Articles by Iman R. Abdulfattah
Guardian of Ancient Egypt: Studies in Honor of Zahi Hawass, 2020
Khaled el-Naka Print Tiskárny Havlíčkův Brod, a.s.
Living with Nature and Things: Contributions to a New Social History of the Middle Islamic Periods, 2020
Mamluk Studies Review, 2017
Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt , Aug 20, 2015
Journal of Islamic Archaeology, Aug 2014
The acquisition, trade and confiscation of relics of the Prophet Muḥammad during the Medieval per... more The acquisition, trade and confiscation of relics of the Prophet Muḥammad during the Medieval period is well documented in the primary sources. Such relics, from the impression of his feet in stone to artifacts believed to be his personal possessions, are prominently displayed in Egypt. The purpose of this article is to examine the history of footprints and other relics of the Prophet Muḥammad associated with three buildings in Cairo that date to the Mamluk period: Ribāṭ al-Āthār (707 AH/1307 CE); the Funerary Complex of Qaytbāy (877-879 AH/1472-1474 CE); and the Funerary Complex of al-Ghurī (908-911 AH/1503-1505 CE). The functions associated with these buildings vary, yet in all cases the main purpose of the foundation is to commemorate a deceased person and/or the relics of the Prophet. Although the Prophet never traveled to Egypt during his lifetime, the presence of his footprints and other effects in Cairo raises several questions. First, how and when did these artifacts arrive in Cairo? Second, does their arrival several centuries after the Prophet's death, and subsequent collecting and displaying, raise questions of intent and motivation? Third, were there specific events that precipitated their arrival during the Mamluk period? Finally, what, if any, is the significance of the placement of Prophet's relics in these buildings?
Experimentierfeld Museum: Internationale Perspektiven auf Museum, Islam und Inklusion, Jul 2014
The Arts of the Mamluks in Egypt and Syria – Evolution and Impact, Apr 2012
Papers at Conferences and Symposia by Iman R. Abdulfattah
The Complex of Qalāwūn (684/1285) is one of the most significant buildings of the Mamluk period (... more The Complex of Qalāwūn (684/1285) is one of the most significant buildings of the Mamluk period (648–922/1250–1517). It firmly stands in the canons of Islamic architecture for the experimental nature of its decoration, monumentality, and for formally introducing the multifunctional urban space to Egypt. While it was not uncommon for late Ayyubid (564-648/1169-1259) and early Mamluk foundations to combine multiple functions, a madrasa (college) subsequently adjoined by a funerary qubba (domed mausoleum), Qalāwūn’s complex set a new precedent for later complexes that were preconceived as complete entities: a campus of buildings that combined from its inception a bīmāristān (hospital), madrasa, maktab-sabīl (Qurʾan school for orphaned boys) and a qubba.
Qalāwūn’s mausoleum, the focus of this paper, was the first commissioned by a sultan intra muros rather than in the cemetery as was customary. The importance of this funerary space is further reflected in the unprecedented services that it provided. According to the 15th century historian al-Maqrīzī, during Qalāwūn's life and after his death, royal ceremonies were performed there by elite eunuchs; it was endowed to provide courses in all four schools of Islamic law and Qurʾan recitation; and replaced the Ṣāliḥiyya dome as the setting where ceremonies for the investing of new amirs were held. It also housed a noteworthy library and costumes that belonged to Qalāwūn, his son and grandson, all of whom were buried there.
Consequently, this mausoleum was more than just the sultan's final resting place in the urban society of its day. Given the number of important commemorative ceremonies that were negotiated in the same space, it offered political, religious and social functions to its patron, his royal elites, and the populace at large.
In many religious traditions, relics are usually understood to be the physical artifacts or remai... more In many religious traditions, relics are usually understood to be the physical artifacts or remains of a martyr, saint or prophet that are often preserved as objects of reverence in a martyrium or reliquary for perpetuity. What is commonly preserved and venerated throughout the Islamicate world are a corpus of personal effects said to have belonged to the Prophet Muḥammad, or representations thereof, as well as textual artifacts that have been assigned relic-like status. Sources available on these relics often focus on their use as devotional or cult objects, their role as representations of the Prophet’s presence, and mediators of prophetic blessing.
In Egypt, such relics were actively collected during the Mamluk period (AH 648–922/CE 1250–1517) by high-ranking emirs and notable sultans. Their arrival and popularity during this period was built on the foundations of a very strong and thriving tradition of commemorating the Prophet and his family that dates to the Fatimid (AH 358–567/CE 969–1171) founders of Cairo. Culturally, the Mamluk period is known for many achievements, including historical writing, socio-religious reforms, and the massive architectural output that altered the landscape within their domain. In the case of the former, Mamluk historians were prolific chroniclers, biographers and encyclopedists who left us with rich sociological, topographical, religious and historical textual accounts; and as builders of pious and secular foundations, they endowed Cairo with a plethora of significant and impressive monuments, many of which are still standing today. All of this growth was meant to awe and inspire both residents and visitors alike, and contributed to Cairo’s appeal as a center of trade and religion as rival states were on the rise. It was under this tremendous and vibrant activity that prophetic relics were brought to Egypt.
Given this backdrop, this paper will examine the mechanism and conditions responsible for the popularity of relics in Mamluk Egypt. It will also explore their use as emblems of power that projected Mamluk authority and legitimacy, since their acquisition coincided with periods of political transition and/or instability.
One of the most interesting architectural traditions known form Egypt is the reuse of elements fr... more One of the most interesting architectural traditions known form Egypt is the reuse of elements from buildings erected during earlier periods and their incorporation as adornment, apotropaia, and fill in newer structures. Such activity was ubiquitous throughout Egypt’s history, and played a significant role in the formation of its built environment. Depending on the circumstance, a reused element could be a form of appropriation or usurpation. In the case of the former, material was “reused” in order to save time and reduce expenses; another incentive was to demonstrate the superiority of one political regime over another, although there were other motives.
Given the chronological and material diversity of spolia in Egypt, a look at examples in one building would allow for a more nuanced discussion on the topic. The Complex of Qalāwūn (1284-1285) – most known to specialists for its rich decoration and monumentality – is a good case study: it was built on the site of a 10th century Fatimid palace, from which carved woodwork was incorporated and which has been the subject of exhaustive studies because their figural representations are unique in the medieval Egyptian landscape; however, a comprehensive look at the breadth and scope of reuse (including Pharaonic, Roman and Crusader) in this complex has never been carried out. What can be learned from such a focused examination? Close inspection into the specific history of a building provides insight into the logistics behind this phenomenon, as well as a synchronic reading of the building processes during the Mamluk period.
Sultan al-Mansūr Qalawūn was a prolific builder who ordered the construction or restoration of at... more Sultan al-Mansūr Qalawūn was a prolific builder who ordered the construction or restoration of at least two dozen buildings throughout the Mamluk realm. However, most of these buildings are no longer extant, which is why his funerary complex in Cairo (683/1284-1285) is so important: it consisted of a hospital, a madrasa and mausoleum, and is the first Cairene monument combining pious, charitable, and civic functions within a single edifice from its inception.
Construction of the complex was supervised by Amir ʿAlam al-Dīn Sanjar al-Shujāʿī (d. 693/1294), Qalawūn's supervisor of construction (shadd al-ʿamaʾir) whose oeuvre is known for incorporating unprecedented architectural and decorative features. According to al-Qalqashandī, the shadd al-ʿamaʾir was responsible for all new constructions and renovations, including repairs of the sultan's palaces, dwellings and walls; he also oversaw financial matters and, therefore, dealt with the feasibility of projects under his supervision.
In his biography on Qalawūn, Kitāb al-Faḍl al-maʾthūr min sīrat al-Sulṭān al-Malik al-Manṣūr Qalawūn, Shafiʿ ibn Ali (649-730/1252-1330) mentioned that the madrasa was an addition made by al-Shujāʿī; and that upon visiting the complex for the first time, Qalawūn threatened not to enter the madrasa in fierce opposition to it. One conclusion that can be drawn is that Qalawūn was not involved in the construction process, even though he is known to have personally supervised other projects. Primary sources are used by historians today to describe a social reality that often focuses on patronage as being the product of the ruler; however, in this specific instance the narrative suggests that the sultan's amir was the major decision-maker. The goal of this paper is to profile the career of al-Shujāʿī in order to shed new light on his involvement in building one of the finest examples of medieval Islamic architecture, a building that left a lasting mark on the cityscape.
The blurred line between sacred and profane spaces in Islamic architecture is exemplified by buil... more The blurred line between sacred and profane spaces in Islamic architecture is exemplified by building commissioned for relics of the Prophet Muhammad. Produced within specific contexts – geographical, cultural and temporal – this genre of material artifacts began to surface during the medieval period in settings where they were not present before, with the buildings that housed them turning into holy sites and places of veneration. My recent research examines the history of such relics in three different Mamluk-period monuments in Cairo: Ribāṭ al-Āthār (1307); and the funerary complexes of sultans Qaytbāy (1474) and al-Ghurī (1505). The functions associated with these buildings vary, yet in all cases the main purpose is to commemorate a deceased person and/or to accommodate Prophetic relics. While the Prophet never traveled to Egypt, the presence of relics attributed to him in Cairo raises questions of intent, motivation and how objects such as these transition into other contexts?
This event brings together experts with firsthand experience in cultural heritage preservation me... more This event brings together experts with firsthand experience in cultural heritage preservation measures to discuss the status of Iraq's monuments, sites, and art, plans for the future protection of its rich cultural legacy, and how Iraq's experience can inform the development of protection policies in Egypt and neighboring countries undergoing political change.
In 1985, the Egyptian Supreme Council of Antiquities (SCA) conducted excavations in the area west... more In 1985, the Egyptian Supreme Council of Antiquities (SCA) conducted excavations in the area west of the Mosque of Muhammad Ali in the Citadel of Cairo. Throughout the season, a Mamluk period qa'a (referred to as Qasr al-Ablaq by some scholars and al-Qa'a al-Ashrafiyya by others) was uncovered, containing the remains of marble, stucco and fragments of glass mosaics that once decorated the walls. The q'a is ten meters below the current ground level and was exposed to the air and sun by the excavation. At the time, documentation and research on these fragments were not fully carried out although, fortunately, a preliminary analysis of the mosaics was later undertaken and subsequently published by Professor Nasser Rabbat.
The rediscovery of these mosaics in 2008 led to their removal from the uncovered qa'a and they have since been cleaned and restored. Although they evoke a style that is associated with the Umayyads, the scenes (mainly architectural and reminiscent of the Great Mosque of Damascus and Madrasa al-Zahiriyya) and use of the Citadel mosaics as a frieze are unusual in Cairo's decorative and artistic repertoire.
These mosaics are currently being documented and studied, and it is the intention of the authors to conduct a comprehensive examination of the materials, iconography and motivations behind the use of this specific decorative technique. The purpose of this paper is to include the Citadel mosaics formally within the corpus of known glass mosaic decoration in Islamic architecture, allowing them to shed more light on an aesthetic program that appears in a dozen monuments in Egypt and the Levant during the Bahri Mamluk period.
Since 2002, with the appointment of the current Secretary General, the Egyptian Supreme Council o... more Since 2002, with the appointment of the current Secretary General, the Egyptian Supreme Council of Antiquities (SCA) has undergone major organizational changes designed to create new strategies that will enable it further carry out its principal mission: to protect and promote the cultural heritage of Egypt, both independently and in cooperation with national and international organizations. To achieve these goals, the SCA has made concerted efforts to institute more effective policies with regards to the antiquities it safeguards. One way this has been achieved is through the implementation of new “best-practices” targeting the country-wide system of antiquities museums that fall under the auspices of the SCA. For example, new site management programs have been applied at archaeological sites, and in many cases these plans have called for the creation of “site museums” that facilitate a visitors interpretation of a site vis-a-vis the artifacts excavated there. In addition to the new site museums, there are several other large museums in the works, such as the National Museum of Egyptian Civilization (NMEC) and the Grand Egyptian Museum (GEM), that are planned to manage and display more of the vast collections now hidden away in storage magazines. This is complemented by an emphasis on personnel training. Many cultural, educational and practical programs have also been introduced, specifically aimed at a lay audience, to cultivate and increase national awareness of the value of antiquities – in most cases these programs are hosted by museums throughout the country, and are designed for youth and young adults because they are the country's future patrons. The purpose of this presentation is to briefly share the SCA's history, practices and vision regarding museums; as well as introduce the range of strategies that have been put into effect thus far.
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Articles by Iman R. Abdulfattah
Papers at Conferences and Symposia by Iman R. Abdulfattah
Qalāwūn’s mausoleum, the focus of this paper, was the first commissioned by a sultan intra muros rather than in the cemetery as was customary. The importance of this funerary space is further reflected in the unprecedented services that it provided. According to the 15th century historian al-Maqrīzī, during Qalāwūn's life and after his death, royal ceremonies were performed there by elite eunuchs; it was endowed to provide courses in all four schools of Islamic law and Qurʾan recitation; and replaced the Ṣāliḥiyya dome as the setting where ceremonies for the investing of new amirs were held. It also housed a noteworthy library and costumes that belonged to Qalāwūn, his son and grandson, all of whom were buried there.
Consequently, this mausoleum was more than just the sultan's final resting place in the urban society of its day. Given the number of important commemorative ceremonies that were negotiated in the same space, it offered political, religious and social functions to its patron, his royal elites, and the populace at large.
In Egypt, such relics were actively collected during the Mamluk period (AH 648–922/CE 1250–1517) by high-ranking emirs and notable sultans. Their arrival and popularity during this period was built on the foundations of a very strong and thriving tradition of commemorating the Prophet and his family that dates to the Fatimid (AH 358–567/CE 969–1171) founders of Cairo. Culturally, the Mamluk period is known for many achievements, including historical writing, socio-religious reforms, and the massive architectural output that altered the landscape within their domain. In the case of the former, Mamluk historians were prolific chroniclers, biographers and encyclopedists who left us with rich sociological, topographical, religious and historical textual accounts; and as builders of pious and secular foundations, they endowed Cairo with a plethora of significant and impressive monuments, many of which are still standing today. All of this growth was meant to awe and inspire both residents and visitors alike, and contributed to Cairo’s appeal as a center of trade and religion as rival states were on the rise. It was under this tremendous and vibrant activity that prophetic relics were brought to Egypt.
Given this backdrop, this paper will examine the mechanism and conditions responsible for the popularity of relics in Mamluk Egypt. It will also explore their use as emblems of power that projected Mamluk authority and legitimacy, since their acquisition coincided with periods of political transition and/or instability.
Given the chronological and material diversity of spolia in Egypt, a look at examples in one building would allow for a more nuanced discussion on the topic. The Complex of Qalāwūn (1284-1285) – most known to specialists for its rich decoration and monumentality – is a good case study: it was built on the site of a 10th century Fatimid palace, from which carved woodwork was incorporated and which has been the subject of exhaustive studies because their figural representations are unique in the medieval Egyptian landscape; however, a comprehensive look at the breadth and scope of reuse (including Pharaonic, Roman and Crusader) in this complex has never been carried out. What can be learned from such a focused examination? Close inspection into the specific history of a building provides insight into the logistics behind this phenomenon, as well as a synchronic reading of the building processes during the Mamluk period.
Construction of the complex was supervised by Amir ʿAlam al-Dīn Sanjar al-Shujāʿī (d. 693/1294), Qalawūn's supervisor of construction (shadd al-ʿamaʾir) whose oeuvre is known for incorporating unprecedented architectural and decorative features. According to al-Qalqashandī, the shadd al-ʿamaʾir was responsible for all new constructions and renovations, including repairs of the sultan's palaces, dwellings and walls; he also oversaw financial matters and, therefore, dealt with the feasibility of projects under his supervision.
In his biography on Qalawūn, Kitāb al-Faḍl al-maʾthūr min sīrat al-Sulṭān al-Malik al-Manṣūr Qalawūn, Shafiʿ ibn Ali (649-730/1252-1330) mentioned that the madrasa was an addition made by al-Shujāʿī; and that upon visiting the complex for the first time, Qalawūn threatened not to enter the madrasa in fierce opposition to it. One conclusion that can be drawn is that Qalawūn was not involved in the construction process, even though he is known to have personally supervised other projects. Primary sources are used by historians today to describe a social reality that often focuses on patronage as being the product of the ruler; however, in this specific instance the narrative suggests that the sultan's amir was the major decision-maker. The goal of this paper is to profile the career of al-Shujāʿī in order to shed new light on his involvement in building one of the finest examples of medieval Islamic architecture, a building that left a lasting mark on the cityscape.
The rediscovery of these mosaics in 2008 led to their removal from the uncovered qa'a and they have since been cleaned and restored. Although they evoke a style that is associated with the Umayyads, the scenes (mainly architectural and reminiscent of the Great Mosque of Damascus and Madrasa al-Zahiriyya) and use of the Citadel mosaics as a frieze are unusual in Cairo's decorative and artistic repertoire.
These mosaics are currently being documented and studied, and it is the intention of the authors to conduct a comprehensive examination of the materials, iconography and motivations behind the use of this specific decorative technique. The purpose of this paper is to include the Citadel mosaics formally within the corpus of known glass mosaic decoration in Islamic architecture, allowing them to shed more light on an aesthetic program that appears in a dozen monuments in Egypt and the Levant during the Bahri Mamluk period.
Qalāwūn’s mausoleum, the focus of this paper, was the first commissioned by a sultan intra muros rather than in the cemetery as was customary. The importance of this funerary space is further reflected in the unprecedented services that it provided. According to the 15th century historian al-Maqrīzī, during Qalāwūn's life and after his death, royal ceremonies were performed there by elite eunuchs; it was endowed to provide courses in all four schools of Islamic law and Qurʾan recitation; and replaced the Ṣāliḥiyya dome as the setting where ceremonies for the investing of new amirs were held. It also housed a noteworthy library and costumes that belonged to Qalāwūn, his son and grandson, all of whom were buried there.
Consequently, this mausoleum was more than just the sultan's final resting place in the urban society of its day. Given the number of important commemorative ceremonies that were negotiated in the same space, it offered political, religious and social functions to its patron, his royal elites, and the populace at large.
In Egypt, such relics were actively collected during the Mamluk period (AH 648–922/CE 1250–1517) by high-ranking emirs and notable sultans. Their arrival and popularity during this period was built on the foundations of a very strong and thriving tradition of commemorating the Prophet and his family that dates to the Fatimid (AH 358–567/CE 969–1171) founders of Cairo. Culturally, the Mamluk period is known for many achievements, including historical writing, socio-religious reforms, and the massive architectural output that altered the landscape within their domain. In the case of the former, Mamluk historians were prolific chroniclers, biographers and encyclopedists who left us with rich sociological, topographical, religious and historical textual accounts; and as builders of pious and secular foundations, they endowed Cairo with a plethora of significant and impressive monuments, many of which are still standing today. All of this growth was meant to awe and inspire both residents and visitors alike, and contributed to Cairo’s appeal as a center of trade and religion as rival states were on the rise. It was under this tremendous and vibrant activity that prophetic relics were brought to Egypt.
Given this backdrop, this paper will examine the mechanism and conditions responsible for the popularity of relics in Mamluk Egypt. It will also explore their use as emblems of power that projected Mamluk authority and legitimacy, since their acquisition coincided with periods of political transition and/or instability.
Given the chronological and material diversity of spolia in Egypt, a look at examples in one building would allow for a more nuanced discussion on the topic. The Complex of Qalāwūn (1284-1285) – most known to specialists for its rich decoration and monumentality – is a good case study: it was built on the site of a 10th century Fatimid palace, from which carved woodwork was incorporated and which has been the subject of exhaustive studies because their figural representations are unique in the medieval Egyptian landscape; however, a comprehensive look at the breadth and scope of reuse (including Pharaonic, Roman and Crusader) in this complex has never been carried out. What can be learned from such a focused examination? Close inspection into the specific history of a building provides insight into the logistics behind this phenomenon, as well as a synchronic reading of the building processes during the Mamluk period.
Construction of the complex was supervised by Amir ʿAlam al-Dīn Sanjar al-Shujāʿī (d. 693/1294), Qalawūn's supervisor of construction (shadd al-ʿamaʾir) whose oeuvre is known for incorporating unprecedented architectural and decorative features. According to al-Qalqashandī, the shadd al-ʿamaʾir was responsible for all new constructions and renovations, including repairs of the sultan's palaces, dwellings and walls; he also oversaw financial matters and, therefore, dealt with the feasibility of projects under his supervision.
In his biography on Qalawūn, Kitāb al-Faḍl al-maʾthūr min sīrat al-Sulṭān al-Malik al-Manṣūr Qalawūn, Shafiʿ ibn Ali (649-730/1252-1330) mentioned that the madrasa was an addition made by al-Shujāʿī; and that upon visiting the complex for the first time, Qalawūn threatened not to enter the madrasa in fierce opposition to it. One conclusion that can be drawn is that Qalawūn was not involved in the construction process, even though he is known to have personally supervised other projects. Primary sources are used by historians today to describe a social reality that often focuses on patronage as being the product of the ruler; however, in this specific instance the narrative suggests that the sultan's amir was the major decision-maker. The goal of this paper is to profile the career of al-Shujāʿī in order to shed new light on his involvement in building one of the finest examples of medieval Islamic architecture, a building that left a lasting mark on the cityscape.
The rediscovery of these mosaics in 2008 led to their removal from the uncovered qa'a and they have since been cleaned and restored. Although they evoke a style that is associated with the Umayyads, the scenes (mainly architectural and reminiscent of the Great Mosque of Damascus and Madrasa al-Zahiriyya) and use of the Citadel mosaics as a frieze are unusual in Cairo's decorative and artistic repertoire.
These mosaics are currently being documented and studied, and it is the intention of the authors to conduct a comprehensive examination of the materials, iconography and motivations behind the use of this specific decorative technique. The purpose of this paper is to include the Citadel mosaics formally within the corpus of known glass mosaic decoration in Islamic architecture, allowing them to shed more light on an aesthetic program that appears in a dozen monuments in Egypt and the Levant during the Bahri Mamluk period.
There are other factors that make this building worthy of discussion: construction was supervised by Amir ʿAlam al-Dīn Sanjar al-Shujāʿī (d. 693/1294), an ambitious and influential Mansūrī amir, giving us insight into the relationship between a patron and project supervisor; it was built in 14 months on the site of a 10th century Fatimid palace, factors that contributed to the wealth of material reuse incorporated in the building process; and it set a new precedent for later complexes in Cairo.
While Nahman is mostly recognized as the foremost dealer of ancient Egyptian artifacts, he similarly effected an interest in later periods of Egyptian history. He sold Coptic and Islamic objects of the highest quality to museums that had yet to establish independent departments dedicated to these fields, and helped shape public and private perceptions of a nascent discipline. The objective of this talk is to reconstruct his biography and professional trajectory through the lens of his relations with art historians, curators, collectors and buyers, with a focus on post-pharaonic material. (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dcIXZtWaFdM&feature=youtu.be)
The target audience is 18-21 year olds, so primarily new learners to art history: https://smarthistory.org/cairo-city-victorious/
This webinar brings together experts to contextualize Freer’s time and interest in Egypt by exploring some of the events that shaped the field of Egyptology, the role of dealers and collectors who helped build ancient Egyptian collections, and the establishments in which foreigners sojourned.
Speakers include:
Iman R. Abdulfattah, Universität Bonn and NYU School of Professional Studies
Kathleen Sheppard, Missouri University of Science and Technology
Toby Wilkinson, Clare College, University of Cambridge