When I was first asked to prepare a contribution to this festschrift honoring our colleague and f... more When I was first asked to prepare a contribution to this festschrift honoring our colleague and friend, Richard Woodbury, I wanted to write a piece that not only portrayed an aspect of my own fieldwork, but one which would also reflect some of the mutual interests we share in archaeology. This was relatively easy to accomplish. Woodbury and I have both worked extensively in arid regions (he in the Southwest and in Mesoamerica and I on the coast of Peru). His interest in ancient irrigation systems overlaps with my work in the Nepeña Valley on the north coast of Peru where ancient fields, canals and reservoirs abound. We both have had years of experience working with archaeological ceramics as a method for developing chronological control, and we share a deep interest in the prehistory of Latin America. Dick and his wife Nathalie have long been interested in the history of American Archaeology, especially with the personalities involved and the impact of their accomplishments. In 1973...
Modified September 2007. The original text and illustrations remain unchanged, but some of the fi... more Modified September 2007. The original text and illustrations remain unchanged, but some of the figures, originally printed in black-and-white have been replaced with their colored versions, and the numbering system of the figures has been changed to make them less confusing.
A unique system for tapping underground water sources was developed in the drainage of the Rio Gr... more A unique system for tapping underground water sources was developed in the drainage of the Rio Grande de Nasca in Pre-Columbian times. This technique involved the excavation of horizontal trenches and tunnels to reach subterranean aquifers that hold water deep beneath the ground. Still in use today by the inhabitants of the valley, these tunnels, wells and trenches are known collectively as puquios. The need for a supplementary source of water can clearly be seen in the statistics regarding the available water resources today. Modern observations indicate that in the middle portions of the tributaries of the Rio Grande de Nasca, the rivers carry surface water only two years out of seven (Schreiber and Lancho 1995:231) When water does flow, the volume is far below that of other valley systems further to the north. Within the Nasca drainage, the southern tributaries of Aja, Tierras Blancas, Nasca, Taruga and Las Trancas have the least amount of water. "The Aja River....has an ave...
During the 19th Century, examples of a new style of pottery from the New World began to appear in... more During the 19th Century, examples of a new style of pottery from the New World began to appear in European museums. These ceramics were painted in a multitude of colors, sometimes displaying over 12 different tints on a single piece. A wide variety of both naturalistic as well as fantastic motifs were found on them, some clearly recognizable as birds, fish, plants and animals (Fig. 1), but others portraying strange creatures exhibiting both human and animal characteristics. These motifs were painted on a variety of different shapes: bowls, jars, cups, and bottles with double spouts connected by a flat handle. There were also modeled or effigy vessels in the form of humans, plants, animals, and the same mysterious creatures seen on the painted versions. The source of this pottery was the South American country of Peru. There were no professional archaeologists working in that region at this early date, and collections were made by local land owners or foreign professionals working in...
Peru~ Ltd. (CECOAAP)~ I extend my appreciation for their words on our behalf. Through the courtes... more Peru~ Ltd. (CECOAAP)~ I extend my appreciation for their words on our behalf. Through the courtesy of Ing. Javier Ramirez, manager of the Cooperativa Agraria de Producci6n San Jacinto, and Dr. Elio Pimentel Venites, we were provided with a house at San Jacinto and with our meals. The generosity of the Cooperativa in providing for our basic needs will never be forgotten. It would be impossible to list all of the many people, our friends at San Jacinto, who either assisted in some way with our research or provided us with their hospitality. Among those whom I must single out are Maximo Reyes and family, Freddy Mazulis and family, and the families Icardi, Alvarez, Maista, Mejia, Martinez, and Cruzate as well as Padre Pedro Angeles. To Wilfreda Gambini of Jimbe, a specialist on the archaeology of the upper valley, my thanks for his sharing with us his knowledge of this important area. During the course of the summer, we had occasion to host or visit with a number of "gringo" archaeologists--all of whom gave us joy from their companionship and their suggestions for our research. We met many times with David Wilson and family, who were working in the Santa Valley. Our social and intellectual interchange with them was one o"f the highlights of the summer. Thomas and Shelia Pozorski gave us an elaborate tour of early sites in the Moche Valley and visited us on several occasions in Nepena as well. We were also visited by Richard and Lucy Burger, Carol Mackey, and Joan Gero. We enjoyed these visits immensely. My old friend Willie Magan, formerly a resident of San Jacinto and now living with his family in Lima, joined us in our research for over a week and helped us immeasurably in our work in the valley. In Lima Willie and his family were generous with their hospitality as they always have been in the past. Many thanks, Willie. There are many other individuals whose assistance should be mentioned. Dr. Rogger Ravines and Dr. Federico Kauffmann Doig of the Institute Nacional de Cultura assisted me in procuring the proper permits to undertake the research in Peru. Sr. Lorenzo Samaniego Roman, who oversees the archaeological research in the Casma and Nepena valleys, was very helpful in his dealings with us. And to all those unnamed Peruvian friends, let me end by expressing my sincere gratitude. Last but not least, I wish to thank my wife Mary Jean and my sons Donald Jr. and Billy for their understanding and patience while I was away and during the period of preparing this monograph.
This monograph is an outgrowth of research begun in 1962 when I was a graduate student at the Uni... more This monograph is an outgrowth of research begun in 1962 when I was a graduate student at the University of California at Berkeley. At that time I began an analysis of the Nasca grave lots in the Uhle Collection under the able supervision of Dr.
BETWEEN THE LINES Anthony F. Aveni .,;. . The Mystery of the Giant Ground Drawings of Ancient Nas... more BETWEEN THE LINES Anthony F. Aveni .,;. . The Mystery of the Giant Ground Drawings of Ancient Nasca, Perw ... "This book is a tour de force. ... In putting the Nasca geoglyphs in the context of'wonders of the ancient world,' I think Anthony Aveni does them tremendous and well- ...
Although the evolution of the Nasca ceramic style throughout its 800 year history was marked by r... more Although the evolution of the Nasca ceramic style throughout its 800 year history was marked by remarkable continuity and incremental modifications, there were two time periods when there were bursts of rapid innovation and change. The first of these was in Phase 5 when the first proliferous elements were introduced into the style. As defined by Roark (1965:2) "....in the Proliferous substyle the proportion of geometric designs is greater, and representational themes often include abstract elements as part of the design. Large numbers of rays and tassels are appended to many of the designs, particularly those depicting mythical subjects, producing an impression of almost infinitely multiplied elements...". Mary Blagg (1975) went on to discuss further the introduction of bizarre themes in Nasca Phase 5 and suggests that initially, three contemporaneous "substyles" existed: a conservative substyle that maintained the strongest continuity with the past by depicting gradual changes in form and design; a progressive sub-style which sees proliferous elements added to the traditional themes; and a bizarre sub-style which is marked by the introduction of radical new motifs and changes in the formal canons of style. Blagg argued against outside influence as a factor in the bizarre innovation of Nasca 5, suggesting that the change was produced by an internal religious revolution initiated by the elite (Blagg 1975:67-68). The short life of this bizarre sub-style is attributed to the conservatism of the populace who "preferred a more 'classic' iconography and who probably also rejected the esoteric cult on which the bizarre style may have been based" (Blagg 1975:69). While Blagg's theory about an internal religious revolution by the elite needs further substantiation, her argument for an internal source of the bizarre innovation in Phase 5 seems valid. The main changes that occurred in the art were modifications to an existing corpus of designs, not the sudden introduction of new traits traceable to other outside artistic traditions. The second period of rapid innovation occurred in Nasca Phase 7, a time when Nasca prestige and influence appears to have reached its greatest extent. Nasca influence ranged from the Cañete Valley in the north to Acarí in the south, and up the tributaries to influence the Ayacucho region of the highlands, an area extending 300 kilometers along the coast and 220 kilometers inland (Fig. ). I will attempt to demonstrate in this paper that at the same time the Nasca Culture was influencing those groups with which it came in contact, foreign influences were also affecting Nasca, causing much of the variation seen in the pottery. Unlike the earlier Nasca Phase 5 spurt of innovation which Blagg argues was internal, there is ample evidence to suggest that the changes taking place in Nasca Phase 7 pottery were stimulated by contacts with, or ideas flowing from sources outside the Nasca realm. This paper will concentrate on the variation within Nasca Phase 7 and the probable sources of this phenomenon.
lation and then into final fact is perhaps excusable in a preliminary statement, but many of MacN... more lation and then into final fact is perhaps excusable in a preliminary statement, but many of MacNeish's same conclusions (that here must be taken as in their final form) are insubstantial upon inspection. Who, for example, can stipulate the size of the social group inhabiting a scanty surface site where only undistinguished flint artifacts are to be found? Who can say that the location was inhabited for a known length of time? What interpretive precision is gained in calling an extended family a microband or a group of several such families a macroband? My quibbling over MacNeish's imprecision and expression of unhappiness with his lighthearted pushing of data beyond the credible is genuine, but it is not to be construed as a belief that his imaginative interpretations are of no value. Quite the contrary; they are stimulating and, moreover, enjoyable reading. I merely urge that some of the interpretive findings be read with great care and with salt at hand. Volume II, Non-ceramic Artifacts, equally attractive in format, is a collaboration by MacNeish and NelkenTurner, with a separate section on loomed textiles by Johnson. There are four parts: Part I treats of the chipped stone; II, the ground-stone; III covers bone, antler, shell, copper, wood, and fibre (baskets, mats, cordage, knots, sandals, and bark cloth) artifacts; and IV is the loomwoven textile analysis. MacNeish provides a Preface, Introduction, and Conclusion, as he did for Volume I. The Introduction lists some assumptions about typology and the nature of culture change that guided the study of the artifacts. The basic assumption is that dividing the collections into types by means of a series of standard procedures will result in some types that are valid time indicators and hence will establish a chronological frame. Each component or occupation level in a multicomponent site, or a surface collection, can then be assigned to a time — hence a "culture" — on the strength of the artifact percentages from the level or site. The basic control for the chronology came from the more than 5,300 artifacts recovered from the stratified deposits of Coxcatlan Cave. Artifacts from other stratified caves raised the total of specimens to about 12,000. All 450+ sites found in the valley and the components of excavated sites were then assigned chronological placement in the Tehuacan Valley time/culture sequence according to the artifact type "trends" of specimens from the occupation zones or in the collection from the surface of the site. The evidence for the artifact provenience shown in numerous charts is promised in Volume V. The types vary greatly in the formal range of the specimens included. Some are tightly defined, the formal attributes are quite specific, and the range of variation of specimens included is narrow. As the authors point out. some of the chipped stone scrapers and prismatic blade flakes, and a few of the projectile pointAnife classes are too nondescript to provide any analytic precision. The distribution chart, Fig. 14supports the authors' position. The analyses are well done. The procedures, descriptions, illustrations, charts, and tables aopear to provide adequate documentation for the results obtained by MacNeish and his associates. Students who wish to manipulate the data differently can, with some difficulty, do so with the materials available in this volume. In the summation, MacNeish goes into interregional comparisons, especially with Texas, Tamualipas, and the Southwest. One can readily accept most of these conclusions, since they are much better documented and markedly more restrained than those in Volume I. Many will object to the claims for extreme antiquity for the Lerma point or the old Cordilleran culture. In concluding with an apology for the undue length of this review, I can only say that such irritating details as overinterpretation, the appendixes in Volume I not being in context, unusual entries on charts (such as "too small to measure"), meaningless phrases like "wattle and daub villages," and other evidences of hasty compilation, will not mislead the critical informed reader. They detract little from these first reports of MacNeish's second boldly conceived attack on the problem of domestication which has been speculated about but never seriously attacked for over a century, even though it is a crucial area in American anthropological knowledge. Because I have experience beginning in 1957 with the large Glen Canyon project, a research design among the first to be entirely ecological in its goals, I particularly appreciate the difficulty of fully integrating the ancillary material with the more strictly cultural data. Because of this, I am perhaps more critical than some would be of the Tehuacan Valley work. At the same time, I am even more able to recognize and applaud the excellence of the studies as reported to date. If successive volumes show increasing interpretive restraint, and the substantive material…
... of the head. Sloan Williams (personal communication, 2000) indicates that frontal-occipital c... more ... of the head. Sloan Williams (personal communication, 2000) indicates that frontal-occipital cranial deformation is divided into two types, erect and oblique, which implies the use of different deforming devices. The actual distribution and frequency of cranial deformation in Nasca ...
The preparation of this manuscript was aided financially by an allocation from the Office of the ... more The preparation of this manuscript was aided financially by an allocation from the Office of the Dean of Social and Behavioral Sciences, University of Massachusetts. I wish to express mw deepest appreciation to these agencies for their support. . Al. though it is impossible to name all the indi vidua.l.s to whom I am indebted for their help and hospitality, I must single out the following for mention. To Sr. Guillermo Abad!a 'of the Central de Cooperativas Agrarias de Produccion Azucareras del Pern, Ltda. and to Sr. Rafael Lavy Valdivieso t Presidente de la Cooperative Agraria de Produccion San Jacinto No. 40 I owe mw gratitude for arranging my accommodations at the Hacienda San Jacinto, and for their personal kindness and assistance to me and mw project. I also wish to thank the administration of the Hacienda San Jacinto for , their hospitality, especially mg. Javier
Decapitation and the subsequent ritual use of human heads was a common practice in ancient Peruvi... more Decapitation and the subsequent ritual use of human heads was a common practice in ancient Peruvian cultures as early as the Preceramic Period (prior to 1800 B.C.). Iconographic representations of head taking can be seen in the art of Chavin, Moche, Huari and the Inca among others, but it was on the south coast of Peru that this tradition was most highly manifested and where excellent preserved examples of these heads are found. The term "trophy head " has been applied to these specimens, implying that the heads were removed during warfare and then displayed as evidence of the warrior's prowess. Although there is evidence for such display, the primary function of the heads was their use in rituals. Prior to the discovery of a substantial sample of preserved trophy heads, iconographic representations of this motif were commonly seen on Nasca ceramics and textiles. A number of "Mythical Creatures " portrayed on the pottery were typically associated with trophy...
When I was first asked to prepare a contribution to this festschrift honoring our colleague and f... more When I was first asked to prepare a contribution to this festschrift honoring our colleague and friend, Richard Woodbury, I wanted to write a piece that not only portrayed an aspect of my own fieldwork, but one which would also reflect some of the mutual interests we share in archaeology. This was relatively easy to accomplish. Woodbury and I have both worked extensively in arid regions (he in the Southwest and in Mesoamerica and I on the coast of Peru). His interest in ancient irrigation systems overlaps with my work in the Nepeña Valley on the north coast of Peru where ancient fields, canals and reservoirs abound. We both have had years of experience working with archaeological ceramics as a method for developing chronological control, and we share a deep interest in the prehistory of Latin America. Dick and his wife Nathalie have long been interested in the history of American Archaeology, especially with the personalities involved and the impact of their accomplishments. In 1973...
Modified September 2007. The original text and illustrations remain unchanged, but some of the fi... more Modified September 2007. The original text and illustrations remain unchanged, but some of the figures, originally printed in black-and-white have been replaced with their colored versions, and the numbering system of the figures has been changed to make them less confusing.
A unique system for tapping underground water sources was developed in the drainage of the Rio Gr... more A unique system for tapping underground water sources was developed in the drainage of the Rio Grande de Nasca in Pre-Columbian times. This technique involved the excavation of horizontal trenches and tunnels to reach subterranean aquifers that hold water deep beneath the ground. Still in use today by the inhabitants of the valley, these tunnels, wells and trenches are known collectively as puquios. The need for a supplementary source of water can clearly be seen in the statistics regarding the available water resources today. Modern observations indicate that in the middle portions of the tributaries of the Rio Grande de Nasca, the rivers carry surface water only two years out of seven (Schreiber and Lancho 1995:231) When water does flow, the volume is far below that of other valley systems further to the north. Within the Nasca drainage, the southern tributaries of Aja, Tierras Blancas, Nasca, Taruga and Las Trancas have the least amount of water. "The Aja River....has an ave...
During the 19th Century, examples of a new style of pottery from the New World began to appear in... more During the 19th Century, examples of a new style of pottery from the New World began to appear in European museums. These ceramics were painted in a multitude of colors, sometimes displaying over 12 different tints on a single piece. A wide variety of both naturalistic as well as fantastic motifs were found on them, some clearly recognizable as birds, fish, plants and animals (Fig. 1), but others portraying strange creatures exhibiting both human and animal characteristics. These motifs were painted on a variety of different shapes: bowls, jars, cups, and bottles with double spouts connected by a flat handle. There were also modeled or effigy vessels in the form of humans, plants, animals, and the same mysterious creatures seen on the painted versions. The source of this pottery was the South American country of Peru. There were no professional archaeologists working in that region at this early date, and collections were made by local land owners or foreign professionals working in...
Peru~ Ltd. (CECOAAP)~ I extend my appreciation for their words on our behalf. Through the courtes... more Peru~ Ltd. (CECOAAP)~ I extend my appreciation for their words on our behalf. Through the courtesy of Ing. Javier Ramirez, manager of the Cooperativa Agraria de Producci6n San Jacinto, and Dr. Elio Pimentel Venites, we were provided with a house at San Jacinto and with our meals. The generosity of the Cooperativa in providing for our basic needs will never be forgotten. It would be impossible to list all of the many people, our friends at San Jacinto, who either assisted in some way with our research or provided us with their hospitality. Among those whom I must single out are Maximo Reyes and family, Freddy Mazulis and family, and the families Icardi, Alvarez, Maista, Mejia, Martinez, and Cruzate as well as Padre Pedro Angeles. To Wilfreda Gambini of Jimbe, a specialist on the archaeology of the upper valley, my thanks for his sharing with us his knowledge of this important area. During the course of the summer, we had occasion to host or visit with a number of "gringo" archaeologists--all of whom gave us joy from their companionship and their suggestions for our research. We met many times with David Wilson and family, who were working in the Santa Valley. Our social and intellectual interchange with them was one o"f the highlights of the summer. Thomas and Shelia Pozorski gave us an elaborate tour of early sites in the Moche Valley and visited us on several occasions in Nepena as well. We were also visited by Richard and Lucy Burger, Carol Mackey, and Joan Gero. We enjoyed these visits immensely. My old friend Willie Magan, formerly a resident of San Jacinto and now living with his family in Lima, joined us in our research for over a week and helped us immeasurably in our work in the valley. In Lima Willie and his family were generous with their hospitality as they always have been in the past. Many thanks, Willie. There are many other individuals whose assistance should be mentioned. Dr. Rogger Ravines and Dr. Federico Kauffmann Doig of the Institute Nacional de Cultura assisted me in procuring the proper permits to undertake the research in Peru. Sr. Lorenzo Samaniego Roman, who oversees the archaeological research in the Casma and Nepena valleys, was very helpful in his dealings with us. And to all those unnamed Peruvian friends, let me end by expressing my sincere gratitude. Last but not least, I wish to thank my wife Mary Jean and my sons Donald Jr. and Billy for their understanding and patience while I was away and during the period of preparing this monograph.
This monograph is an outgrowth of research begun in 1962 when I was a graduate student at the Uni... more This monograph is an outgrowth of research begun in 1962 when I was a graduate student at the University of California at Berkeley. At that time I began an analysis of the Nasca grave lots in the Uhle Collection under the able supervision of Dr.
BETWEEN THE LINES Anthony F. Aveni .,;. . The Mystery of the Giant Ground Drawings of Ancient Nas... more BETWEEN THE LINES Anthony F. Aveni .,;. . The Mystery of the Giant Ground Drawings of Ancient Nasca, Perw ... "This book is a tour de force. ... In putting the Nasca geoglyphs in the context of'wonders of the ancient world,' I think Anthony Aveni does them tremendous and well- ...
Although the evolution of the Nasca ceramic style throughout its 800 year history was marked by r... more Although the evolution of the Nasca ceramic style throughout its 800 year history was marked by remarkable continuity and incremental modifications, there were two time periods when there were bursts of rapid innovation and change. The first of these was in Phase 5 when the first proliferous elements were introduced into the style. As defined by Roark (1965:2) "....in the Proliferous substyle the proportion of geometric designs is greater, and representational themes often include abstract elements as part of the design. Large numbers of rays and tassels are appended to many of the designs, particularly those depicting mythical subjects, producing an impression of almost infinitely multiplied elements...". Mary Blagg (1975) went on to discuss further the introduction of bizarre themes in Nasca Phase 5 and suggests that initially, three contemporaneous "substyles" existed: a conservative substyle that maintained the strongest continuity with the past by depicting gradual changes in form and design; a progressive sub-style which sees proliferous elements added to the traditional themes; and a bizarre sub-style which is marked by the introduction of radical new motifs and changes in the formal canons of style. Blagg argued against outside influence as a factor in the bizarre innovation of Nasca 5, suggesting that the change was produced by an internal religious revolution initiated by the elite (Blagg 1975:67-68). The short life of this bizarre sub-style is attributed to the conservatism of the populace who "preferred a more 'classic' iconography and who probably also rejected the esoteric cult on which the bizarre style may have been based" (Blagg 1975:69). While Blagg's theory about an internal religious revolution by the elite needs further substantiation, her argument for an internal source of the bizarre innovation in Phase 5 seems valid. The main changes that occurred in the art were modifications to an existing corpus of designs, not the sudden introduction of new traits traceable to other outside artistic traditions. The second period of rapid innovation occurred in Nasca Phase 7, a time when Nasca prestige and influence appears to have reached its greatest extent. Nasca influence ranged from the Cañete Valley in the north to Acarí in the south, and up the tributaries to influence the Ayacucho region of the highlands, an area extending 300 kilometers along the coast and 220 kilometers inland (Fig. ). I will attempt to demonstrate in this paper that at the same time the Nasca Culture was influencing those groups with which it came in contact, foreign influences were also affecting Nasca, causing much of the variation seen in the pottery. Unlike the earlier Nasca Phase 5 spurt of innovation which Blagg argues was internal, there is ample evidence to suggest that the changes taking place in Nasca Phase 7 pottery were stimulated by contacts with, or ideas flowing from sources outside the Nasca realm. This paper will concentrate on the variation within Nasca Phase 7 and the probable sources of this phenomenon.
lation and then into final fact is perhaps excusable in a preliminary statement, but many of MacN... more lation and then into final fact is perhaps excusable in a preliminary statement, but many of MacNeish's same conclusions (that here must be taken as in their final form) are insubstantial upon inspection. Who, for example, can stipulate the size of the social group inhabiting a scanty surface site where only undistinguished flint artifacts are to be found? Who can say that the location was inhabited for a known length of time? What interpretive precision is gained in calling an extended family a microband or a group of several such families a macroband? My quibbling over MacNeish's imprecision and expression of unhappiness with his lighthearted pushing of data beyond the credible is genuine, but it is not to be construed as a belief that his imaginative interpretations are of no value. Quite the contrary; they are stimulating and, moreover, enjoyable reading. I merely urge that some of the interpretive findings be read with great care and with salt at hand. Volume II, Non-ceramic Artifacts, equally attractive in format, is a collaboration by MacNeish and NelkenTurner, with a separate section on loomed textiles by Johnson. There are four parts: Part I treats of the chipped stone; II, the ground-stone; III covers bone, antler, shell, copper, wood, and fibre (baskets, mats, cordage, knots, sandals, and bark cloth) artifacts; and IV is the loomwoven textile analysis. MacNeish provides a Preface, Introduction, and Conclusion, as he did for Volume I. The Introduction lists some assumptions about typology and the nature of culture change that guided the study of the artifacts. The basic assumption is that dividing the collections into types by means of a series of standard procedures will result in some types that are valid time indicators and hence will establish a chronological frame. Each component or occupation level in a multicomponent site, or a surface collection, can then be assigned to a time — hence a "culture" — on the strength of the artifact percentages from the level or site. The basic control for the chronology came from the more than 5,300 artifacts recovered from the stratified deposits of Coxcatlan Cave. Artifacts from other stratified caves raised the total of specimens to about 12,000. All 450+ sites found in the valley and the components of excavated sites were then assigned chronological placement in the Tehuacan Valley time/culture sequence according to the artifact type "trends" of specimens from the occupation zones or in the collection from the surface of the site. The evidence for the artifact provenience shown in numerous charts is promised in Volume V. The types vary greatly in the formal range of the specimens included. Some are tightly defined, the formal attributes are quite specific, and the range of variation of specimens included is narrow. As the authors point out. some of the chipped stone scrapers and prismatic blade flakes, and a few of the projectile pointAnife classes are too nondescript to provide any analytic precision. The distribution chart, Fig. 14supports the authors' position. The analyses are well done. The procedures, descriptions, illustrations, charts, and tables aopear to provide adequate documentation for the results obtained by MacNeish and his associates. Students who wish to manipulate the data differently can, with some difficulty, do so with the materials available in this volume. In the summation, MacNeish goes into interregional comparisons, especially with Texas, Tamualipas, and the Southwest. One can readily accept most of these conclusions, since they are much better documented and markedly more restrained than those in Volume I. Many will object to the claims for extreme antiquity for the Lerma point or the old Cordilleran culture. In concluding with an apology for the undue length of this review, I can only say that such irritating details as overinterpretation, the appendixes in Volume I not being in context, unusual entries on charts (such as "too small to measure"), meaningless phrases like "wattle and daub villages," and other evidences of hasty compilation, will not mislead the critical informed reader. They detract little from these first reports of MacNeish's second boldly conceived attack on the problem of domestication which has been speculated about but never seriously attacked for over a century, even though it is a crucial area in American anthropological knowledge. Because I have experience beginning in 1957 with the large Glen Canyon project, a research design among the first to be entirely ecological in its goals, I particularly appreciate the difficulty of fully integrating the ancillary material with the more strictly cultural data. Because of this, I am perhaps more critical than some would be of the Tehuacan Valley work. At the same time, I am even more able to recognize and applaud the excellence of the studies as reported to date. If successive volumes show increasing interpretive restraint, and the substantive material…
... of the head. Sloan Williams (personal communication, 2000) indicates that frontal-occipital c... more ... of the head. Sloan Williams (personal communication, 2000) indicates that frontal-occipital cranial deformation is divided into two types, erect and oblique, which implies the use of different deforming devices. The actual distribution and frequency of cranial deformation in Nasca ...
The preparation of this manuscript was aided financially by an allocation from the Office of the ... more The preparation of this manuscript was aided financially by an allocation from the Office of the Dean of Social and Behavioral Sciences, University of Massachusetts. I wish to express mw deepest appreciation to these agencies for their support. . Al. though it is impossible to name all the indi vidua.l.s to whom I am indebted for their help and hospitality, I must single out the following for mention. To Sr. Guillermo Abad!a 'of the Central de Cooperativas Agrarias de Produccion Azucareras del Pern, Ltda. and to Sr. Rafael Lavy Valdivieso t Presidente de la Cooperative Agraria de Produccion San Jacinto No. 40 I owe mw gratitude for arranging my accommodations at the Hacienda San Jacinto, and for their personal kindness and assistance to me and mw project. I also wish to thank the administration of the Hacienda San Jacinto for , their hospitality, especially mg. Javier
Decapitation and the subsequent ritual use of human heads was a common practice in ancient Peruvi... more Decapitation and the subsequent ritual use of human heads was a common practice in ancient Peruvian cultures as early as the Preceramic Period (prior to 1800 B.C.). Iconographic representations of head taking can be seen in the art of Chavin, Moche, Huari and the Inca among others, but it was on the south coast of Peru that this tradition was most highly manifested and where excellent preserved examples of these heads are found. The term "trophy head " has been applied to these specimens, implying that the heads were removed during warfare and then displayed as evidence of the warrior's prowess. Although there is evidence for such display, the primary function of the heads was their use in rituals. Prior to the discovery of a substantial sample of preserved trophy heads, iconographic representations of this motif were commonly seen on Nasca ceramics and textiles. A number of "Mythical Creatures " portrayed on the pottery were typically associated with trophy...
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