditional leadership and local activism for democracy. I investigate an uprising in the Topnaar Traditional Authority in the Erongo region of Namibia by young community activists who aimed to promote democracy in their community in a context of manifold accusations of self-enrichment and corruption against the neotraditional leadership. The article demonstrates that the corporatization of tradition is a double-edged sword: neotraditional leaders expand their local power towards their subjects in the short term, but it often produces severe conflict that may result in the delegitimization of neotraditional authority in the long run. However, the Topnaar youth uprising and quest for democracy was less about challenging neotraditional authority per se and more about replacing the incumbents as well as obtaining a fair share of political power. It resulted from the ...
An electronic version of this book is freely available, thanks to the support of libraries workin... more An electronic version of this book is freely available, thanks to the support of libraries working with Knowledge Unlatched. KU is a collaborative initiative designed to make high quality books Open Access for the public good.
Travelling Models in African Conflict Management, 2014
This chapter is concerned with the localisation of the travelling model of democracy and in the t... more This chapter is concerned with the localisation of the travelling model of democracy and in the transformations of the local political arena in postapartheid South Africa. It illustrates the creativity of local political actors in dealing with the liberal democratic model as enshrined in the South African constitution; against a background of severe violent conflict, new forms of local political power have emerged in recent years. These transformations become, amongst others, obvious in the quest for one-party rule. Violent competition between political parties in the recent past makes multi-party democracy appear as a threat to fragile peace and stability and it is therefore rejected in daily political routine and local political culture. The most evident case for the local divergence from, and conversion of, the liberal democratic model, and thus for newly emerging forms of political power is the dualism of neotraditional and party-political institutions in local government. Keywords: democracy; iberal democratic model; local government; party-political institutions; South Africa; travelling model; violent competition
... 153 Literatur Bank, Leslie/Southall, Roger (1996): „Traditional Leaders in South Africa&a... more ... 153 Literatur Bank, Leslie/Southall, Roger (1996): „Traditional Leaders in South Africa's New Democ-racy“, Journal of Legal Pluralism and Unofficial Law, 37-38, 407-429. ... Buur, Lars/Kyed, Helene M. (Hg.) (2007): State Recognition and Democratization in Sub-Saharan Africa. ...
Am 18. Mai 2013 ist Trutz von Trotha nach schwerer Krankheit verstorben. Seitdem sind Nachrufe au... more Am 18. Mai 2013 ist Trutz von Trotha nach schwerer Krankheit verstorben. Seitdem sind Nachrufe auf ihn von soziologischer, rechtssoziologischer und kriminologischer Seite erschienen, was darauf verweist, wie disziplinenubergreifend Trutz von Trotha gedacht, gearbeitet und gewirkt hat, ohne aber „Interdisziplinaritat“ um ihrer selbst Willen oder gar wegen der Aussicht auf Forschungsgelder zu betreiben. Zeitgeist war Trutz von Trothas Sache nicht – und dies zeigte sich insbesondere in seinem Wissenschaftsverstandnis, auf das ich weiter unten eingehe. Zunachst wird dieser Nachruf jedoch Trutz von Trothas Bedeutung fur die Ethnologie hervorheben, obwohl er sich selbst zeitlebens als Soziologe verstand.
Zusammenfassung Der Beitrag untersucht die Legitimitat und Transformation neotraditionaler Herrsc... more Zusammenfassung Der Beitrag untersucht die Legitimitat und Transformation neotraditionaler Herrschaft im Kontext der Demokratisierung in KwaZulu-Natal (Sudafrika) und Namibia. Demokratisierung bewirkt nicht zwangslaufig den vielfach prophezeiten Niedergang des Hauptlingtums und neotraditionale Herrscher sind in sehr unterschiedlicher Weise in der Lage, sich den veranderten politischen Rahmenbedingungen anzupassen. Die ausgepragte Diversitat neotraditionaler Legitimitat und Macht ist Ausdruck des kreativen Umgangs mit den demokratischen Anforderungen staatlicher, internationaler und transnationaler Akteure und Einrichtungen. Der Beitrag kritisiert Mamdanis polarisierende These des „dezentralisierten Despotismus“ und argumentiert, dass sich im Zuge der Demokratisierungsprozesse der 1990er Jahre eine Vielzahl von Typen neotraditionaler Herrschaft im subsaharischen Afrika herausbildete, die sich anhand der Abhangigkeit vom postkolonialen Staat, der Auspragung lokaler sowie uberlokaler Macht und ihrer Legitimi...
Political violence" is seemingly on the rise again in KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. The violence t... more Political violence" is seemingly on the rise again in KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. The violence that began in the 1980s and reached a peak in the transition period resurfaced before the local government elections in August 2016. Krämer provides a processual understanding of local dynamics of violence in the eThekwini Municipality and situates the current episode within the historical trajectory of violent conflict. He examines how exclusionary identities get activated in local elections and argues that underlying the violence between supporters of hostile political parties are conflicting forms of autochthonous belonging and contradictory ideas about what constitutes membership in a community. Résumé: La « violence politique » semble à nouveau à la hausse au KwaZulu-Natal, en Afrique du Sud. La violence qui a débuté dans les années 1980 et a culminé pendant la période de transition a refait surface avant les élections locales d'août 2016. Krämer fournit une compréhension processuelle de la dynamique locale de la violence dans la municipalité d'eThekwini et situe l'épisode actuel dans la trajectoire historique du conflit violent. Krämer examine comment les identités d'exclusion s'activent dans les élections locales et fait valoir qu'existe, sous la violence entre les partisans de partis politiques hostiles, des formes contradictoires d'appartenance autochtone et d'idées contraires sur ce qui constitue l'appartenance à une communauté.
Are South African chiefs rural and peri-urban despots or have they transformed to legitimate repr... more Are South African chiefs rural and peri-urban despots or have they transformed to legitimate representatives of local interests in the post-apartheid era? This article argues that the legitimacy of chieftaincy in KwaZulu-Natal is not only based on constitutional and legal recognition, but that chieftaincy may rely on different forms of ‘basic legitimacy’. Chieftaincy is neither despotic nor civil but occupies an intermediary position between local citizens and the state. This junction position provides chiefs with specific opportunities to gain power but also requires a navigation between cooperation and conflict in the relationship with the ANC and the state.
Are South African chiefs rural and peri-urban despots or have they transformed to legitimate repr... more Are South African chiefs rural and peri-urban despots or have they transformed to legitimate representatives of local interests in the post-apartheid era? This article argues that the legitimacy of chieftaincy in KwaZulu-Natal is not only based on constitutional and legal recognition, but that chieftaincy may rely on different forms of ‘basic legitimacy’. Chieftaincy is neither despotic nor civil but occupies an intermediary position between local citizens and the state. This junction position provides chiefs with specific opportunities to gain power but also requires a navigation between cooperation and conflict in the relationship with the ANC and the state.
Are South African chiefs rural and peri-urban despots or have they transformed to legitimate repr... more Are South African chiefs rural and peri-urban despots or have they transformed to legitimate representatives of local interests in the post-apartheid era? This article argues that the legitimacy of chieftaincy in KwaZulu-Natal is not only based on constitutional and legal recognition, but that chieftaincy may rely on different forms of ‘basic legitimacy’. Chieftaincy is neither despotic nor civil but occupies an intermediary position between local citizens and the state. This junction position provides chiefs with specific opportunities to gain power but also requires a navigation between cooperation and conflict in the relationship with the ANC and the state.
This article examines two closely related themes: the triangle of tradition, capital and the stat... more This article examines two closely related themes: the triangle of tradition, capital and the state; and resistance to neotraditional leadership and local activism for democracy. I investigate an uprising in the Topnaar Traditional Authority in the Erongo region of Namibia by young community activists who aimed to promote democracy in their community in a context of manifold accusations of self-enrichment and corruption against the neotraditional leadership. The article demonstrates that the corporatization of tradition is a double-edged sword: neotraditional leaders expand their local power towards their subjects in the short term, but it often produces severe conflict that may result in the delegitimization of neotraditional authority in the long run. However, the Topnaar youth uprising and quest for democracy was less about challenging neotraditional authority per se and more about replacing the incumbents as well as obtaining a fair share of political power. It resulted from the perception that the neotraditional-cum-corporate ventures no longer served the cause of a common good; this, in turn, contradicted the general ideal of equality among the Topnaar. The corporatization of tradition thus generated local grievances and stimulated demands for democratic participation. Since the uprising gained at least some of its momentum from my research on neotraditional authority, I also reflect on my role.
"Political violence" is seemingly on the rise again in KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. The violence ... more "Political violence" is seemingly on the rise again in KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. The violence that began in the 1980s and reached a peak in the transition period resurfaced before the local government elections in August 2016. Krämer provides a processual understanding of local dynamics of violence in the eThekwini Municipality and situates the current episode within the historical trajectory of violent conflict. He examines how exclusionary identities get activated in local elections and argues that underlying the violence between supporters of hostile political parties are conflicting forms of autochthonous belonging and contradictory ideas about what constitutes membership in a community.
Are South African chiefs rural and peri-urban despots or have they transformed to legitimate repr... more Are South African chiefs rural and peri-urban despots or have they transformed to legitimate representatives of local interests in the post-apartheid era? This article argues that the legitimacy of chieftaincy in KwaZulu-Natal is not only based on constitutional and legal recognition, but that chieftaincy may rely on different forms of ‘basic legitimacy’. Chieftaincy is neither despotic nor civil but occupies an intermediary position between local citizens and the state. This junction position provides chiefs with specific opportunities to gain power but also requires a navigation between cooperation and conflict in the relationship with the ANC and the state.
How did the small war in KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa affect the legitimacy of chieftaincy? The ar... more How did the small war in KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa affect the legitimacy of chieftaincy? The article tries to answer this question by applying the concept of „basic legitimacy“. My argument is that the acceptance of chiefs is based on the accumulation of basic legitimacies and specifically on the „basic legitimacy of violent resistance“. It refers to resistance against a political order that is perceived as arbitrary and unjust and it provides the organizers with compliance by their subordinates even beyond the original phase of violent resistance. The significance of the basic legitimacy of violent resistance becomes clear in commemoration ceremonies, which are a common feature of public life in the post-apartheid era. The article illustrates and analyses such commemoration ceremonies and explains how chiefs make us of them in order to legitimize their rule.
This article examines two closely related themes: the triangle of tradition, capital and the stat... more This article examines two closely related themes: the triangle of tradition, capital and the state; and resistance to neotraditional leadership and local activism for democracy. I investigate an uprising in the Topnaar Traditional Authority in the Erongo region of Namibia by young community activists who aimed to promote democracy in their community in a context of manifold accusations of self-enrichment and corruption against the neotraditional leadership. The article demonstrates that the corporatization of tradition is a double-edged sword: neotraditional leaders expand their local power towards their subjects in the short term, but it often produces severe conflict that may result in the delegitimization of neotraditional authority in the long run. However, the Topnaar youth uprising and quest for democracy was less about challenging neotraditional authority per se and more about replacing the incumbents as well as obtaining a fair share of political power. It resulted from the ...
An electronic version of this book is freely available, thanks to the support of libraries workin... more An electronic version of this book is freely available, thanks to the support of libraries working with Knowledge Unlatched. KU is a collaborative initiative designed to make high quality books Open Access for the public good.
Travelling Models in African Conflict Management, 2014
This chapter is concerned with the localisation of the travelling model of democracy and in the t... more This chapter is concerned with the localisation of the travelling model of democracy and in the transformations of the local political arena in postapartheid South Africa. It illustrates the creativity of local political actors in dealing with the liberal democratic model as enshrined in the South African constitution; against a background of severe violent conflict, new forms of local political power have emerged in recent years. These transformations become, amongst others, obvious in the quest for one-party rule. Violent competition between political parties in the recent past makes multi-party democracy appear as a threat to fragile peace and stability and it is therefore rejected in daily political routine and local political culture. The most evident case for the local divergence from, and conversion of, the liberal democratic model, and thus for newly emerging forms of political power is the dualism of neotraditional and party-political institutions in local government. Keywords: democracy; iberal democratic model; local government; party-political institutions; South Africa; travelling model; violent competition
... 153 Literatur Bank, Leslie/Southall, Roger (1996): „Traditional Leaders in South Africa&a... more ... 153 Literatur Bank, Leslie/Southall, Roger (1996): „Traditional Leaders in South Africa's New Democ-racy“, Journal of Legal Pluralism and Unofficial Law, 37-38, 407-429. ... Buur, Lars/Kyed, Helene M. (Hg.) (2007): State Recognition and Democratization in Sub-Saharan Africa. ...
Am 18. Mai 2013 ist Trutz von Trotha nach schwerer Krankheit verstorben. Seitdem sind Nachrufe au... more Am 18. Mai 2013 ist Trutz von Trotha nach schwerer Krankheit verstorben. Seitdem sind Nachrufe auf ihn von soziologischer, rechtssoziologischer und kriminologischer Seite erschienen, was darauf verweist, wie disziplinenubergreifend Trutz von Trotha gedacht, gearbeitet und gewirkt hat, ohne aber „Interdisziplinaritat“ um ihrer selbst Willen oder gar wegen der Aussicht auf Forschungsgelder zu betreiben. Zeitgeist war Trutz von Trothas Sache nicht – und dies zeigte sich insbesondere in seinem Wissenschaftsverstandnis, auf das ich weiter unten eingehe. Zunachst wird dieser Nachruf jedoch Trutz von Trothas Bedeutung fur die Ethnologie hervorheben, obwohl er sich selbst zeitlebens als Soziologe verstand.
Zusammenfassung Der Beitrag untersucht die Legitimitat und Transformation neotraditionaler Herrsc... more Zusammenfassung Der Beitrag untersucht die Legitimitat und Transformation neotraditionaler Herrschaft im Kontext der Demokratisierung in KwaZulu-Natal (Sudafrika) und Namibia. Demokratisierung bewirkt nicht zwangslaufig den vielfach prophezeiten Niedergang des Hauptlingtums und neotraditionale Herrscher sind in sehr unterschiedlicher Weise in der Lage, sich den veranderten politischen Rahmenbedingungen anzupassen. Die ausgepragte Diversitat neotraditionaler Legitimitat und Macht ist Ausdruck des kreativen Umgangs mit den demokratischen Anforderungen staatlicher, internationaler und transnationaler Akteure und Einrichtungen. Der Beitrag kritisiert Mamdanis polarisierende These des „dezentralisierten Despotismus“ und argumentiert, dass sich im Zuge der Demokratisierungsprozesse der 1990er Jahre eine Vielzahl von Typen neotraditionaler Herrschaft im subsaharischen Afrika herausbildete, die sich anhand der Abhangigkeit vom postkolonialen Staat, der Auspragung lokaler sowie uberlokaler Macht und ihrer Legitimi...
Political violence" is seemingly on the rise again in KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. The violence t... more Political violence" is seemingly on the rise again in KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. The violence that began in the 1980s and reached a peak in the transition period resurfaced before the local government elections in August 2016. Krämer provides a processual understanding of local dynamics of violence in the eThekwini Municipality and situates the current episode within the historical trajectory of violent conflict. He examines how exclusionary identities get activated in local elections and argues that underlying the violence between supporters of hostile political parties are conflicting forms of autochthonous belonging and contradictory ideas about what constitutes membership in a community. Résumé: La « violence politique » semble à nouveau à la hausse au KwaZulu-Natal, en Afrique du Sud. La violence qui a débuté dans les années 1980 et a culminé pendant la période de transition a refait surface avant les élections locales d'août 2016. Krämer fournit une compréhension processuelle de la dynamique locale de la violence dans la municipalité d'eThekwini et situe l'épisode actuel dans la trajectoire historique du conflit violent. Krämer examine comment les identités d'exclusion s'activent dans les élections locales et fait valoir qu'existe, sous la violence entre les partisans de partis politiques hostiles, des formes contradictoires d'appartenance autochtone et d'idées contraires sur ce qui constitue l'appartenance à une communauté.
Are South African chiefs rural and peri-urban despots or have they transformed to legitimate repr... more Are South African chiefs rural and peri-urban despots or have they transformed to legitimate representatives of local interests in the post-apartheid era? This article argues that the legitimacy of chieftaincy in KwaZulu-Natal is not only based on constitutional and legal recognition, but that chieftaincy may rely on different forms of ‘basic legitimacy’. Chieftaincy is neither despotic nor civil but occupies an intermediary position between local citizens and the state. This junction position provides chiefs with specific opportunities to gain power but also requires a navigation between cooperation and conflict in the relationship with the ANC and the state.
Are South African chiefs rural and peri-urban despots or have they transformed to legitimate repr... more Are South African chiefs rural and peri-urban despots or have they transformed to legitimate representatives of local interests in the post-apartheid era? This article argues that the legitimacy of chieftaincy in KwaZulu-Natal is not only based on constitutional and legal recognition, but that chieftaincy may rely on different forms of ‘basic legitimacy’. Chieftaincy is neither despotic nor civil but occupies an intermediary position between local citizens and the state. This junction position provides chiefs with specific opportunities to gain power but also requires a navigation between cooperation and conflict in the relationship with the ANC and the state.
Are South African chiefs rural and peri-urban despots or have they transformed to legitimate repr... more Are South African chiefs rural and peri-urban despots or have they transformed to legitimate representatives of local interests in the post-apartheid era? This article argues that the legitimacy of chieftaincy in KwaZulu-Natal is not only based on constitutional and legal recognition, but that chieftaincy may rely on different forms of ‘basic legitimacy’. Chieftaincy is neither despotic nor civil but occupies an intermediary position between local citizens and the state. This junction position provides chiefs with specific opportunities to gain power but also requires a navigation between cooperation and conflict in the relationship with the ANC and the state.
This article examines two closely related themes: the triangle of tradition, capital and the stat... more This article examines two closely related themes: the triangle of tradition, capital and the state; and resistance to neotraditional leadership and local activism for democracy. I investigate an uprising in the Topnaar Traditional Authority in the Erongo region of Namibia by young community activists who aimed to promote democracy in their community in a context of manifold accusations of self-enrichment and corruption against the neotraditional leadership. The article demonstrates that the corporatization of tradition is a double-edged sword: neotraditional leaders expand their local power towards their subjects in the short term, but it often produces severe conflict that may result in the delegitimization of neotraditional authority in the long run. However, the Topnaar youth uprising and quest for democracy was less about challenging neotraditional authority per se and more about replacing the incumbents as well as obtaining a fair share of political power. It resulted from the perception that the neotraditional-cum-corporate ventures no longer served the cause of a common good; this, in turn, contradicted the general ideal of equality among the Topnaar. The corporatization of tradition thus generated local grievances and stimulated demands for democratic participation. Since the uprising gained at least some of its momentum from my research on neotraditional authority, I also reflect on my role.
"Political violence" is seemingly on the rise again in KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. The violence ... more "Political violence" is seemingly on the rise again in KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. The violence that began in the 1980s and reached a peak in the transition period resurfaced before the local government elections in August 2016. Krämer provides a processual understanding of local dynamics of violence in the eThekwini Municipality and situates the current episode within the historical trajectory of violent conflict. He examines how exclusionary identities get activated in local elections and argues that underlying the violence between supporters of hostile political parties are conflicting forms of autochthonous belonging and contradictory ideas about what constitutes membership in a community.
Are South African chiefs rural and peri-urban despots or have they transformed to legitimate repr... more Are South African chiefs rural and peri-urban despots or have they transformed to legitimate representatives of local interests in the post-apartheid era? This article argues that the legitimacy of chieftaincy in KwaZulu-Natal is not only based on constitutional and legal recognition, but that chieftaincy may rely on different forms of ‘basic legitimacy’. Chieftaincy is neither despotic nor civil but occupies an intermediary position between local citizens and the state. This junction position provides chiefs with specific opportunities to gain power but also requires a navigation between cooperation and conflict in the relationship with the ANC and the state.
How did the small war in KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa affect the legitimacy of chieftaincy? The ar... more How did the small war in KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa affect the legitimacy of chieftaincy? The article tries to answer this question by applying the concept of „basic legitimacy“. My argument is that the acceptance of chiefs is based on the accumulation of basic legitimacies and specifically on the „basic legitimacy of violent resistance“. It refers to resistance against a political order that is perceived as arbitrary and unjust and it provides the organizers with compliance by their subordinates even beyond the original phase of violent resistance. The significance of the basic legitimacy of violent resistance becomes clear in commemoration ceremonies, which are a common feature of public life in the post-apartheid era. The article illustrates and analyses such commemoration ceremonies and explains how chiefs make us of them in order to legitimize their rule.
Es mehrt sich eine tiefgreifende Sorge in Europa und Nordamerika: Die Sorge vor dem Auseinanderbr... more Es mehrt sich eine tiefgreifende Sorge in Europa und Nordamerika: Die Sorge vor dem Auseinanderbrechen der Gesellschaft und des Niedergangs demokratischer Prinzipien, vielleicht sogar der Demokratie als solcher. Sicherlich, für manche mag diese Sorge vielmehr ein Versprechen darstellen, aber in unseren akademischen Kreisen, die sich größtenteils Weltoffenheit, Menschenrechte, Minderheitenschutz und Gleichberechtigung auf die Fahnen schreiben, ist der Aufstieg von populistischen Bewegungen (was immer sich konkret dahinter verbirgt) unerklärlich, befremdlich, abstoßend. Daher hat sich die amerikanische Soziologin Arlie Russell Hochschild vor dem Hintergrund der zunehmend zutage tretenden Risse in der US-amerikanischen Gesellschaft aus ihrem liberalen (im US-amerikanischen Sinne) Universitätsmilieu in Berkeley auf den Weg in den Süden aufgemacht, um die Weltsicht politisch weit rechts stehender Unterstützer der Tea Party-Bewegung in Louisiana zu ergründen. Warum kann dies für Ethnologinnen und Ethnologen relevant und interessant sein?
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