Papers by Aneesa A . Baboolal
Policy Press eBooks, Aug 5, 2020
Agenda For Social Justice
Routledge eBooks, Feb 1, 2023
Gender-based violence in places with colonialist legacies, societal norms of tolerance, and compl... more Gender-based violence in places with colonialist legacies, societal norms of tolerance, and complex bureaucratic legal processes that encourage reconciliation unravels protections for survivors while normalizing inequality. Thus, it is important to examine domestic violence legislation and responses in the largely understudied Anglophone Caribbean nation of Guyana, where violence against women persists. In regard to legislation combating interpersonal violence in Guyana, more than 65 percent of women were unaware of the Domestic Violence Act and that it was intended for their protection. Furthermore, vanishing domestic violence complaints are high throughout the Caribbean region. On the international level, the critique of Caribbean nations’ inability to produce information concerning the effectiveness of legal measures to reduce gender-based violence has resulted in recommendations to increase police training to ensure the protection of women. Yet, these solutions do not address the social stigmatization of victimization where attitudes regarding abuse as a “private family affair” and formal complaints are viewed as dishonorable. Furthermore, the limited capacity of social service organizations, along with inconsistent research regarding gender-based violence, continues to pose a hindrance to adequately addressing violence against women.
Victims and Offenders, 2023
After 9/11, research highlighted how Muslim communities endured discrimination, surveillance, and... more After 9/11, research highlighted how Muslim communities endured discrimination, surveillance, and violence. In recent years, few studies have critically assessed how gender-based harassment of Muslim women is simultaneously linked to hypervisibility (veiling), while “invisible” (non-veiled) Muslim women remain susceptible to verbal harassment and physical violence in the public sphere. Drawing from qualitative in-depth semi-structured interviews with Muslim women (n = 27) across racial/ethnic and immigrant identity, this article examines the unique vulnerability of Muslim women during the Trump presidential administration, including covert and overt forms of violence. Findings indicate myriad forms of violence as veiled women navigate harassment at the axes of racialized Muslim identity and social categorization as immigrants (twice-racialized intersectionality). Yet, Black Muslim women’s experiences are further complicated by anti-Black racism. Muslim women navigate gender-based anti-Muslim bias by disrupting notions of passive victimhood by leaning into invisible or hypervisible markers, revealing or concealing their ethnoreligious identity through racial ambiguity, and engaging in advocacy.
Victims & Offenders, 2023
After 9/11, research highlighted how Muslim communities endured discrimination, surveillance, and... more After 9/11, research highlighted how Muslim communities endured discrimination, surveillance, and violence. In recent years, few studies have critically assessed how gender-based harassment of Muslim women is simultaneously linked to hypervisibility (veiling), while “invisible” (non-veiled) Muslim women remain susceptible to verbal harassment and physical violence in the public sphere. Drawing from qualitative in-depth semi-structured interviews with Muslim women (n = 27) across racial/ethnic and immigrant identity, this article examines the unique vulnerability of Muslim women during the Trump presidential administration, including covert and overt forms of violence. Findings indicate myriad forms of violence as veiled women navigate harassment at the axes of racialized Muslim identity and social categorization as immigrants (twice-racialized intersectionality). Yet, Black Muslim women’s experiences are further complicated by anti-Black racism. Muslim women navigate gender-based anti-Muslim bias by disrupting notions of passive victimhood by leaning into invisible or hypervisible markers, revealing or concealing their ethnoreligious identity through racial ambiguity, and engaging in advocacy.
Agenda For Social Justice 2020: Solutions For 2020, Aug 5, 2020
International Journal of Criminal Justice Sciences, 2016
IntroductionIntimate partner violence (IPV), alternatively referred to as spousal abuse or domest... more IntroductionIntimate partner violence (IPV), alternatively referred to as spousal abuse or domestic violence is a global phenomenon that occurs across various intersections of society regardless of race, class, culture, sexual orientation or immigrant status (Sokoloff, 2003; 2008; Sokoloff & Dupont, 2005; Raj & Silverman, 2002; Menjivar & Salcido, 2002). Recent studies among immigrant women who migrate to the US, reflect notably higher occurrences of sexual and physical victimization by male partners and increasing homicide rates yet, few studies related to policy, research and practice address domestic abuse among immigrants (Raj & Silverman, 2002). While it is important to understand that some aspects of intimate partner violence are culturally specific, for example, the widespread use of kerosene or acid in Asia versus "Indian cocktails" (a poisonous weedicide based drink) (Kanhai, 1999), hangings or death by cutlass (short sword used for slashing) prevalent in Caribbea...
![Research paper thumbnail of Diversity and exclusion an intersectional analysis of the experiences of Muslim students after the 2016 Presidential Election: Diversity and inclusion: an intersectional analysis of the experiences of Muslim students after the 2016 [U.S.] Presidential Election](https://attachments.academia-assets.com/100378641/thumbnails/1.jpg)
After the events of September 11, 2001, Muslim people from diverse backgrounds experienced violen... more After the events of September 11, 2001, Muslim people from diverse backgrounds experienced violence and discrimination which altered both gendered and racialized Muslim identity in the US. This has contributed to the societal reshaping of the Muslim experience, yet, more recently, the 2016 Presidential Election and its aftermath has impacted various marginalized groups. Muslims have once again encountered a hostile sociopolitical climate where they experience victimization through harassment, biased hate speech, and violence in broader society. ☐ While there have been some studies surrounding the experiences of Muslim students at American colleges and universities in the years after 9/11, there remains a focus on specific types of students thus, largely erasing the diversity of Muslims and their intersecting social identities. Among studies regarding Muslim students, there remains a heavy focus on those from the Middle East, international students, and veiled women thus, marginalizing domestic Muslim Americans across race/ethnicity, women who do not veil, and non-Arab/South Asian Muslim populations. ☐ This qualitative study examines the experiences of self-identified Muslim students attending a predominantly white institution (PWI) and a historically black college/university (HBCU) in a Mid-Atlantic state through in-depth interviews (n=50) to capture a more comprehensive understanding of the diversity of Muslim students’ experiences in the Trump Era. This study centers the perceptions of Muslim students at specific intersecting identities (gender, race/ethnicity, citizenship/legal status, region of national origin, as well as student status), to gain greater insight into how a diverse population of marginalized religious minorities perceive issues surrounding Islamophobia, xenophobia, and anti-Black racism given the changing sociopolitical climate of the US. ☐ Findings indicate unique experiences within the Muslim student population linked to social identities including gender and race/ethnicity, but also, between undergraduates and graduates, as well as international, immigrant, and domestic students. This study additionally contributes to understanding perceptions surrounding inclusive diversity for marginalized Muslim students, especially given the compounded nature of Islamophobia, xenophobia, and anti-Black racism. In addition, the intersectional nature of Islamophobia, exacerbated by social intolerance, has resulted in racially motivated harassment of Muslim women via microaggressions on campus, as well as hostility, intimidation, and violence in public spaces. Finally, this study proposes a theoretical model of Twice Racialized Intersectionality to examine the unique experiences of multi-layered racism on doubly marginalized individuals, as well as under-studied Muslim adjacent communities.
Journal of Hispanic Higher Education, 2014
Global Agenda for Social Justice, 2020
Islamophobia exists at both the interpersonal level, wherein
suspicion of Muslims is normalized, ... more Islamophobia exists at both the interpersonal level, wherein
suspicion of Muslims is normalized, and structurally, as violence
against Muslim communities is linked to state-enforced policies
such as those implemented after September 11, 2001. Examples of
such policies include the National Security Entry- Exit Registration
(NSEERS; colloquially known as the first Muslim Registry),
Countering Violent Extremism (CVE), policing via War on Terror
initiatives such as the USA Patriot Act (2002) and the NYPD Muslim
Surveillance Program, as well as advances for both the National
Security Agency and US Foreign Intelligence, including warrantless
surveillance of telecommunications and expansion of the obtaining
and sharing of information on US citizens and foreigners.
Up to eight months after 9/ 11, Muslims reported discrimination
that included FBI raids of religious organizations, damage to mosques,
vandalism to businesses, racial/ ethnic profi ling, verbal harassment,
and physical violence. In addition, various non- Muslim ethnic
minority and diaspora communities were impacted by surveillance and
discrimination with a total of more than 1,700 acts of hate violence
toward those “appearing to be of Arab/ South Asian descent” occurring
after September 11. During this period, predominantly Muslim ethnic
enclaves across the US experienced a crisis of citizenship
linked to changing government policies, increasingly restrictive immigration
regulations (including mass deportations), scrutiny by law enforcement
officials (such as increased surveillance) and the reinforcement of
citizen surveillance, which resulted in an Islamophobic backlash
linked to bias crimes, hate speech, and internal community changes.
Mechanisms of citizen surveillance impacted vulnerable groups
via stigmatization, racial profiling, and interference with religious
freedom, while damaging law enforcement and minority community
relations. In recent years, political rhetoric and policies (such as
Trump’s travel ban), are reflective of the normalization of prejudice
towards racial/ ethnic and religious minority groups, Islamophobia is
inextricably linked to other social inequalities, including immigration,
anti- Black racism, racial/ ethnic and religious profi ling, and violence
against Muslim women. Studies indicate that the 2016 US Presidential Election election was characterized by prejudice toward marginalized groups, which were targeted by political rhetoric and campaign slogans that promoted a climate of acceptable prejudice that resulted in an increase in bias incidents. The Southern PovertyLaw Center described the implications of discriminatory and divisive
political rhetoric on marginalized people during this period as “the
Trump Effect.” This period, also colloquially referred to as the Trump
Era, saw elevated levels of discrimination toward immigrants, increased
fears of deportation, and emboldened expressions of politicized
bullying. On January 27, 2017, days into the Trump presidency,
Executive Order No. 13769, known as the “travel ban” or “Muslim
ban”, was issued under the guise of national security. It subsequently
prohibited foreign nationals from seven predominantly Muslim
countries from entering the United States for 90 days, including visa
and green-card holders, and the indefinite suspension of entry by
Syrian refugees. The “Muslim ban” ultimately upheld institutionalized anti-Muslim sentiment via U.S. policy and had an impact on Muslim immigrants and Muslim
Americans, while also exacerbating fears. Research-based recommendations for addressing anti-Muslim racism in the United States are discussed:
Full Text:
https://www.sssp1.org/index.cfm/m/771/locationSectionId/0/Agenda_for_Social_Justice
International Journal of Criminal Justice Sciences, 2015
Book Review of Routledge Handbook of International CriminologyRoutledge Handbook of International... more Book Review of Routledge Handbook of International CriminologyRoutledge Handbook of International Criminology. 2011. Edited by Cindy J. Smith, Sheldon X. Zhang and Rosemary Barberet, New York, NY: Routledge, 585 pages. ISBN 978-0415779098.Routledge's Handbook of International Criminology is an interdisciplinary text that provides a contextual analysis of international, transnational and national crime over the course of forty eight chapters. The book is divided into three main segments: (I) Methods and Theories, (II) Special Topics and (III) Criminology and Criminal Justice in Context. Chapters are authored by researchers, scholars and practitioners from around the world. Like its writers, the text is diverse in that it covers research methods and theory while attempting to expand perspectives in understanding crimes across borders, jurisdictions and cultures. Traditional topics such as terrorism and immigration are addressed yet, the collective features cutting-edge work on cyb...
Journal of interpersonal violence, 2018
Mediation use has grown rapidly in the past few decades as an efficacious method of civil dispute... more Mediation use has grown rapidly in the past few decades as an efficacious method of civil dispute resolution. However, early research suggests that civil mediation may cause further harm to victims of intimate partner abuse because, based on the inherent power dynamics of abusive relationships, they are not able to effectively advocate on their own behalf. In addition, organizational efficiency concerns have led to the development of consent processes for civil protection orders (POs). However, research has yet to examine the extent to which victims of intimate partner violence who take part in these consent processes perceive the process and associated outcomes as fair. Using qualitative data ( N = 19 interviews) collected from women who sought civil POs through Family Court in Delaware, this research finds that the consent process and women's interactions with mediators reproduce power inequalities that are inherent in cases of intimate partner abuse, which shape their percept...
Journal of Hispanic Higher Education, May 29, 2014
African American Studies Center
Journal of Qualitative Criminal Justice & Criminology
This exploratory study examined how the predominantly Indo-Caribbean ethnic enclave community of ... more This exploratory study examined how the predominantly Indo-Caribbean ethnic enclave community of 'Little Guyana', located in Richmond Hill, Queens, New York, perceives cultural attitudes surrounding intimate partner violence (IPV). This paper focuses on interviews with Trinidadian and Guyanese immigrant women (of Indian descent) of varying ages and religious backgrounds that reside in the community. This paper explores women's perceptions of partner violence in relation to social issues within the community including immigration, inter-generational disconnect, alcoholism and access to social service organizations.
Mediation use has grown rapidly in the past few decades as an efficacious method of civil dispute... more Mediation use has grown rapidly in the past few decades as an efficacious method of civil dispute resolution. However, early research suggests that civil mediation may cause further harm to victims of intimate partner abuse because, based on the inherent power dynamics of abusive relationships, they are not able to effectively advocate on their own behalf. In addition, organizational efficiency concerns have led to the development of consent processes for civil protection orders (POs). However, research has yet to examine the extent to which victims of intimate partner violence who take part in these consent processes perceive the process and associated outcomes as fair. Using qualitative data (N = 19 interviews) collected from women who sought civil POs through Family Court in Delaware, this research finds that the consent process and women's interactions with mediators reproduce power inequalities that are inherent in cases of intimate partner abuse, which shape their perceptions of fairness in the PO process and outcomes. Victims being silenced and disempowered throughout the consent process results in cumulative effects—similar tactics used by batterers—which continue to leave victims vulnerable. In addition, the power asymmetry victims
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Papers by Aneesa A . Baboolal
suspicion of Muslims is normalized, and structurally, as violence
against Muslim communities is linked to state-enforced policies
such as those implemented after September 11, 2001. Examples of
such policies include the National Security Entry- Exit Registration
(NSEERS; colloquially known as the first Muslim Registry),
Countering Violent Extremism (CVE), policing via War on Terror
initiatives such as the USA Patriot Act (2002) and the NYPD Muslim
Surveillance Program, as well as advances for both the National
Security Agency and US Foreign Intelligence, including warrantless
surveillance of telecommunications and expansion of the obtaining
and sharing of information on US citizens and foreigners.
Up to eight months after 9/ 11, Muslims reported discrimination
that included FBI raids of religious organizations, damage to mosques,
vandalism to businesses, racial/ ethnic profi ling, verbal harassment,
and physical violence. In addition, various non- Muslim ethnic
minority and diaspora communities were impacted by surveillance and
discrimination with a total of more than 1,700 acts of hate violence
toward those “appearing to be of Arab/ South Asian descent” occurring
after September 11. During this period, predominantly Muslim ethnic
enclaves across the US experienced a crisis of citizenship
linked to changing government policies, increasingly restrictive immigration
regulations (including mass deportations), scrutiny by law enforcement
officials (such as increased surveillance) and the reinforcement of
citizen surveillance, which resulted in an Islamophobic backlash
linked to bias crimes, hate speech, and internal community changes.
Mechanisms of citizen surveillance impacted vulnerable groups
via stigmatization, racial profiling, and interference with religious
freedom, while damaging law enforcement and minority community
relations. In recent years, political rhetoric and policies (such as
Trump’s travel ban), are reflective of the normalization of prejudice
towards racial/ ethnic and religious minority groups, Islamophobia is
inextricably linked to other social inequalities, including immigration,
anti- Black racism, racial/ ethnic and religious profi ling, and violence
against Muslim women. Studies indicate that the 2016 US Presidential Election election was characterized by prejudice toward marginalized groups, which were targeted by political rhetoric and campaign slogans that promoted a climate of acceptable prejudice that resulted in an increase in bias incidents. The Southern PovertyLaw Center described the implications of discriminatory and divisive
political rhetoric on marginalized people during this period as “the
Trump Effect.” This period, also colloquially referred to as the Trump
Era, saw elevated levels of discrimination toward immigrants, increased
fears of deportation, and emboldened expressions of politicized
bullying. On January 27, 2017, days into the Trump presidency,
Executive Order No. 13769, known as the “travel ban” or “Muslim
ban”, was issued under the guise of national security. It subsequently
prohibited foreign nationals from seven predominantly Muslim
countries from entering the United States for 90 days, including visa
and green-card holders, and the indefinite suspension of entry by
Syrian refugees. The “Muslim ban” ultimately upheld institutionalized anti-Muslim sentiment via U.S. policy and had an impact on Muslim immigrants and Muslim
Americans, while also exacerbating fears. Research-based recommendations for addressing anti-Muslim racism in the United States are discussed:
Full Text:
https://www.sssp1.org/index.cfm/m/771/locationSectionId/0/Agenda_for_Social_Justice
suspicion of Muslims is normalized, and structurally, as violence
against Muslim communities is linked to state-enforced policies
such as those implemented after September 11, 2001. Examples of
such policies include the National Security Entry- Exit Registration
(NSEERS; colloquially known as the first Muslim Registry),
Countering Violent Extremism (CVE), policing via War on Terror
initiatives such as the USA Patriot Act (2002) and the NYPD Muslim
Surveillance Program, as well as advances for both the National
Security Agency and US Foreign Intelligence, including warrantless
surveillance of telecommunications and expansion of the obtaining
and sharing of information on US citizens and foreigners.
Up to eight months after 9/ 11, Muslims reported discrimination
that included FBI raids of religious organizations, damage to mosques,
vandalism to businesses, racial/ ethnic profi ling, verbal harassment,
and physical violence. In addition, various non- Muslim ethnic
minority and diaspora communities were impacted by surveillance and
discrimination with a total of more than 1,700 acts of hate violence
toward those “appearing to be of Arab/ South Asian descent” occurring
after September 11. During this period, predominantly Muslim ethnic
enclaves across the US experienced a crisis of citizenship
linked to changing government policies, increasingly restrictive immigration
regulations (including mass deportations), scrutiny by law enforcement
officials (such as increased surveillance) and the reinforcement of
citizen surveillance, which resulted in an Islamophobic backlash
linked to bias crimes, hate speech, and internal community changes.
Mechanisms of citizen surveillance impacted vulnerable groups
via stigmatization, racial profiling, and interference with religious
freedom, while damaging law enforcement and minority community
relations. In recent years, political rhetoric and policies (such as
Trump’s travel ban), are reflective of the normalization of prejudice
towards racial/ ethnic and religious minority groups, Islamophobia is
inextricably linked to other social inequalities, including immigration,
anti- Black racism, racial/ ethnic and religious profi ling, and violence
against Muslim women. Studies indicate that the 2016 US Presidential Election election was characterized by prejudice toward marginalized groups, which were targeted by political rhetoric and campaign slogans that promoted a climate of acceptable prejudice that resulted in an increase in bias incidents. The Southern PovertyLaw Center described the implications of discriminatory and divisive
political rhetoric on marginalized people during this period as “the
Trump Effect.” This period, also colloquially referred to as the Trump
Era, saw elevated levels of discrimination toward immigrants, increased
fears of deportation, and emboldened expressions of politicized
bullying. On January 27, 2017, days into the Trump presidency,
Executive Order No. 13769, known as the “travel ban” or “Muslim
ban”, was issued under the guise of national security. It subsequently
prohibited foreign nationals from seven predominantly Muslim
countries from entering the United States for 90 days, including visa
and green-card holders, and the indefinite suspension of entry by
Syrian refugees. The “Muslim ban” ultimately upheld institutionalized anti-Muslim sentiment via U.S. policy and had an impact on Muslim immigrants and Muslim
Americans, while also exacerbating fears. Research-based recommendations for addressing anti-Muslim racism in the United States are discussed:
Full Text:
https://www.sssp1.org/index.cfm/m/771/locationSectionId/0/Agenda_for_Social_Justice
While there have been some studies surrounding the experiences of Muslim students at American colleges and universities in the years after 9/11, there remains a focus on specific types of students thus, largely erasing the diversity of Muslims and their intersecting social identities. Among studies regarding Muslim students, there remains a heavy focus on those from the Middle East, international students, and veiled women thus, marginalizing domestic Muslim Americans across race/ethnicity, women who do not veil, and non-Arab/South Asian Muslim populations.
This qualitative study examines the experiences of self-identified Muslim students attending a predominantly white institution (PWI) and a historically black college/university (HBCU) in a Mid-Atlantic state through in-depth interviews (n=50) to capture a more comprehensive understanding of the diversity of Muslim students’ experiences in the Trump Era. This study centers the perceptions of Muslim students at specific intersecting identities (gender, race/ethnicity, citizenship/legal status, region of national origin, as well as student status), to gain greater insight into how a diverse population of marginalized religious minorities perceive issues surrounding Islamophobia, xenophobia, and anti-Black racism given the changing sociopolitical climate of the US.
Findings indicate unique experiences within the Muslim student population linked to social identities including gender and race/ethnicity, but also, between undergraduates and graduates, as well as international, immigrant, and domestic students. This study additionally contributes to understanding perceptions surrounding inclusive diversity for marginalized Muslim students, especially given the compounded nature of Islamophobia, xenophobia, and anti-Black racism. In addition, the intersectional nature of Islamophobia, exacerbated by social intolerance, has resulted in racially motivated harassment of Muslim women via microaggressions on campus, as well as hostility, intimidation, and violence in public spaces. Finally, this study proposes a theoretical model of Twice Racialized Intersectionality to examine the unique experiences of multi-layered racism on doubly marginalized individuals, as well as under-studied Muslim adjacent communities.