Papers by Rafael Antonio Rodrigues
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Page 1. Revista Noctua - Publicação do Departamento de História da Universidade de Brasília HIS/U... more Page 1. Revista Noctua - Publicação do Departamento de História da Universidade de Brasília HIS/UnB, nº.1, Brasília, 2009 38 América: um confronto entre Sonhos e Realidades Rafael Antonio Rodrigues 1 André Henrique Macedo Ferreira2 João Guilherme Jatobá3 ...
Este artigo reflete sobre os novos modos de produção política à direita no Estados Unidos contemp... more Este artigo reflete sobre os novos modos de produção política à direita no Estados Unidos contemporâneo. Nosso argumento é o de que há um determinado conceito de cultura e nação estadunidense, elaborado por Samuel Huntington em seus dois últimos livros-The Clash of Civilizations (1996) e Who Are We? (2004)-, que informa e estrutura as novas formas de organização política que cobram vida com a eleição de Trump em 2016. Nesse sentido, entendemos que a produção teórica huntingtoniana possui uma funcionalidade política que, além de propiciar coesão e legitimidade conceitual aos ideais puristas e alterofóbicos da nova direita estadunidense, impulsionou uma nova retórica sobre raça e racismo que se tornou indissociável dos discursos trumpistas acerca da identidade nacional nos Estados Unidos.
This article´s purpose is to understand how the handling of a specific discourse about the Americ... more This article´s purpose is to understand how the handling of a specific discourse about the American nation, more specifically the one produced by American political scientist Samuel Huntington, creates concrete political effects that negatively impact ethnic minority groups in the USA. According to the author, the "Uncle Sam's nation" has transformed into a non-ethnic society in which the ethnic-racial component has vanished from national identity. With Trump in power, Huntington's ideas manage to merge with the American nation-state and become the new political and social norm, challenging theories which associate the American nation with its ethnic and cultural heterogeneity. As a result, ethnic minorities that decide to participate in the country's political life, asserting their status as "American citizens," are now guilty and criminalized for "bringing back" the problem of race and racism to the United States.
The following article reflects on the ways in which Mexican-Americans are (re) presented in Who
A... more The following article reflects on the ways in which Mexican-Americans are (re) presented in Who
Are We? The challenges to America’s National Identity by Samuel Huntington. The American nation appears as an ontological and colorless (not white) category, beyond linguistic mediations and racial formations, that gains meaning through the binary and essentialist construction of Mexi-can-Americans as their racialized antipodes. Consequently, Mexican-Americans are incorporated into nationalist rhetoric only to be excluded again from the national vocabulary. Thus, an epistemic violence is engendered that hides both the discursive (political) production of the Mexican-Ame-ricans and their own participation in the dichotomous game that legitimizes the image, allegedly deracialized, of what is conceived as the “authentic (white) American”.
Academia Letters, 2022
American political scientist Samuel Huntington argues that, before being a nation of immigrants... more American political scientist Samuel Huntington argues that, before being a nation of immigrants, the United States is a nation of English settlers who defined the core values of American national identity during the colonial era of the 17th and 18th century. Thus, in addition to being characterized as a product of the “Founding Fathers”, Huntington's concept of the American nation was closely tied to the Anglo-Saxon Protestant culture created by the called “Founding Settlers”. This strict definition of the United States made it impossible for other groups, such as Mexican immigrants and Mexican Americans, to fully incorporate themselves into the American mainstream. Because they came from different historical backgrounds that deviated from the Anglo-Saxon norm, they were seen as challenging the “proper” ways of American immigration and assimilationism, such as those established by the massive flows of European immigration from the 19th and the first half of the twentieth century.
Furthermore, for Huntington, the war between Mexico and the United States in 1846-1848 produced the current idea that Mexicans are able to make political claims to the territories annexed by the United States after the course of the war, and therefore they represent an active threat to the physical integrity of modern US-territory. It is also important to highlight that, behind the apparently benevolent notion of assimilationism, there are structural relations of colonialism that nullify the power of agency of assimilating groups, subordinating them to a system of colonial rule that denies their full political engagement in the social landscape of the United States. As to the assimilation of both Mexican immigrants and Mexican Americans this cannot take place because the concept of American assimilationism itself is linked to a hidden ideal of whiteness that does not accept the brown phenotypical traits of people of Mexican origins.
Key words: national identity; American nation; Anglo-Saxon culture; Mexicans Americans;
Revista Língua e Literatura: Da Crítica Cultura aos Estudos Culturais e vice-versa – perspectivas latino-americanas, 2018
The following article attempts to reflect on the colonial nature of both the hegemonic discourses... more The following article attempts to reflect on the colonial nature of both the hegemonic discourses on the nation in the United States and the responses given by the Chicano communities. Understanding power as a cultural circularity (Hall, 2014), we understand that the struggle of Mexican-Americans in the US was not always guided by a radical critique of the predominant ways of imagining the nation in this country. Many opted for the path of total or partial assimilationism, believing in the future promise of American identity through incorporation into the so-called American creed. However, from the Chicano feminist critique and the Chicano Cultural Studies, a new Chicano consciousness emerges that refuses to be absorbed by the American Melting pot and denounces the misogynistic, xenophobic, racist and colonial character of the dichotomous and essentialist models offered by the delirious narratives of American national identity.
Revista Escrita da História (REH/USP), 2018
The following article is a historiographical reflection about the plastic´s arts role – more
spec... more The following article is a historiographical reflection about the plastic´s arts role – more
specifically the Muralism Movement – in the construction of the Mexican nation in the postrevolutionary years. The perspective given to Marxism, its historical conception of class struggle and also the historical materialism and dialectic, started to constitute the new theoretical referential to understand the indigenous people. Distinguished from the
nineteenth century nationalism, the indigenous was not only part of the pre-Hispanic past, but a vivid and energetic reality to the contemporary man of the Revolution. Despite that, he was not considered as belonging to a particular ethnical/cultural condition; his peculiar characteristics were erased in favor of a class unity that was formed through the proletarian image.
REVISTA HISTORIA en MOVIMIENTO Acción política desde abajo: Expresiones de lucha de grupos subalternos en América Latina (ss. XX y XXI), 2017
This article aims to analyze the procedures that Mexican society has found to imagine and forge i... more This article aims to analyze the procedures that Mexican society has found to imagine and forge itself as a modern nation in the post-revolutionary years. We are interested, in particular, to investigate the role that anthropological and indigenist discourses played in the construction of a new sense of nationality, which, in turn, relied on the newly founded revolutionary tradition. From the modern anthropological practice, an unusual discursive order has been elaborated that articulated Mexican cultural diversity under a Euro-centric structure of civilization, subjecting it to codes of significance outside its intrinsic and particular cultural dynamics.
Revista Em Tempo de Histórias (PPG-HIS/UnB), 2017
The following article explores the theoretical and identity conceptions behind the famous work of... more The following article explores the theoretical and identity conceptions behind the famous work of the thinker and the chicana activist Gloria Anzaldúa: The Borderland: The New Mestiza (1987). Her life trajectory reminds us of times, traditions and identities spaces - Mesoamerica, Mexico, USA - that are conflicting and unrecognizable to each other, which produces fissures and disconcerts in the essentialist discourses of identity and otherness. Like other postcolonial authors such as Franz Fanon and Vidiadhar Naipaul, Anzanldúa, instead of being frustrated and pursuing the desperate quest for a euro-centred white humanity, this author leads us to another path where the binary and Cartesian notions of being and subjecting are destabilized to give way to what we call here Devir Mutante: an unutterable and unspeakable difference that crosses the boundaries of the human and nonhuman. The author, thus bets on the construction of a plural and multifaceted (human) man who is beyond the colonial identity order and the metropolitan inquisitive look that seeks to delimit and fix the imprecise and contradictory movements of desire and otherness.
Revista Em Tempos de Histórias (PPG-HIS/UnB), 2015
The following article analyses Mexican author Mariano Azuela's novel, Los de Abajo, from a perspe... more The following article analyses Mexican author Mariano Azuela's novel, Los de Abajo, from a perspective which is critical of the historical meaning founded by the Mexican revolutionary state in 1920. The work revolves around two characters, Luis Cervantes and Demetrio Macias, who come together in the armed struggle which starts with the 1910 revolution. Far from being homogenously connected to the revolutionary cause, the characters reveal a world fragmented into dissonant and contradictory interests which are not aligned towards a common purpose. Quite the opposite, they exemplify the tension and heterogeneity that surrounded groups who recognized themselves as revolutionary. Cervantes, a member of the urban middle classes, represented the bourgeois lifestyle, which rose against Porfírio Diaz's dictatorship to install a new political order in the country. Macias, on the other hand, is a poor campesino (peasant) from the countryside who decides to join the armed struggle to avenge the constant humiliations that the local political overlord, Don Mônico, imposed on his family. However, instead of giving in to reality and facing the socio-cultural abyss which separated the novel's two protagonists, Cervantes would rather believe in a mythical dream that he cultivated in his imagination: Macias was the very confirmation of the sublime revolutionary ideal which Cervantes sought. Thus, in ignoring the concrete and peculiar characteristics which composed the campesino lifestyle, Cervantes manifested the inequality of power which hovered between them.
Noctua, nº 1, ISSN: 2237-1443 (HIS-UnB), 2009
There is a latent ambiguity in the migratory and adventurous movements undertaken by Europeans in... more There is a latent ambiguity in the migratory and adventurous movements undertaken by Europeans in the first three centuries beginning with the Conquest and the "discovery" of the New World. While this continent was imagined as an earthly paradise - with paradisiacal landscapes, fabulous men and fantastic animals - it would soon be confronted with an image of the hell, that of anthropophagic savages, the unbearable weather, and so on. Christopher Columbus's logbooks are a clear example of this dilemma. If at first those scenery aroused his enthusiasm and were in line with his religious outlook, in a second moment, with his dead men, his military forts destroyed and the absence of the gold that was so expected, they began to reveal a real horror to him.
Conference Presentations by Rafael Antonio Rodrigues
XI Reunion de Antropología del Mercosur (RAM). GT 10: Teorias etnográficas da (Contra) mestiçagem., 2015
En el México posrevolucionario (1920-1940), el saber antropológico se
convirtió en una herramient... more En el México posrevolucionario (1920-1940), el saber antropológico se
convirtió en una herramienta conceptual e ideológica fundamental en la construcción de un nuevo horizonte discursivo alrededor de la identidad nacional. A partir de la apropiación del elemento indígena, ganaba fuerza un nuevo sentido de México y mexicanidad. El indio era incorporado a la nación a partir de su metamorfosis en mestizo, categoría que emergía como el nuevo arquetipo nacional, supuestamente capaz de conciliar la pugna histórica evidenciada por la Conquista y forjar un sentido de patria unívoco y homogéneo. Sin embargo, el discurso en torno al ser mestizo era una forma de blanquear al indígena, transformándolo en un “igual”, es decir, un hombre blanco. En ese sentido, al indio no le estaba permitido revelarse a partir de
sus propios caracteres culturales e identitarios, su incorporación era una forma de legitimar un proyecto nacional, impuesto desde el Estado, que poseía como marco civilizatorio el mundo Occidental.
IV Seminário de Projeto de Pesquisa PUC-Goiás e UnB – Fronteiras Móveis: Histórias, Culturas, Identidades , 2013
Neste artigo queremos discutir as distintas noções de tempos históricos que permeavam os discurso... more Neste artigo queremos discutir as distintas noções de tempos históricos que permeavam os discursos de pátria e nação no México pós-revolucionário. Com a revolução, as culturas e tradições indígenas passavam a ser celebradas como o amago do fundamento histórico e identitário nacional. Paradoxalmente, o flerte com o modelo ocidental de civilização não deixava de se constituir no norte civilizacional a ser alcançado pelo regime revolucionário. Para solucionar tal embate, a antropologia oferecia a imagem de um tempo híbrido e mestizo no qual o tempo tradicional das populações indígenas e o tempo ocidental da modernidade capitalista eram reconciliados em uma nova síntese histórica. No entanto, longe de fazer convergir duas experiências históricas diferenciadas, o ideal mestizo de nação apagava a multiplicidade de vozes e particularidades indígenas para legitimar a hegemonia de um tempo eurocêntrico, homogêneo e vazio. Dessa forma, excluída a possibilidade de se atualizar temporalidades indígenas, o futuro ditado pelo progresso e pelo capitalismo se tornava no único referencial concreto de identidade e nação.
XXVII Simposio Nacional de História (ANPUH): conhecimento histórico e diálogo social, 2013
Somos, por primera vez en nuestra historia, contemporáneos de todos los hombres" Octavio Paz. El ... more Somos, por primera vez en nuestra historia, contemporáneos de todos los hombres" Octavio Paz. El laberinto de la soledad. "Una nación se constituye no solamente por un pasado que pasivamente la determina, sino por la validez de un proyecto histórico capaz de mover las voluntades dispersas y dar unidad y transcendencia al esfuerzo solitario". José Ortega y Gasset. Citado por Oc. Paz. El Laberinto de la soledad.
E-Books by Rafael Antonio Rodrigues
Anais XVI Encontro Internacional da Associação Nacional de Pesquisadores e Professores de História das Américas (ANPHLAC) [livro eletrônico]. -- 1. ed. -- Londrina, PR : Associação Nacional de Pesquisadores e Professores de História das Américas - ANPHLAC, 2024., 2024
Este trabalho reflete sobre os novos modos de produção política no campo das (extremas) direitas ... more Este trabalho reflete sobre os novos modos de produção política no campo das (extremas) direitas nos Estados Unidos, especialmente a partir da eleição de Donald Trump em 2016 e da consolidação do trumpismo como um movimento político nacional. É interessante notar como as pautas desta nova direita encontram eco e ressonância política na produção teórica de intelectuais conservadores como Samuel Huntington. O conceito huntingtoniano de “cultura anglo-protestante” e “choque de civilizações” ganhou prestígio e hegemonia nas representações da nação estadunidense, sendo reproduzido como bandeira política nos círculos da extrema direita norte-americana. Nesse sentido, a partir do uso de certos recursos estilísticos e do emprego de um vocabulário mais digerível e aparentemente neutro para questões raciais, habilitou-se um discurso sobre identidade nacional que propicia validade política e ideológica às demandas do supremacismo branco.
Anais do 32° Simpósio Nacional de História. Democracia e Direitos Humanos: Desafios para uma História Profissional. , 2024
Este artigo reflete sobre os novos modos de produção política à direita no Estados Unidos contemp... more Este artigo reflete sobre os novos modos de produção política à direita no Estados Unidos contemporâneo. Nosso argumento é o de que há um determinado conceito de cultura e nação estadunidense, elaborado por Samuel Huntington em seus dois últimos livros-The Clash of Civilizations (1996) e Who Are We? (2004)-, que informa e estrutura as novas formas de organização política que cobram vida com a eleição de Trump em 2016. Nesse sentido, entendemos que a produção teórica huntingtoniana possui uma funcionalidade política que, além de propiciar coesão e legitimidade conceitual aos ideais puristas e alterofóbicos da nova direita estadunidense, impulsionou uma nova retórica sobre raça e racismo que se tornou indissociável dos discursos trumpistas acerca da identidade nacional nos Estados Unidos.
Anais do X Encontro da ANPUH-DF, 2023
Este artigo reflete sobre as reverberações políticas desencadeadas por Samu... more Este artigo reflete sobre as reverberações políticas desencadeadas por Samuel Huntington em Who Are We? The Challenges to America ́s National Identity.Neste livro, Huntington definiu um conceito de identidade nacional nos Estados Unidos que se estruturavaem torno do que chamou de “cultura anglo-protestante”. No entanto, antes que restringir-se ao mundo acadêmico, argumentamos que tal conceito possui uma funcionalidade política que propiciou legitimidade teórica ao fenômeno conhecido comotrumpismo. Nesse sentido, com a ascensão de Trump ao poder, o modelo de nação forjado em Who Are We?assumiu a forma de uma nova cultura política que afirmava que os elementos de ordem racial haviam desaparecido do espectro político nacional e que as comunidades mexicano-americanas representavam uma nova ameaça ao país.
Los Pueblos Indígenas de América Latina: Actas del II CIPIAL. EPUB, 2018
Master thesis by Rafael Antonio Rodrigues
Dissertation presented to the Graduate Program in History of the University of Brasilia as part of the necessary requirements to obtain the master´s degree in History., 2014
This dissertation proposes to conduct a historiographical critique of the nationalist ideology of... more This dissertation proposes to conduct a historiographical critique of the nationalist ideology of the Mexican Revolution of 1910 and, more specifically, the indigenist discourse elaborated in the works of Manuel Gamio Martínez, who is considered to be the forefather of modern Mexican anthropology. In post-revolutionary Mexico, anthropological knowledge became a key conceptual and ideological apparatus in the construction of a new discursive horizon around the theme of national identity, bestowing legitimacy and prestige to the revolutionary factions which took hold of the Mexican state in 1920. Starting from an appropriation of indigenous elements, a new sense of Mexico and Mexicanidad (Mexicanity) took shape. Nevertheless, indigenous people were incorporated into the nation only when metamorphosed into mestizos, a category which emerged as a new national archetype. The miscegenation was glorified as a capable way to conciliate the historical moment that was sparked by the Conquista, inserting the nation in a hybrid, homogenous and empty time. The regime of historicity defended by the new mestizo order, however, had no link or organic relationship whatsoever to the multiplicity of times and landscapes which crisscrossed post-revolutionary Mexico. In this way, anthropology revealed itself as a discourse of power, which, far from meeting the demands of indigenous populations, served the interests of a small elite, which saw itself as a faithful reproduction of the European spirit and as the owner of the nation.
Bachelor thesis by Rafael Antonio Rodrigues
Undergraduate thesis presented as a partial requirement to obtain a bachelor's degree in History from the Department of History, Institute of Human Sciences, from the University of Brasilia., 2011
This work wants to figure out how the Mexican revolution of 1910, and the following formation of ... more This work wants to figure out how the Mexican revolution of 1910, and the following formation of the revolutionary State-Nation, created a nationalistic imaginary which forged a new country´s historical/identitarian conception concerning with what was supposed to be its “real” meaning in history. Such comprehension was presumed on the idea that the revolution reconnected its historical links with its indigenous pre-Hispanic past and, so to speak, the Mexican own´s image was sent back to it. Toward this point, the following research pays attention on the new speech promoted by the cultural expressions occurred during the period aimed (1910-1940), especially those pictorial of monumental proportions (Muralism) that fulfilled, simultaneously, the function of motivating in the popular classes a new sensibility – they were portrayed on this moment as guardians of ancient indigenous secrets – and legitimating, ideologically, the new groups that achieved power on the twentieth decade as the one´s which truly embodied the revolutionary´s struggle “essence.”
That is also the question of understanding how the historical conception established by the regime that the revolution intended to deny (the Porfiriato), in the opposite direction imagined, continued to theoretically support the principles of the Mexican revolutionary nation. From this perspective, the revolution was not only rupture, but also continuity. If the State created by the revolution praised and imagined itself as a legitimate heir and spokesperson for the pre-Hispanic indigenous past, the participation of ancestral and contemporary native cultures in the archetype of the new national identity consisted much more in rhetorical arguments than in the reality itself. For the revolutionary State, in the same way as the government of Porfirio Díaz, the ideal of progress and modernity formulated by Western civilization, as well as its homogenous and linear historical model, constituted the objective of the revolutionary Project.
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Papers by Rafael Antonio Rodrigues
Are We? The challenges to America’s National Identity by Samuel Huntington. The American nation appears as an ontological and colorless (not white) category, beyond linguistic mediations and racial formations, that gains meaning through the binary and essentialist construction of Mexi-can-Americans as their racialized antipodes. Consequently, Mexican-Americans are incorporated into nationalist rhetoric only to be excluded again from the national vocabulary. Thus, an epistemic violence is engendered that hides both the discursive (political) production of the Mexican-Ame-ricans and their own participation in the dichotomous game that legitimizes the image, allegedly deracialized, of what is conceived as the “authentic (white) American”.
Furthermore, for Huntington, the war between Mexico and the United States in 1846-1848 produced the current idea that Mexicans are able to make political claims to the territories annexed by the United States after the course of the war, and therefore they represent an active threat to the physical integrity of modern US-territory. It is also important to highlight that, behind the apparently benevolent notion of assimilationism, there are structural relations of colonialism that nullify the power of agency of assimilating groups, subordinating them to a system of colonial rule that denies their full political engagement in the social landscape of the United States. As to the assimilation of both Mexican immigrants and Mexican Americans this cannot take place because the concept of American assimilationism itself is linked to a hidden ideal of whiteness that does not accept the brown phenotypical traits of people of Mexican origins.
Key words: national identity; American nation; Anglo-Saxon culture; Mexicans Americans;
specifically the Muralism Movement – in the construction of the Mexican nation in the postrevolutionary years. The perspective given to Marxism, its historical conception of class struggle and also the historical materialism and dialectic, started to constitute the new theoretical referential to understand the indigenous people. Distinguished from the
nineteenth century nationalism, the indigenous was not only part of the pre-Hispanic past, but a vivid and energetic reality to the contemporary man of the Revolution. Despite that, he was not considered as belonging to a particular ethnical/cultural condition; his peculiar characteristics were erased in favor of a class unity that was formed through the proletarian image.
Conference Presentations by Rafael Antonio Rodrigues
convirtió en una herramienta conceptual e ideológica fundamental en la construcción de un nuevo horizonte discursivo alrededor de la identidad nacional. A partir de la apropiación del elemento indígena, ganaba fuerza un nuevo sentido de México y mexicanidad. El indio era incorporado a la nación a partir de su metamorfosis en mestizo, categoría que emergía como el nuevo arquetipo nacional, supuestamente capaz de conciliar la pugna histórica evidenciada por la Conquista y forjar un sentido de patria unívoco y homogéneo. Sin embargo, el discurso en torno al ser mestizo era una forma de blanquear al indígena, transformándolo en un “igual”, es decir, un hombre blanco. En ese sentido, al indio no le estaba permitido revelarse a partir de
sus propios caracteres culturales e identitarios, su incorporación era una forma de legitimar un proyecto nacional, impuesto desde el Estado, que poseía como marco civilizatorio el mundo Occidental.
E-Books by Rafael Antonio Rodrigues
Master thesis by Rafael Antonio Rodrigues
Bachelor thesis by Rafael Antonio Rodrigues
That is also the question of understanding how the historical conception established by the regime that the revolution intended to deny (the Porfiriato), in the opposite direction imagined, continued to theoretically support the principles of the Mexican revolutionary nation. From this perspective, the revolution was not only rupture, but also continuity. If the State created by the revolution praised and imagined itself as a legitimate heir and spokesperson for the pre-Hispanic indigenous past, the participation of ancestral and contemporary native cultures in the archetype of the new national identity consisted much more in rhetorical arguments than in the reality itself. For the revolutionary State, in the same way as the government of Porfirio Díaz, the ideal of progress and modernity formulated by Western civilization, as well as its homogenous and linear historical model, constituted the objective of the revolutionary Project.
Are We? The challenges to America’s National Identity by Samuel Huntington. The American nation appears as an ontological and colorless (not white) category, beyond linguistic mediations and racial formations, that gains meaning through the binary and essentialist construction of Mexi-can-Americans as their racialized antipodes. Consequently, Mexican-Americans are incorporated into nationalist rhetoric only to be excluded again from the national vocabulary. Thus, an epistemic violence is engendered that hides both the discursive (political) production of the Mexican-Ame-ricans and their own participation in the dichotomous game that legitimizes the image, allegedly deracialized, of what is conceived as the “authentic (white) American”.
Furthermore, for Huntington, the war between Mexico and the United States in 1846-1848 produced the current idea that Mexicans are able to make political claims to the territories annexed by the United States after the course of the war, and therefore they represent an active threat to the physical integrity of modern US-territory. It is also important to highlight that, behind the apparently benevolent notion of assimilationism, there are structural relations of colonialism that nullify the power of agency of assimilating groups, subordinating them to a system of colonial rule that denies their full political engagement in the social landscape of the United States. As to the assimilation of both Mexican immigrants and Mexican Americans this cannot take place because the concept of American assimilationism itself is linked to a hidden ideal of whiteness that does not accept the brown phenotypical traits of people of Mexican origins.
Key words: national identity; American nation; Anglo-Saxon culture; Mexicans Americans;
specifically the Muralism Movement – in the construction of the Mexican nation in the postrevolutionary years. The perspective given to Marxism, its historical conception of class struggle and also the historical materialism and dialectic, started to constitute the new theoretical referential to understand the indigenous people. Distinguished from the
nineteenth century nationalism, the indigenous was not only part of the pre-Hispanic past, but a vivid and energetic reality to the contemporary man of the Revolution. Despite that, he was not considered as belonging to a particular ethnical/cultural condition; his peculiar characteristics were erased in favor of a class unity that was formed through the proletarian image.
convirtió en una herramienta conceptual e ideológica fundamental en la construcción de un nuevo horizonte discursivo alrededor de la identidad nacional. A partir de la apropiación del elemento indígena, ganaba fuerza un nuevo sentido de México y mexicanidad. El indio era incorporado a la nación a partir de su metamorfosis en mestizo, categoría que emergía como el nuevo arquetipo nacional, supuestamente capaz de conciliar la pugna histórica evidenciada por la Conquista y forjar un sentido de patria unívoco y homogéneo. Sin embargo, el discurso en torno al ser mestizo era una forma de blanquear al indígena, transformándolo en un “igual”, es decir, un hombre blanco. En ese sentido, al indio no le estaba permitido revelarse a partir de
sus propios caracteres culturales e identitarios, su incorporación era una forma de legitimar un proyecto nacional, impuesto desde el Estado, que poseía como marco civilizatorio el mundo Occidental.
That is also the question of understanding how the historical conception established by the regime that the revolution intended to deny (the Porfiriato), in the opposite direction imagined, continued to theoretically support the principles of the Mexican revolutionary nation. From this perspective, the revolution was not only rupture, but also continuity. If the State created by the revolution praised and imagined itself as a legitimate heir and spokesperson for the pre-Hispanic indigenous past, the participation of ancestral and contemporary native cultures in the archetype of the new national identity consisted much more in rhetorical arguments than in the reality itself. For the revolutionary State, in the same way as the government of Porfirio Díaz, the ideal of progress and modernity formulated by Western civilization, as well as its homogenous and linear historical model, constituted the objective of the revolutionary Project.